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Industrial Policy as a Development Strategy: Cuba' s Experience and Policy Implications (개발전략으로서 산업정책: 쿠바의 경험과 정책적 시사점)

  • Cin, Beom Cheol
    • International Area Studies Review
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    • v.22 no.3
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    • pp.3-27
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    • 2018
  • This paper analyzes Cuba's market-oriented reforms to alleviate essential problems with socialist countries such as soft budget constraints and incentive problems. It also discuss about effectiveness of industrial policy as a development strategy. The soft budget constraints and incentive problems resulted in the collapse of Soviet bloc and COMECON in early 1990s. After the collapse, Cuban economy suffered a steep dive, and national income tumbling down rapidly. Cuban faced serious shortages of food, gasoline, and other basic necessities of life. To halt and partially reverse economic downturn and dire austerity in the 1990's, the Cuban government made some partial reforms to the inherited Soviet system of cental planningand faced severe shortage in food, energy, and daily necessities. In response to the economic crisis. Cuba introduced economic reforms and implemented industrial policy as a development strategy as long as Cuba maintained a strong socialist country. Cuban government established the economic free zone law and attempted to induce foreign direct investment by implementing export-led industrial policy. Fiedel Castro approved the Law No. 165 "Free Zones and Industrial Parks", in 1996. However, Cuba's ESZ strategy seems to have failed because of the U.S. sanctions, but also because of Cuba's own policies, which do not allow foreign investors to hire workers directly and impose a high implicit tax on wages. By limiting advanced techniques of personnel and organization management, indirect employment can result in lowering work efforts and productivity of workers, and aggravating production efficiency in the ESZs. Another reason to fail comes from the double wage structure due to the double monetary-exchange rate system. Most of the high non-wage costs result from the double exchange rate system. Due to Cuba's imbalanced industry and production structures, concentrated labor force, and urbanization and centralization of agriculture production, the industrial transformation development model suggested by Lewis has not been successful unlike other Asian agriculture-led development model. Cuba has to overcome many difficulties in implementing industrial policy as a development strategy.

The multi-level understanding of Shamanistic myth Princess Bari as a narrative: focusing on levels of story, composition, and communication (무속신화 <바리공주> 서사의 다층적 이해 - 이야기·생성·소통의 세 층위를 대상으로)

  • Oh, Sejeong
    • 기호학연구
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    • no.54
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    • pp.119-145
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    • 2018
  • This paper attempts to divide the narrative into three levels and review the approach methodology to understand Princess Bari as a narrative. If the stratification of the narrative, the analysis of each levels, and the integrated approach to them are made, this can contribute to suggesting new directions and ways to understand and study Princess Bari. The story level of Princess Bari, the surface structure, is shaped by the space movement and the chronological sequential structure of the life task that started from the birth of the main character. This story shows how a woman who was denied her existence by her father as soon as she was born finds an ontological transformation and identities through a process. Especially, the journey of finding identity is mainly formed through the events that occur through the relationship with family members. This structure, which can be found in the narrative level, forms a deep structure with the oppositional paradigm of family members' conflict and reconciliation, life and death. The thought structure revealed in this story is the problem of life is the problem of family composition, and the problem of death is also the same. In response to how to look at the unified world of coexistence of life and death, this tradition group of myths makes a relationship with man and God. This story is mainly communicated in the Korean shamanistic ritual(Gut) that sent the dead to the afterlife. Although the shaman is the sender and the participants in the ritual are the receivers, the story is well known a message that does not have new information repeated in certain situations. In gut, the patrons and participants do not simply accept the narrative as a message, but accept themselves as codes for reconstructing their lives and behavior through autocommunication. By accepting the characters and events of as a homeomorphism relationship with their lives, people accept the everyday life as an integrated view of life and death, disjunction and communication, conflict and reconciliation, and the present viewpoint. It can not change the real world, but it changes the attitude of 'I' about life. And it is a change and transformation that can be achieved through personal communication like the transformation of Princess Bari into god in myth. Thus, Princess Bari shows that each meaning and function in the story level, composition level, and communication level is related to each other. In addition, the structure revealed by this narrative on three levels is also effective in revealing the collective consciousness and cultural system of the transmission group.

The Computer Monitor's Image Evaluated at The Target of The Falsification According to The New Conception of The Falsification Made by Regarding the Reproduced Document as The Document of Document crime (복사문서의 문서간주가 창출한 새로운 변조개념에 의해 문서변조행위대상으로 평가되는 컴퓨터모니터 이미지)

  • Ryu, Seok-Jun
    • Journal of Legislation Research
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    • no.44
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    • pp.725-756
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    • 2013
  • In this paper, the possibility of extension of falsification conception was investigated to discuss the validity of this precedent. Consequently this extension was indispensible according to the article 237-2 of criminal code which regards the reproduced document as the document in the document crime. However, this is against the security of human right. On the contrary, there is not this kind of article in the German criminal code and the German precedents and majority theory are negative to regard it as the criminal document. And also, there is the pont of view that the reproduced document is not the criminal document because it's not the expression itself of document nominee's intention, so the article 237-2 should be demolished in Korea. According to this opinion, the serious reconsideration should be required in the legislation of this article 237-2. Nevertheless, if this extended conception is needed and it's possible, the meaning of the computer monitor's image is not able to be ignored in the conception of falsification. Therefore this should be regarded as the element of the falsification conception. In other words, this can't be evaluated as the object of falsification but the target of falsification, according to the conception extension, though the precedents do not regard it as the document in document crime.

A Study on Hyangcheong and Jakcheong's Official Duties and Personnel Practices of Anbyeon of Hamgyeong Province in the 19th century - Focusing on an article of 'a list of Hyangcheong and Jakcheong's officials' - (19세기(世紀) 함경도(咸鏡道) 안변(安邊)의 향청(鄕廳)·작청(作廳) 직임(職任)과 인사관행(人事慣行) - '향청·작청 직임 명단' 문서를 중심으로 -)

  • Park, Kyoung ha
    • Journal of Korean Historical Folklife
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    • no.44
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    • pp.145-176
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    • 2014
  • This study analyzed official duties and personnel practices of Hyangcheong(鄕廳), administrative organization in which sajok(士族) participate this office, and Jakcheong(作廳), hyangree(鄕吏)'s office, of Anbyeon of Hamgyeong Province in the 19th century. Although there have beeen somewhat of case study of Gyeongsang, Honam, etc., study on Hamgyeong Province has been almost nonexistent because of the limitation of materials. Hence, this paper specifically examined Hyangcheong and Jakcheong's official duties and personnel practices through an article of 'a list of Hyangcheong and Jakcheong's officials' of Anbyeon, newly found, which is in the possession of this writer. Especially, this study virtually traced individual ststus and family by analyzing Hyangcheong and Jakcheong's 40-official duties and a list of 330-ofiicial duties for sixs years. And then by comparing it against Jokbo(族譜), I have grasped 19-Famlily of them. Executives of Hyangcheong could be grasped as they were status of Yangban(兩班), but members of Jakcheong were hardly identified because they were status of hyangree, thus most of them were not enscrolled in Jokbo. Hyangcheong and Jakcheong's official duties could be found by compare it with other area in Ehubgi(邑誌) Hamgyeong Province. the features of officiak duties are as in the following. On general administrative organization, Sajok's Hayngcheong, Jakcheong as general administrative organization and Jangcheong(將廳) as police work existed. As Pyeongando and Hamgyeongdo were border areas, Jangcheong was independent and led other institutions. However, in Anbyeon, Hojang(戶長) of Hayngcheong and Jakcheong divided dudies and commanded. Hojang'role was higher than any other areas, Because Hojang is in charge of Jangcheong's functions. Jakcheong was centrally operated by Hojang, Eebang(吏房), and Hyeongbang(刑房), so-called 'Samgonghyeong(三公兄)', Whereas Anbyeon was operated by Hojang, Eebang, Chunchong(千摠). In the general areas, While Juasu(座首) Byeolgam(別監), Executive of Hyangcheong, manages each warehouse(倉) where the nation's tax revenues are kept, In Anbyeon besides Joasu, Hyangso(鄕所). The principle of Hyangcheong and Jakcheong's personnel practices was one-period, but there were many consecutive terms, every other year terms, or tranference into other area. Police work was assumed by specific persons because it was relatively specialized job, However in case of Ghamsaek(監色) of each warehouse(倉), Hyangso(鄕所) of Hyangcheong or Hojang of Jakcheong had held plural offices, and was solely responsible it. On the overall features of its operation, Hyangcheong held plural offices, but rotation was made only within Hyangcheong. On the other hand, in the case of Jakcheong, Hojang, Eebang, and even Buriebang circulated their positions, but the other Hyangree rotated each Saek(色) and Guamguan of each warehouse(倉). This writer confirmed that unlike Gyeongsang and Hamgyeong, Hyangcheoung or duties of Hyangree were not handed from generation to generation by several families and, many families shared their work by circulating positions.

A Study of Seong Ho Lee Ik's Noneo Jilseo (성호(星湖) 이익(李瀷)의 『논어질서(論語疾書)』 연구(硏究))

  • Seo, Geunsik
    • (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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    • no.41
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    • pp.361-384
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    • 2010
  • This paper focused on studies of Noneo Jilseo("論語疾書") written by Lee Ik, also known as his honored name, Seong Ho(星湖). Seong Ho(星湖) also had left 10 types of exegetical commentary other than Noneo Jilseo("論語疾書"). The reason for choosing Noneo Jilseo("論語疾書") was that the teachings of Kongzi(孔子) were contained in Noneo("論語"). Also when we understand the Analects of Kongzi(孔子) correctly, we will be able to understand other Confucian Canons accordingly. Seong Ho(星湖) recommended Zhuzi(朱子) pronounced Noneo Jipju ("論語集註") as a critical commentary on the Analects. That is because there are no writings that had considered pupils' opinions and all of the various situations as much as Noneo Jipju ("論語集註"). For this reason, Noneo Jipju ("論語集註") could play a role as an excellent text. However, it is not just quality of the book that matters. While reading the main body, there is an author's comment, saying "For now, I write down my skeptical point of view." With this short note, the author expressed that "Collected Annotation on the Analects" was not necessarily the best teaching. This is the consequence of 'doubt.' We should be skeptical about the Analects of Confucius. That is not to say that the Analects are unconditionally bad. Seong Ho(星湖) expounded that the beginning students should regard Noneo Jilseo("論語疾書") as their textbook, but do not cling only to the disciplines elucidated in the book. Seong Ho(星湖) had written Noneo Jilseo("論語疾書") in order to help people to understand Confucius correctly. Although this book was written during his early professional years, Seong Ho(星湖) had grasped the essence of teaching precisely. Then, what is the essence? That is 'Doubt.' Innate factors therein can be correctly understood through 'Doubt.' In this context, Seong Ho(星湖) had made such comment as "For now, I write down my skeptical point of view." To understand the opinions of Confucius correctly, this process that being doubtful about the text is necessary. The Analects of Confucius are just similar to a coded message. To know accurately about the code, it is necessary to start from 'Doubt' at the first. Such a "Doubt" shall be a key to decrypt the coded messages further.

A Study on the clarification of the name of Anapji(雁鴨池) and Anapbupyeong(雁鴨浮萍) - Focusing on Anapji through its Appearance in Poems(題詠詩) ('안압지'의 이름과 '안압부평(雁鴨浮萍)'의 의미 연구 - 안압지(雁鴨池) 제영시(題詠詩)를 중심으로 -)

  • Kang, seog-keun
    • (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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    • no.68
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    • pp.145-171
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    • 2017
  • This study aims to clarify the meaning of the Anapji which was one of the scenic places of historical interest during Silla Dynasty and of the Anapbupyeong(雁鴨浮萍) which was one of the greatest seven miracles (Dong-do-chil-gue(東都七怪) through appearance of the Anapji in poems. Anapji lies its original meanings on Anhaji(安夏池) and then it was shortened to Anji(雁池), apji(鴨池) while Dongho(東湖) has also been called since it is located in the South of Gyeongju. As of July 2011, the Ministry of Culture officially renamed Anapji and Imhaejeon Hall Site(臨海殿址) as the palace of Crown Prince-Gyonegju Donggung(慶州 東宮) and Wolji(月池) (Historical Site No. 18) and Wolji became the current name. While pond was made during Munmu of Silla, the name Anapji did not exist. Kim Si-Seup (1465~1471) in the early Chosun period referred to the pond as Anhaji(安夏池) and its name started being called as Anapji in the Geography of Korea (Sinjeung dongguk yeoji seungnam,(新增東國輿地勝覽)(Jungjong 25, 1530). Though modern scholar states that it was being called Anapji since there are always many ducks and wild geese in the pond, they fails to present the literature evidences. The author found the line in the poem -Anapji composed by writer Kim Chul Woo, which means that a wild duck and water bird get in and off the pond on their own and the record saying which means Dong-ho(東湖) from the phrase of Dongho-saw-sar-gi(東湖書社記) of Lee Su In(李樹仁)(1739-1822)-Confucian Scholar of Gyeongju was created due to the fact that many wild geese and ducks are flying over. Based on the facts foresaid, the literature evidences for the name of Anapji are presented in the paper. Anapji is a combined word between the Anapbupyeong(雁鴨浮萍) which is a flooding weed and Dong-do-chil-gue(東都七怪). Dong-do-chil-gue is an ancient form of Modern Eight Scenic Views. Eight Scenic Views -Gyeongju Parlgyong is just well-known as scenic places without grotesque elements Dong-do-chil-gue had before. However, the author also found the passage of Ilseongnok: Records of Daily Reflections saying that Anapji has a clod that is as wide as rock(盤石) and the clod also has moneywort on, which are undulating in the wind and clarified how the Anapbupyeong became one of the one of the greatest-seven miracles Dong-do-chil-gue and why the Anapbupyeong frequently appears in the poems of many writers.

Quest of Wang Yak-heo(王若虚)'s Theories of Poetry - With a focus on Three Volumes of 「Talks on Chinses Poetry」 among "the Collected Writings of Wang Yak-heo"(滹南遺老集) (王若虚的詩論探究(왕약허의 시론 탐구) - 以《滹南遺老集》中的《詩話》三卷爲主(『호남유로집』 중 「시화」 3권을 중심으로) -)

  • Jang, Yung-Ki
    • (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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    • no.34
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    • pp.207-224
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    • 2009
  • This research is a quest of theories of poetry of Wang Yak-heo who was a literary critic during Chin(金) dynasty in ancient China. Wang Yak-heo left a fine piece of work, dubbed ${\ll}$Honam Yuro Jib${\gg}$ and, in this paper, the author closely reviewed the theories of poetry that is appeared, especially, in the three volumes of ${\ll}$Talks on Chinese Poetry${\gg}$ among the collections of Wang's poetry criticism. In particular, the author investigated the positive and negative aspects of Honam's commentaries on the works by Chinese poets, including his principles of poetics, creative skills, and practical criticism, etc. Wang Yak-heo has not been known much in the history of Chinese literary thoughts, however, his theory of criticism, especially, among the talks on Chinese the works by Chinese poets, his literature criticisms establish unique and distinctive point of views. Wang Yak-heo's poetics, more than anything else, valued nature, meanings, truth, and contents therein. He exhibited realistic view of literature. Meanwhile, he analyzed the methods of expression by Du Bo(杜甫, pronounced, "Du Fu" in Chinese), So Sik, also known as So Dong Pa (蘇軾, Su Shi or 蘇東坡, Su Dong Po in Chinese), and Hwang Jeong-gyeon(黃庭堅, Huang T'ing-chien), and highly evaluated the realistic poems written by Du Bo, Baek Geo-I (白居易, pronounced, "Bai Juyi" in Chinese), and So Sik. Also, he opposed to formalism or externality, however, he never made light of formality of poetry. In his comments on the works by Chinese poets, he highly evaluated the poems sung by So Sik and Beek Geo-I, in the mean time, however, he criticized their works without hesitation. Having set up his own unique criteria for critique, Wang didn't accept other opinions in a seemingly illogical manner, and he presented what he thoughts and other different points of view from others. Specifically, he attached great importance to whether or not modification of words and phrases, grammar, and whole context were congruent to one another and had been well harmonized. However, in his poetics, Wang was so wrapped himself in reasonableness or rationality, he analyzed each and every word in great detailed manner, as the result, he sometimes didn't read the sentiment or mood that the writers intended to express through poems. He excessively restricted himself to the words and phrases, so that he was not able to realize natural emotions and joy of imagination that were presented in the poems, and, in the end, this brought about adverse effects to the poet's thought.

19th-Century Morality Dispute in Context of History of Thought - From Four-Seven Dispute to Morality Dispute (사상사(思想史)의 맥락에서 본 19세기 심설논쟁(心說論爭) - 사칠논쟁(四七論爭)에서 심설논쟁(心說論爭)까지 -)

  • Choi, Young-sung
    • The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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    • no.59
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    • pp.9-38
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    • 2018
  • Joseon Neo-Confucianism had important disputes throughout its hundred years of history. Starting in mid-16th century, Four-Seven Dispute focused on 'Qing (情, emotion)' while Horak Dispute that emerged in early 18th century put emphasis on whether people and things have the same 'Xing (性, nature).' These two disputes lasted until late Joseon. In that process, their issues were clearly recognized and consequently, characteristics of Joseon Neo-Confucianism were well demonstrated. With Western power surging in since mid-18th century, Joseon Neo-Confucianism should develop logic to cope with the Western power. One of responding logics was Zhulilun (主理論, theory of reason) in Neo-Confucianism. Diverse discussions particularly on 'Xin (心, mind)' were expansively made. From the notion of Xin Tong Xing Qing (心統性情) that Xin converges with Xing and Qing, an argument that Xin should be seen as 'Li (理, reason)' and another that Xin is basically 'Qi (氣, force of nature)' were up against each other. The academia heated up with issues raised such as whether Xin and Mingde (明德, bright virtue) are the same notion and whether Mingde should be seen as 'Li' or 'Qi', etc. Defining morality dispute in the late Joseon along with Four-Seven Dispute and Horak Dispute as 'three major disputes in Joseon Neo-Confucianism,' this paper focuses on clarifying their status, actuality and significance. Morality dispute was not only a theoretical dispute. It has significance in the aspect of 'topicality.' It directly and indirectly affected movements against Western and Japanese power, loyal troop's activities and independence movement as well. Compared to Four-Seven Dispute and Horak Dispute, morality dispute is more complex and expansive. In addition, it requires systematic organization of data. Intercomparison of three major disputes is one of key topics to determine characteristics of Joseon Neo-Confucianism.

A Study on the method of interpreting HoiJae Lee EonJeok's Daxue (회재(晦齋) 이언적(李彦迪)의 『대학(大學)』해석에 관한 연구)

  • Seo, Geun Sik
    • (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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    • no.34
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    • pp.39-62
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    • 2009
  • In this paper, the researcher investigated the standpoint of Lee EonJeok(李彦迪), also known as HoeJae(晦齋), with regard to interpretation of Daxue("大學"), through Daxuezhangjubuyi("大學章句補遺") and XuDaxuehuowen("續大學或問"). It is true that HoeJae accommodates a fairly large portion of interpretations made by Zhuzi, however, he strived to pass over Zhuzi's Daxuezhangju by attempting a new interpretation on the Gewuzhizhi(格物致知). The greatest reason that HoeJae couldn't admit Zhuzi's view was derived from the differences in interpretation of Gewuzhizhi. The differences between Zhuzi and HoeJae concerned with Gewuzhizhi is that, while Zhuzi perceived the objects thereof from the perspective of Li(理) of things(事物), HoeJae considered the root and branch, the beginning and end of the physical world(萬物) and also all events(萬事) as the subjects of Gewuzhizhi. Meanwhile, having the chapter, dubbed, 'Weyoubenmo'(物有本末), and the chapter, 'ZhiZhi'(知止) also as expositions of Gewuzhizhi, HoeJae was able to avoid such critiques as that he complemented or added new topics to the sutra. In addition, he could have clarified the stepwise elucidations of Sangangling(三綱領) and Batiaomu(八條目) edited and compiled by Zhuzi(朱子). And the issues in the chapter of Tingsong(聽訟) lies on the extended line of theory of Gewuzhizhi. In the end, it suggests that the differences between Zhuzi and HoeJae are arisen from the discrepancies of interpretation on Gewuzhizhi. HoeJae proposed his ideology concerned with Zhizhizhuyi(至治主義) through his book, XuDaxuehuowen, and he stressed that Ren(仁) must be foundation in order to Pingtianxia(平天下). Furthermore, HoeJae emphasized that Ren which is the founding virtue in order for Pingtianxia must be begun with such very basic behavioral practices, known as, Xiao(孝), Ti(弟), and Ci(慈), and that such desirable states would be accomplished through relationships with others, not merely through self-endeavors or by self-ego.

The rite of worshiping heaven's ritual analysis from end of Koryo to beginning of Choson period (려말선초(麗末鮮初) 제천례(祭天禮)의 의례적 분석 - 명대와의 비교를 중심으로 -)

  • Kim, Sang-tae
    • Journal of Korean Historical Folklife
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    • no.45
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    • pp.291-325
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    • 2014
  • This study is about examining the changing process of worshiping heaven in the end of the Koryo dynasty and early Chosun dynasty. For this, it was compared with book of national rites. This paper will outline the differences of commemorative rites of worshiping heaven between Korea and China and its reason for changing process. Also, it shows the understanding of the historic characteristics of commemorative rites of worshiping heaven in the end of the Koryo dynasty and early Chosun dynasty through analyzing conducted religious service. Following methodological approach was used to achieve the aim of the study. The study includes historical changing process and basic ritual of commemorative rites of worshiping heaven from Koryo dynasaty to King Sejo period through various chronicles and books of rites. Understanding the trend transition of operating commemorative rites of worshiping heaven is expressed differently based on the situation in those days even though it is the same operation of commemorative rites of worshiping heaven. The existing study only primarily considered the rites of worshiping heaven in the end of the Koryo dynasty and early Chosun dynasty through the resources within the country. However, the process of settlement of commemorative rites of worshiping heaven is closely related to settlement of Confucian formality. As the problems cannot be solved if institutional changes are researched only though the resources within the nation, this following study also considered the transition of commemorative rites of worshiping heaven in China for sure. Through this approach, the study understood how China's rites of worshiping heaven settled down and formed in Korea and found differences of the rites of worshiping heaven between the two nations by comparing China's book with ornamental "seal" characters throughout many generations. Furthermore, it also illustrated historical characteristics of rites of worshiping heaven in the end of the Koryo dynasty and early Chosun dynasty by analyzing carried out religious service. Although it seems like there are many similarities of Chinese ritual procedure between Koryo dynasty and Chosun dynasty, there are existing significant differences in the context. Moreover, it is clear that there are differences of ritual between Tang, Song, Ming dynasty. These differences are directly connected to Korea and also with transition of king's power. Generally, Tang and Song dynasty show similar trend whilst Ming clarifies the differences between the two. For instance, there are differences between deep bow and superintendent of cho-hun, a-hun, and jong-hun. Transition of configuration is also one of the major differences. Changing of configuration has considerably important meaning refer to status of king's power. Analyzing specific features, such as size of altar, ancestral tablet, people who participate in sacrifices, okpye, configuration, and etc., made possible to consider the actual differences, not just examining different features of vaguely. Based on this foundation, the study closely examined the differences among the periods between the nations and gave the significance of the differences.