• Title/Summary/Keyword: Parliamentary Politics

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Political Change and the Development of Parliamentary Politics in Malaysia: Continuity and Change (말레이시아의 정치변동과 의회정치의 발전: 지속과 변화)

  • Hwang, In-Won
    • The Southeast Asian review
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    • v.22 no.2
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    • pp.201-238
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    • 2012
  • This study analyses the nexus between political change and development of parliamentary politics in Malaysia. The continued and stable parliamentary politics did not necessarily associated with political development in Malaysia for the last five decades. Except the 1969 general election, the ruling coalition, Barisan Nasional(BN), has never been failed to obtain the two-third majority of parliamentary seats even though there has been regular general elections in every 4-5 years without any interruption. It is, however, worth noting that there has been dramatic political changes since the late 1990s. In particular, the 2008 general election showed the remarkable results, collapsing the two-third majority of BN's parliamentary seats. The opposition parties even took over the 5 state governments out of 12 in total. The more distinguished feature was the emergence of opposition coalition, called Pakatan Rakyak(PR), right after the 2008 general election. It was the first united coalition in Malaysia's modern political history among the severely divided opposition parties. Since its emergence, the PR has initiated various changes leading towards a more active parliamentary politics. In this regards, this study argues that parliamentary politics is no more regarded as a dependent variable in Malaysia's political process.

Change of Korean Democratic Labor Party: based on Parliamentary Party Model (민주노동당의 변화: 원내정당화 현상을 중심으로)

  • Chae, Chin-Weon
    • Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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    • v.15 no.1
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    • pp.261-290
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    • 2009
  • The primary purpose of this study is to explain the changing nature of Korean Democratic Labor Party, namely the revealed characteristics contrary to the party's original identity, based on empirical framework of so-called "Korean Democratic Labor Party' as a Parliamentary Party". This paper focuses on the unanticipated phenomenon that Korean Democratic Labor Party, in spite of its expectancy as an alternative party model to overcome the challenges of Korean party politics, has lost its characteristics as a mass party but has revealed the characteristics of parliamentary party since it took parliamentary seats in National Assembly.

The Possible Change of the Electoral Authoritarianism in Malaysia: By Focusing on the 13th General Election (말레이시아 선거권위주의체제의 변화 가능성: 13대 총선을 중심으로)

  • HWANG, In-Won
    • The Southeast Asian review
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    • v.24 no.1
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    • pp.45-87
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    • 2014
  • This study traces the possibility of political change in the Malaysian electoral history, especially by focusing on the 13th general election held in May 2013. The results of the 13th general election was another turning point in the history of Malaysia's electoral politics. Following after the 12th general election held in 2008, opposition coalition(PR) achieves a remarkable electoral result by obtaining over 50% of the total votes. Opposition parties also successfully collapsed the ruling coalition(BN)'s two-third majority in parliamentary. It was de-facto defeat of the ruling coalition and victory of the opposition coalition. More precisely, the 2013 election results show that the reformasi movement, which was active in 1998-99 period, are still alive and its impact on Malaysian electoral politics get stronger. Malaysia has long been considered as a typical electoral authoritarian regime since its independence in 1957. It is because that there has been negative relations between electoral politics and political change through out its electoral history. As shown in the most recent two general elections held in 2008 and 2013, however, Malaysia's hegemonic political system can be possibly changed through electoral politics. This article examines the detailed results of the series of post-reformarsi general elections(1999, 2004, 2008, 2013) and its political implications towards the nexus of electoral politics and political change under the electoral authoritarian regime in Malaysia.

Korean Politics of 20 years after Democratic Transition: Delayed Reform and New Challenge (민주화 20년의 한국정치: 지체된 개혁과 전환기의 혼돈)

  • KIM, Man-Heum
    • Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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    • v.15 no.2
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    • pp.131-158
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    • 2009
  • 20 years has passed since June democratization movement of 1987 that made the representative system worked democratically on the basis of free election politics. So far, democratic movement bloc has been elected to government power at least two times. Conservative bloc of old ruling forces made a peaceful re-turn-over and grasped the government power. It looks that electoral democracy has been working very well. But people's distrust in Korean politics is not decreasing. Recently, crisis of representation is discussed. Korean representative system faces the dual tasks. One originates from the delay of institutional reform, another from the change of political circumstances. This paper diagnose the Korean representative democracy of today, focusing on those dual tasks. Especially, it is proposed to reform the present Korean presidentialism of winner-takes-all power structure. It is also to resolve the problem of Korean parliamentary politics deeply depending on the presidency.

Indonesia 2017: Return of Pancasila on the Eve of the Presidential Election (인도네시아 2017: 빤짜실라의 귀환과 대선 국면의 도래)

  • SUH, Jiwon;KIM, Hyung-Jun
    • The Southeast Asian review
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    • v.28 no.2
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    • pp.147-179
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    • 2018
  • Basuki Tjahaja Purnama, Jakarta's Ex-Governor, lost his re-election bid in 2017 and then was jailed on a charge of blasphemy. After his defeat, the rhetorics of Indonesian politics was divided into two opposing sides: anti-Communism and 'pribumi' of the radical Islamic movements and Pancasila of the Jokowi administration. Although Islamic political parties are now preoccupied with their own coalitional politics and survivals, rather than solidarity of Islamic forces, the rising Islamic sentiments confirmed by the Jakarta election indicate that religion will continue to be a key variable in Indonesian politics. Meanwhile, ex-military generals who declared themselves as candidates in the 2018 regional election and the 2019 presidential election, as well as a few measures used by the Jokowi administration against extra-parliamentary political opponents, remind us of Suharto's New Order. Steady growth continues in economy. The raise of minimum wage enlarged middle classes and led to a decline of the poverty rate. Jokowi's commitment to building infrastructure has made tangible achievements. Under these circumstances, enhanced cooperation between Indonesia and South Korea is laudable, though any such cooperation must fully incorporate local sociocultural contexts, such as the strengthened halal certification system.

Presidentialism and Consensual Politics: The Problems of South Korea and the US and Chile's Alternative Party Systems (대통령제와 협치가능성: 한국의 문제점과 미국 및 칠레의 대안적 정당체계들)

  • Lee, Sun-Woo
    • Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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    • v.27 no.3
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    • pp.69-106
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    • 2021
  • This paper aims to explain why severe political conflicts and confrontation between the ruling and opposition forces have been continuously caused, focusing on the institutional combination of presidentialism and the two-party system with strong party disciplines, after democratization in South Korea. And this also presents the US as a case in which presidentialism and a two-party system with weak party disciplines were combined once, and the Chile as another case in which presidentialism and a multi-party system with strong party disciplines is combined, respectively, and further analyzes how the chance of consensual politics could be raised in both the countries. In addition, this study suggests a practical implication that, in South Korea also, the political reforms for changes in party system such as the decentralization or democratization in party organizations to enhance the autonomy of individual legislators, or the introduction of runoff system in presidential elections or proportional representation system in parliamentary elections to product a multi-party system, are required for a high chance of consensual politics.

Philippine Democracy and Constitutional Engineering: Power Sharing, Accountability, Effectiveness and Stability (필리핀 민주주의의 헌정공학: 권력공유, 책임성, 효율성, 안정성)

  • KIM, Dong-Yeob
    • The Southeast Asian review
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    • v.23 no.1
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    • pp.1-44
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    • 2013
  • This study examined the constitutional engineering of the Philippine democracy in terms of power sharing and accountability, and the effectiveness and stability of the Philippine democracy as a result were assessed. Based on the analysis, the nature of the present Philippine democratic system since 1986 was brought to light. This study argues that the system of power sharing between the President and the congress in the Philippines tends to serve for negotiating political interests among the power elites rather than functioning in a constructive way. And the public accountability system is not functioning as it was designed to do. Due to the defects the Philippine democracy continuously suffers the lack of political effectiveness and stability. Despite of the problem, the reason not to break down the system would be the fact that the system served for the oligarchic power elites to circulate and recreate the political power exclusively. The direction of the Philippine constitutional engineering should be weakening the present traditional elite dominated political system, and strengthening the chances of political participation from the various classes. Some concerned people suggested the constitutional change to parliamentary system in order to strengthening party politics, and federal system to cope with the problems of regional conflicts, but such efforts failed repeatedly due to the conflict of political interests. Considering the present circumstance, it would be advisable to reform political party law and election system in the direction of strengthening political party system, and to expand the scope of local government system in the direction of devolving the centralized political power.