• 한국콘텐츠학회논문지
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• 제15권5호
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• pp.179-190
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• 2015

본 연구는 우리 사회에서 나타나는 정치적 소통 현상에 주목하여 소통 만족에 영향을 미치는 요인을 논의하였다. 정치적 소통의 주요 영향요인으로 개인의 정치적 성향과 미디어 이용을 살펴봄으로써 정치 커뮤니케이션 행위와 정치적 소통 만족도를 평가했다. 전국 16개 시도에 거주하는 만19세 이상 성인 1000명을 대상으로 면접원 설문조사를 실시한 결과, 진보적 정치성향은 온라인 미디어 이용이 많았으며, 개인의 의견을 적극 게재하는 '쓰기/대화'의 정치 커뮤니케이션 행위가 소통 만족에 긍정적인 영향을 미치는 것으로 나타났다. 반면 보수, 중도적 정치성향은 오프라인 미디어를 주로 이용하였고, 타인의 의견을 살피는 '읽기/시청'의 소극적 정치 커뮤니케이션 행위가 중점적으로 나타났다. 따라서 우리 사회에서 정치적 소통을 원활히 하기 위해서는 시민의 정치적 특성에 대한 이해가 선행되어야 하며, 이에 따른 차별화된 미디어 활용 정치커뮤니케이션이 제고되어야 함을 논의할 수 있었다.

• Asian Journal for Public Opinion Research
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• 제2권4호
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• pp.228-247
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• 2015

Politics is defined as who gets what, when, and how. Communication is defined as the process, outcomes and effects of message transmission through a medium. Thus political communication in Asia, the most dynamic and uncertain region of the world, has been very dense, requiring rigorous scientific analysis and culturally sensitive reflection. Mass media brought about a revolution in political communication in the last century. In the 21st century, complex monitory devices from the state and international organizations and from the society and transnational groups have transformed the features of political communication. It has triggered another revolution in political communication. Illustrations are given focusing on Asia. A theoretical reflection from the angle of political science is attempted focusing on political communication medium and its effects. I compare no medium (face-to-face communication), mass media, and social media in relation to their effects.

• Asia pacific journal of information systems
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• 제26권1호
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• pp.22-40
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• 2016

Political activities through social networking service (SNS) are common in the political communication environment. The main aim of this study is to present logical and empirical evidence on the effects of politicians' SNS activities. To achieve this goal, this research analyzed the relationship between the SNS activities of politicians and the political efficacy and political participation of citizens through a survey of 644 people. The results of the survey analysis showed that politicians' SNS activities have a positive effect on both the internal and external efficacies of citizens and that these efficacies positively influence political participation. This finding means that the SNS activities of politicians promote political participation by increasing the political efficacy of citizens and states. The results also suggest that SNS, with its characteristics of communication and interaction, plays a crucial role as a political communication medium. Therefore, with SNS, a variety of information sources on politics can be offered, suggestions from citizens can be embraced, and such suggestions can be revealed to politicians as a means of promoting political efficacy and participation.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• 제8권2호
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• pp.27-43
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• 2009

A ban on political podcasting during the General Elections 2006 in Singapore was justified by the Singaporean government on the grounds that the new medium had a greater power to influence voters than traditional modes of political discourse. A between-subjects controlled experiment was conducted to test whether podcasts of political speeches had a greater power to influence voters' evaluations of political candidates and likelihood of voting for them than online text-based transcripts of the same speeches. The study also examined whether mere exposure to political speeches online, irrespective of the modality, had an effect on voters' more general political preferences, i.e. the likelihood of support and voting for the opposition. The findings suggest that political podcasts were no more persuasive than text-based websites and that the effects on political preferences, if any, were likely due the exposure to political content online, not because of the nature of the medium. The implications of the findings are discussed.

• International Journal of Internet, Broadcasting and Communication
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• 제8권3호
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• pp.25-30
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• 2016

User-generated content (UGC) satirizing the presidential candidates was widespread during the 2016 election in Taiwan. Using an experimental design, this study explored the predictors of viewer agreement to satirical UGC, and its influence on viewer attitudes towards candidates after watching the satirical videos from YouTube. Results showed that participants' agreement with the satirical UGC was predicted by their political cynicism and political information efficacy, but not by candidate favorability. Watching the UGC satirizing the presidential candidates effected the favorability toward the male candidates but not the female candidate. In addition, the evidence suggested that the frequency of exposure to satirical UGC is related to political information efficacy, but not with political cynicism or candidate favorability.

• Asian Journal for Public Opinion Research
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• 제7권1호
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• pp.1-22
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• 2019

In the age of continuous media change and the coexistence of multiple forms of media, the relationship between the public's media use and political participation is an urgent area of study. This paper makes use of large national sample surveys from 2002, 2011, and 2015, summarizes the change of the public's media use by descriptive statistics analysis, and finds that while the Internet has become an important communication channel, the use of Internet for political information and political participation is still overestimated. Compared to the weak impact of different media channels for political information on political participation, the frequency of media exposure and Internet use play a significant role in political participation. Because of the negative effect of the frequency of Internet use on political participation, the democratization function of the Internet needs to be treated with caution. This paper describes media use and its roles in contemporary China, analyzes the impact of media use on political participation, and extends the cross-cultural application of the theory of political communication.

• Journal of Information Science Theory and Practice
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• 제9권1호
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• pp.68-78
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• 2021

Political weblogs are as diverse as political viewpoints are. In the period of Prime Minister Yingluck Shinawatra, several political crises occurred, such as opposition to the Amnesty Act, the constitutional amendment, and the anti-government protests. Remarkably, during this time, social media were used as a platform for political expressions. This study employed a content analysis method to explore twenty-nine Thai political weblogs established during the period of Prime Minister Yingluck Shinawatra's administration. At the time, the most prominent Thai political weblogger was Nidhi Eawsriwong. Not surprisingly, the Pheu Thai Party and the Democrat Party were the most frequently appearing political parties in these weblog's posts. Most contents in these posts were related to government protesters by the People's Democratic Reform Committee (PDRC) and the coup d'état. The purposes of writing such weblogs were to express feelings and thoughts about Thai politics and to provide political information to the general public. The findings from this investigation revealed two significant uses of Thai political weblogs: the communication media for political expressions and viewpoints (a safe online space for political engagement and participation), and vital sources for Thai political information and news (social narratives).

• Asian Journal for Public Opinion Research
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• 제1권2호
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• pp.73-89
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• 2014

Everyone has a voice and can broadcast it to the world. We hear about the old maxim of media do not tell people what to think but what to think about. Under this theory or approach, a key function of political communication is to make the public think about an issue in a way that is favorable to the sender of the message. In a democracy, political communication is seen as crucial for the building of a society where the state and its people feel they are connected. Thus, this is a study on how social media (e.g., Facebook, blogs, and YouTube) were used in the domain of Malaysian politics during the 13th general election campaigning period in order to set the agenda to form public opinion. The study found that Facebook was the most popular social media tool that political parties actively engaged with during the 13th general election campaign period. Apart from that, issues pertaining to the election were significantly highlighted by the political parties in social media, especially Facebook. However, other issues that were also important to the people such as the economy, crime, and education were not sufficiently highlighted during the election campaign period. This indicates that the political parties influence the public on what to think about using social media.

• Asian Journal for Public Opinion Research
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• 제5권1호
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• pp.41-62
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• 2017

The political reformation in Indonesia is a determinant factor of the change in political communications and the roles of media. Currently, the political elites need media support, since it contextually has a significant role. Whoever has a good relationship with the media, will be loved by the public. On the other hand, the media also have a vested interest in the elite in running businesses and building the power of industry. Policies and capital pose a challenge to maintaining the continuity of the media. Independence and control of media are at stake, when the interests of the media and the elite collaborate with each other and then build a benefit on both sides. Meanwhile, the role of social media also cannot be neglected. The Indonesian political communication system is characterized by the presence of social media in a pseudo-relationship between the elite and the public. This paper tries to explain the growing trends of research in the academic environment and the research trends in political practice in Indonesia after the occurrence of post-reformation era in legislative and executive elections. The method used is the meta-analysis of research outcomes of university (dissertations) and secondary data sources. Data processing is done by meta-analysis of secondary data. The results of meta-analysis research indicate that, the objective conditions, in Indonesia, especially the political conditions, stimulate new spaces in communication research. The study of political communication becomes dominant in the academic environment. In addition, communication research is also characterized by a shift from the linear perspective (positivistic paradigm) to the interactive perspective (naturalistic paradigm). On the other hand, the development of politic and governance situations in Indonesia has prompted the establishment of polling agencies that help citizens understand the maps of political power and candidates in general elections and regional head elections.

• 한국언론정보학보
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• 제73권
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• pp.7-34
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• 2015

이 연구는 제 18대 대통령 선거를 전후로 대중화된 정치엔터테인먼트가 시민들 간의 정치대화에 미치는 영향에 주목했다. 특히 정치엔터테인먼트 시청이 정치대화를 촉진할 수 있는 심리적 매개 요인으로 수용자 관여도와 정치정보효능감을 제시했으며, 등장인물과의 동일시와 준사회적 상호작용, 그리고 내용에 대한 몰입 등을 관여도의 하위 차원들로 고려했다. 총 317명을 대상으로 온라인 설문조사를 실시했으며, 이 중 해당 프로그램 시청 경험이 있는 273명을 분석 대상으로 삼았다. 분석 결과, 엔터테인먼트 포맷 위에 정치 메시지를 얹는 오락성이 강한 프로그램만이 시청자의 동일시와 몰입 수준을 높였으며, 이 중 동일시 경험은 정치지식에 대한 효능감을 증진시켰다. 나아가 이용자의 정치정보효능감은 정치대화 참여의사와 정치적 이견에 대한 경청의사에 긍정적인 효과를 나타냈다. 그러나 정치엔터테인먼트 시청이 동일시와 효능감을 매개로 정치대화나 이견경청에 미치는 간접적인 효과는 통계적으로 유의하지 않았다. 정치엔터테인먼트 시청은 정치정보효능감을 매개로 정치대화에 대한 참여적인 태도를 제고하는 것으로 나타났다.