• International Journal of Advanced Culture Technology
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• v.12 no.2
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• pp.281-285
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• 2024

Within five years of Kim Jong-un's rise to power, North Korea conducted four nuclear tests and launched the Hwasong-15, an intercontinental ballistic missile (ICBM), in 2017, declaring the completion of its nuclear forces. During the period when Kim Jong-un completed nuclear forces to maintain the regime, foreign policy factors of the United States, China, Russia, and South Korea drove North Korea's accelerated nuclear development. The main motivating factors were the hostile policies and external threats as security factors. The completion of nuclear forces is also the result of the interplay of domestic political factors, normative factors, and hereditary factors. North Korea has been developing nuclear weapons and missiles for the survival of its regime. To achieve lasting peace on the Korean Peninsula, a new modus vivendi must be sought. It is necessary to set the ultimate goal of North Korea's complete denuclearization and engage in strategic thinking for a realistic and effective phased approach.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.48 no.3
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• pp.387-401
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• 2013

Redistricting of National Assembly Election has a significant effect on the results of election because it has a strong tendency to be performed with political intentions rather than the equivalent representativeness of population and region. This paper focuses on proposing an alternative for restricting of National Assembly Election in terms of implementation, that is, an procedural and systematic approach, not allowing for political or arbitrary intervention. A spatial optimization model conforming with criteria for political redistricting such as population equality, contiguity, and spatial compactness is developed and applied to Yongin City where are some controversy over the redistricting of the 19th National Assembly. Modeling results show that it is possible to derive National Assembly Election districts based on the information of basic spatial units without political consideration or arbitrary intervention. In addition, The districts derived from the model improved population equality compared with the existing districts.

• 사회경제평론
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• v.31 no.1
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• pp.25-61
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• 2018

Nowadays 87 regimes born in the same year with the Korean Association for Political Economy(KAPE in abbreviation) have ended historically. This paper surveys the research trends of KAPE after 2007 for the 30th founding anniversary. This survey is expected to help research way forward of KAPE. The main contents of the surveys are as follows. Global finance crisis caused by subprime mortgage crisis in 2007 expanded to global economic crisis resulting in the crisis of economics. KAPE criticized the mainstream economics with different approach and methodology as well as political economy copying with the crisis of economics and then focused on economics of inequality. However, the progressive economics is depressed under the conservative regime after 2007. As a result, the progressive economics have experienced the crisis of reproduction of knowledge and have become the peripheral science in Korea. With new regimes after 87 regimes, more important than restoration of the progressive economics is rebirth as the progressive economics corresponding to new regime and new era. This is responsibility of KAPE as the single association of the progressive economics in Korea.

• Journal of English Language & Literature
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• v.56 no.1
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• pp.103-133
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• 2010

The purpose of this paper is to make a critique of racial aspects of Caribbean literature more ethical through a constant concern with history and political philosophy. The first step I take for this purpose is a comparative reading of C. L. R. James's view of Toussaint L'Ouverture's position and Frantz Fanon's view of race and class in the historical context of the Caribbean power-relations. In so doing, I examine how Toussaint's and Fanon's wills to negotiation were thwarted in the New World history. To elaborate upon this ethico-political approach, I have recourse to the so-called later Derrida, focusing on his books, such as The Politics of Friendship, Of Hospitality, On Cosmopolitanism and Forgiveness, etc. Taking an up-close look at Derrida's thought, I argue that his political contemplation of ethics is as effective as his deconstruction of "otherness" in dealing with the nature of ethnic clashes in both the real world and minority literature. In the second half of my paper, I reexamine the issues of race, gender, and class in the three novels of Jamaica Kincaid - Annie John, Lucy, and The Autobiography of My Mother. It is conceivable that from the feminist perspective Kincaid's fiction has been read as a postcolonial Bildungsroman. In my supplementary attempts to this criticism, I reveal that the teenage narrator's precocious awareness is still under the colonial influence in the Annie John section. My analysis of Lucy contends that the reasons why the white woman fails to make friends with the young black woman should be sought in the long history of the U.S. racial politics. In the section of The Autobiography of My Mother, I discuss how difficult it is for a minority woman to liberate from the spell of history insofar as she is engaged in the issue of identity. In closing, I pose a need of consolation that literature may grant us by becoming able to produce a different interpretation on all the bleaker reality.

• The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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• v.10 no.1
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• pp.193-203
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• 2024

In a situation where news usage through YouTube is rapidly increasing, this study investigated which attributes of issues news producers prominently report on based on the two-stage agenda setting theory to empirically investigate the influence of various news producers on YouTube. Through the research results, we confirmed that broadcasters have the influence to set the agenda and form public opinion on YouTube, and discovered the possibility of a two-stage agenda setting effect occurring in the YouTube environment. We criticized whether news producers abuse emotional words due to their partisanship when reporting political issues, and discussed that an emotional approach to political issues can have a negative impact on news users' perception of reality.

• Journal of the Economic Geographical Society of Korea
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• v.15 no.4
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• pp.457-463
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• 2012

This study examines the epistemological approach of the economic geography and the approach in the ontology of geography which has been studied based on the region, and thereby aims at the systematization of economic geography. Since 1956, Korean economic geography study has been conducted under the development of studies in developed countries without discussing the uniqueness of the study or the systematization of the research approaches. As a result, the systematization is built after the economic geography is divided into neoclassical economy, geographical political economy, regional structure of the national economy, and local autonomous entity economy on a axis of epistemology and ontology for the systematization of approaches. We should pursue the intellectual change adding the major economic phenomena theories such as the world-system perspective, the regulation theory, network theory, and the institutionalism etc. into the systematization of the economic geography.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.23 no.2
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• pp.37-66
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• 2017

Massive civic protests and consequent presidential impeachment requires a serious revisiting to democratic theories of Korean democracy. This paper explores the strengths and limitations of macro and micro approaches. Changes in democratic realities was manifested on three fronts. First, the rise of new political subject, that is, participants to massive protest. Second, changing nexus between representative institutions and civic protests. Third, parliamentarization of presidential democracy. Specifically macro approach has changed its negative assessment of democracy into positive evaluation. Macro theory has to revisit it's notion of 'minjung' to cope with the rise of new subject. Also macro approach has to struggle with the declining role of civic organizations and political activists. Micro approach has to deal with new mode of networking among citizens and to unravel the evolving relation between democratic institutions and civic protests. In sum, theories need to expand the analytic scope, to revitalize analytic tools and to rebalance value judgment and analytical efforts.

• SUVANNABHUMI
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• v.10 no.1
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• pp.63-91
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• 2018

One of the goals of this article is to continue the momentum begun by emerging scholarship on theory and practice of writing about visual culture of and in Southeast Asia. I hope to offer culturally sensitive and embodied ways of looking at images and objects as sites/sights of cultural knowledge as further theoretical intervention. The argument put forward in my essay is three-fold: first, I critique the prevailing logocentric approach in the field of Southeast Asian Studies and I argue that in a postcolonial, global, and transnational period, it is important to be inclusive of other objects as sites/sights of social, political and cultural analysis beyond written and oral texts. Second, I argue that although it has its own political and theoretical problems, the evolving field of Visual Studies as it is practiced in the United States is one of many ways to decolonize the prevailing logocentric approach to Southeast Asian Studies. Third, I argue that if one reads these Euro-American derived theories of vision and visuality through the lens of what Walter Mignolo calls "colonial difference(s)," then Visual Studies as an evolving field has the potential to offer more nuanced local ways of looking at and understanding objects, vision, and visuality. Last, I point out that unlike in the West where there is an understanding of pure, objective and empirical vision, local Southeast Asian perspectives on objects and visions are more embodied and multi-sensorial. I argue that if one is ethically mindful of the local cultural ways of seeing and knowing objects, then the evolving field of Visual Studies offers a much-needed intervention to the privileged, lingering logocentric approach to Southeast Asian Studies. Moreover, these alternative methods might help to decolonize method and theory in academic disciplines that were invented during the colonial period.

• Korean System Dynamics Review
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• v.13 no.1
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• pp.5-40
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• 2012

This study focus on oriental way for Win-win leadership of modern time using systems thinking approach. We constructed concept, 'Modesty Leadership' from oriental bible- Tao Te Ching, Change Ching, the Analects of Confucius. This work described in the paper based on case collected from 2011 Seoul city mayor election in the Korea. There are three initial aims : to confirm what feedback loop affected approval rating, to determine how these feedback interacted and to establish the significance of cognitive mapping. The use of system thinking to model cognitive mapping of political election untraditional approach in study of oriental bible. This approach is valuable in that it can be to understand management strategies and their effect on decision making.

• Asian Journal for Public Opinion Research
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• v.2 no.4
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• pp.248-278
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• 2015

Despite the proliferation of studies on emotion, little attention has been paid to the effects of discrete emotion on political participation. Using a representative survey conducted on a sample of South Korean citizens in the aftermath of the Sewol ferry accident, the current survey explored how anger and sadness, as well as the ways people express those emotions, influence the orientation of their response in social environments and, ultimately, their voting intention. The results partially supported the discrete effects of sadness and anger in eliciting reactions of approach or avoidance. Anger was found to provoke an approach action tendency in independent voters and supporters of the opposition, while also eliciting an avoidance action tendency with a varying effect size across all three groups of respondents. Sadness also prompted an approach action tendency in independents and supporters of the incumbent party, while it manifested a negative association with the avoidance action tendency in supporters of the opponent party. An interpretation of the findings and proposed directions for future research are presented.