• The Journal of Asian Finance, Economics and Business
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• v.6 no.1
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• pp.47-58
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• 2019

The purpose of this paper is to examine the relationship between the nature of controlling shareholders and corporate anti-corruption practice disclosure (ACPD) as well as the mediating role of political background of the chairman or CEO of the firm on the relationship between the two. The content analysis was conducted to extract ACPD from standalone corporate social responsibility reports (CSRR) of 703 China's A-share listed companies. A dummy variable was constructed according to whether a firm disclosed ACPD or not. Logistic regression analysis was used then. Results show that the nature of controlling shareholders has a significant impact on corporate ACPD, with central enterprises disclosing the most frequently, local state-owned enterprises the second and private enterprises the least. Political background of the chairman or CEO has a negative impact on corporate ACPD of state-owned enterprises. These findings have some useful insights in understanding the rent-seeking behavior and information disclosure behavior of corporates in emerging markets. In order to curb the serious corruption problem which is commonplace in developing countries like China, the government should exert certain pressure to strengthen the supervision of information disclosure of listed firms and improve information transparency.

• Journal of dental hygiene science
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• v.23 no.2
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• pp.93-102
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• 2023

Background: To investigate political participation by dental hygiene students and analyze the differences therein based on the learning efficacy of dental hygiene policy. Methods: A total of 239 dental hygiene students who were expected to graduate responded to the survey. The data were collected online using a structured questionnaire consisting of 6 items on general characteristics, 10 on political participation, and 15 on the learning efficacy of dental hygiene policy. Statistical analysis was performed using SPSS 23.0. Political participation based on the learning efficacy of dental hygiene policy was analyzed using independent t-tests, ANOVA, and multiple regression analysis (p<0.05). Results: Among the dental hygiene students, 60.7% voted in all three recent presidential, general, and local elections, and 14.2% did not. For political parties supported, 65.7% responded that they had "no supporting party," and 34.3% indicated that they had a "supporting party." In terms of the level of political participation of dental hygiene students (0~50 points), the average score was 25.8 points, with the average passive political participation (0~25 points) score at 15.6 points and the average active political participation (0~25 points) score at 10.2 points. With an increase in dental hygiene policy learning efficacy, both passive and active political participation showed higher scores (p<0.05). Conclusion: Dental hygiene students showed low political participation. The presence of a supporting party, higher voting participation, and higher learning efficacy of dental hygiene policy were associated with higher passive and active political participation. Therefore, to increase this population's interest in political participation, various opportunities for related learning need to be promoted and provided in academia, leading to the enhancement of their political capabilities. In this manner, dental hygienists should expand their capabilities in various roles such as advocates, policy makers, and leaders.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.45 no.2
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• pp.221-239
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• 2010

The lineage village is a very characteristic form of village in Korea. Although it was known as having established on the base of the Lineage Law, the complexities of political and economical structures played an important role in the process of establishing the village. The continuous political struggles between the scholar officials forced them to abuse the blood ties as well as the academic and regional relation. Using the disorder of land ownership system, the ruling elite made chances to expand the private land ownership, and these became the fiscal background of the formation of the lineage village and the agglomeration. The capital area's lineage villages were used of fiscal background by scholar officials lived in Hanyang. In the reason of political struggle, the initiator came to Osan-ri in late 16th Century. And in early 17th century, with a government dignitary, Shin Kye-Young, and with the reproduction of population, Osan-ri formed a typical lineage village with many clan households in the late of 17th century.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.24 no.2
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• pp.127-165
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• 2014

This article regards the phase of political confrontations in Thailand and Burma as a prolonged and inconclusive political struggle between national revolution forces and civil revolution forces. It argues that in Thai case, anti-monarchy constitutional revolution has led to a right-wing national revolution based on state nationalism consolidating capitalist economic system by Sarit's military coup, while in Burmese case, anti-British imperialism movement in colonial era has resulted in a left-wing national revolution grounded on state nationalism associating with socialist economic system by Ne Win's military coup. It is also interesting to note that the two cases experienced state nationalism denying autonomous civil society as a process of nation-building in spite of their contrasting ideologies. In both cases, it became inevitable to have national revolution forces clinging to official nationalism and state nationalism confronting with civil revolution forces seeking popular nationalism and liberal nationalism. In particular, unlike Burmese society, Thai society, without colonial history has never experienced a civil war mobilizing anti-colonial popular nationalism including ethnic revolt. This article considers Dankwart Rustow's argument that national unity as a background condition must precede all the other phases of democratization, but that otherwise its timing is irrelevant. In this context, Thai democratization without national unity which began earlier than Burmese is taking a backward step. For the time being, there would be no solution map to overcome severe political polarization between the right-wing national revolution forces defending official nationalism cum state nationalism and the civil revolution forces trying to go beyond official nationalism towards popular nationalism cum liberal nationalism. In contrast, paradoxically belated Burmese democratization has just taken a big leap in escaping from serious and inconclusive nature of political struggle between the left-wing national revolution forces to defend official nationalism cum state nationalism and civil revolution based on popular nationalism cum liberal nationalism towards a reconciliation phase in order to seek solutions for internal conflicts. The two case studies imply that national unity is not a background condition, but a consequence of the process of political polarization and reconciliation between national revolution forces and civil revolution forces.

• Korean Journal of Comparative Education
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• v.26 no.3
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• pp.51-73
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• 2016

The study aims to examine the achievements and shortcomings of adult political education that had been conducted in former Eastern Germany following German unification. More specifically, the study focuses on drawing some policy suggestions and implications for carrying out adult political education for North Koreans in a unified Korea. In fact, former East Germans after German unification needed to receive political education to adjust to a new social system and get related various informations that they had never experienced before. In this context, former East Germans were provided with political education on democratic political system, capitalism, and various laws and regulations that they need to know to get used to a new social system. However, the results of the study indicate that adult political educational system in the former Eastern Germany shows some shortcomings regarding former East Germans' indifference about political education, educational contents which was not cut out for East Germans, and absence of proper methodological approaches. Furthermore, the study points out that North Koreans' educational background and their experiences in North Korea should be considered when selecting subjects and contents of political education for North Koreans in a unified Korea.

• Analyses & Alternatives
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• v.7 no.2
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• pp.111-145
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• 2023

This study examines the impact of political connections of Chinese listed firms on CSR(Corporate Social Responsibilities) activities. Firms recognize the political connections as 'non-market strategy' and actively utilize various benefits obtained through them for management activities. In order to utilize these political connections, there is a need for firms to implicitly perform the government's social policy obligations in return for their benefits. In particular, CSR activities in China are one of the government-led social policies unlike in the West, and the government wants firms to solve social problems through active CSR activities. In this background, this study empirically verifies whether firms with political connections are actively carrying out CSR activities required by the government from 2013 to 2019. As a result, Chinese listed firms with political connections have a positive effect on CSR activities. Especially, those with political connections with central government carry out both government benefits and social policy obligations.

• Korean Journal of Culture and Social Issue
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• v.16 no.3
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• pp.289-310
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• 2010

The purpose of this study was to examine how political interest, political ideologies, and information-searching goals influence the amount of information voters search, the ways in which people search for information about political candidates, and the type of information they select. The results showed that the participants under accuracy goal searched much more information and the participants under the high level of interest were not affected by conservative ideology, but the participants with the low level of interest were influenced by the liberal ideology and viewed substantially more information. And most of participants had the attribute-centered searching pattern. The social policies were accessed most, however, the information about party and personal background of a candidate were found least.

• Journal of Fashion Business
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• v.20 no.2
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• pp.149-164
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• 2016

The purpose of this study was to analyze the cases of IMF Managing Director Christine Lagarde to discuss power dressing characteristics represented in the fashion style of women political leaders. Study methods included literature reviews on the theoretical background of Christine Lagarde's Political Leadership formation and the power dressing of women political leaders. The results of the study were as follows. First, governor Christine Lagarde's fashion styles worn at formal events were summarized into suits, bags, scarves and jewelry. Clothing type was found to be 98% suits, 5% dress with the colors black, gray and white being worn the most, 84% were achromatic, blue tones and vivid tones were about 16%. Faborite accessories included scarves, jewelry and luxury bags. Scarves were higher frequency utilization at 51% of the total wear. Second, characteristics of power-dressing appearring as fashion styles were summarized as wealthy, honorable, having political power, being, charismatic or, feminine. Luxury suite luxury brands holds a sense of power with many believing they wealth, honor and charisma. Luxury bags, V-zone ornaments of scarves and, jewelry are items of power that people often wear in order to charisma and a symbol of power. They are also, used as an important element in portraying confidence and leadership as IMF governors.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.51 no.2
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• pp.27-42
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• 2001

The objectives of this study are to give a definition and to find out the background and the pursuits of Saenghwal Hanbok. Conclusions are described as follows : 1. Saenghwal Hanbok and Gaeryang Hanbok are used together at the same tome, but they are different the background and the pursuits. Gaeryang Hanbok was pursued practical aspects - activities, simplification, sanitation, courtesy, economy, and diversity. And then Saenghwal Hanbok was added the pursuits of Minjung's image, traditional image, modern esthetic. 2. The background of Saenghwal Hanbok is divided into two group. One is the Minjung Hanbok in University, and the other is the recreated Hanbok in mass fashion. The former was effected to youth culture, political quarrel of culture movement, anti-government group. The Latter was a tendency toward reviving the tradition. 3. The characters of Saenghwal Hanbok were a national tradition, a resistance. the image of poor Minjung, a revival of the tradition, and a diversity and negotiation of post-modernism.

• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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• no.119
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• pp.129-159
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• 2017

The study of Freud's Moses and the background of the establishment of monotheism has become a subject of attention in the new atmosphere of the spreading of political theology and the recent rediscovery of Egyptology. This paper examines the publishing background and intentions of Freud's last book, Moses and Monotheism. And it will emphasize the fact that the Moses-Egyptian theory and his criticism of monotheism hid political theological intentions to prevent the spread of anti-Semitism in Nazi Germany. According to the Egyptologist Jan Assmann, there is a difference in that Moses' Judaism is monotheism, but Akhenaten's Aton-religion is a cosmotheism, and while Freud emphasizes Moses the 'historical figure' of that name, Assmann refers to Moses as a 'mnemohistorical figure.' Just as Freud said that the source of Jewish hatred is in Moses himself who established monotheism, Assmann argues also, monotheism is based on the so-called "Mosaic distinction" that distinguishes between true religion and false religion, thus it is possible to dismantle oppression and violence through the abolition of the Mosaic distinction. Assmann estimates that Freud had a clear stance to stop the spread of anti-Semitism as "the most explicit opponent of the Mosaic distinction." While anti-Semitic hatred spread to Christians in the Nazi era, Freud regards the real founder of Christianity, a jew Paul, as both a "Judaism destroyer" and a "successor to Judaism." At this point, Taubes began to see Paul's theology from a political theological point of view, and Assmann succeeded it. The "historical Moses" described by Freud are not "Prophet Moses" but "Moses as lawmaker and political reformer", and Jewish hatred has arisen in his distinction. Thus, Freud's monotheistic criticism as "disintegration by historical reduction"(Nietzsche) has political theological power. Just as Taubes interpreted Paul as a political theologian, Assmann found political theological elements in Freud's criticism of monotheism.