• Proceedings of the Korean Institute of Information and Commucation Sciences Conference
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• 2004.05b
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• pp.217-220
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• 2004

According as utilization for web increases rapidly, it is demanded that model about support interaction between web-based applications systematically and solutions can integrate new distributed platforms and existing environment effectively, accordingly, Web Services appeared by solution in reply. These days, a lot of software and hardware companies try to adoption of Web Services to their market, attenpt to construct their applications associationing components from various Web Services providers. However, to execute Web Services completely. it must have interoperability and need the standardization work that avoid thing which is subject to platform, application as well as service and programming language from other companies. WS-I (Web Services Interoperability organization) have established Basic Profile 1.0 based on XML, UDDI, WSDL and SOAP for web services interoperability and developed usage scenario Profile to apply Web Services in practice. In this paper, to verify suitability Web Services interoperability between heterogeneous two applications, have design and implements the Book Information Web Services that based on the Web Services Client of J2SE platform and the Web Services Server of .NET platform, so that analysis and verify the service by adaptation of WS-I Basic Profile.

• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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• v.129
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• pp.23-51
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• 2014

Christine M. Korsgaard believes that constructivism can respond to moral skepticism without depending upon moral realism. The purpose of this paper is to examine Korsgaard's kantian constructivism and her positions on moral realism. According to Korsgaard moral realism cannot answer normative questions in that it sees the function of moral concepts as describing the reality and so accepts the model of applied knowledge for action. In contrast Korsgaard insists that constructivism is better at justifying normativity since it regards moral concepts as representing the solutions to practical problems and so shows that moral principles are necessarily involved in the practical problems of agency. Korsgaard's constructivism has antirealistic elements such as pure proceduralism, the constitutive model to exclude ontological, metaphysical meanings, and the account of human beings as the sources of values. In spite of those antirealistic elements it is difficult to jump to a conclusion that Korsgaard's constructivism is antirealism. Korsgaard, in the early book, The Sources of Normativity, says that kantian constructivism has something to do with a form of realism, or procedural moral realism. And in the following books she argues that constructivism is compatible with realism although she pays attention to the practical implications of constructivism and then sets aside its ontological relevance. That is, Korsgaard does not want that her constructivism results in antirealism. Korsgaard's realism, however, is too weak to be called as realism. There is, also, a question why one would rather take a constructivist approach if one holds on to realism.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.20
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• pp.251-307
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• 2010

Manbojeonseo, a kind of an encyclopedia published several times in Ming Ch'ing dynasty, includes useful information for scholars and common people on daily lives. In 1720, Manbojeonseo was first introduced to Joseon(朝鮮) dynasty by the diplomatic corps visiting Ch'ing dynasty, and widely circulated in the society as an useful information magazine or an individual collection of reference book. Since Manbojeonseo includes the systematically-organized contents of Geumdoron(琴道論, a theory of a heptachord), it could provide a useful reference when the Geumdoron was inserted as the contents of old scores. For an instance, Obultan(五不彈), Tangeumsuji(彈琴須知), and Taeeumgibeop(太音紀法) recorded in Hangeumsinbo(韓琴新譜, 1724) clearly acknowledge Manbojeonseo as their common source. In this paper, the order and the contents of Geumdorons from four different Manbojeonseo are compared. At first, the comparative analysis of Manbojeonseo (1610) edited by Seo Giryong(徐企龍) and Manbojeonseo(1612) edited by Yu Jamyeong(劉子明) are carried out focusing on the contents of the Geumdoron, where both Manbojeonseos contain considerable amount of Geumdoron sections. The tables of the contents in both Manbojeonseos are composed of upper and lower levels classified into 4 large divisions for each. While the contents of the upper level is presumably older and focused more on the theory of the cardinal virtues, the contents of the lower one is relatively new and centered more on the skills for the real play of a heptachord(琴), the lyrics and the musical scores composed of Gamjabo(減字譜). Therefore, it could be said that the upper level is metaphysical while the lower level is physical. One of the differences between those two Manbojeonseos lies in the order and the terminology found in the large divisions. In the case of Manbojeonseo(1612), some terms in the large division represent and theoretically group the detailed descriptions in the small divisions such as 5 demands or 7 taboos in the play of the heptachord. In addition, a few lower divisions were newly added or revised in order to enhance the completeness of Geumhangmun(琴學門, study of a heptachord), and the detailed classification was revised and polished to improve the reasonableness. In Manbojeonseo(1614) composed by the same editor as Manbojeonseo(1610), the contents of the Geumdoron become much briefer than those of Manbojeonseo(1610) and Manbojeonseo(1612). In the case of Manbojeonseo(1739), a new type of the Geumdoron is included called Oeumjeongjobo(五音正操譜) while carrying a similarly brief section of the Geumdoron. Finally, the Geumdorons in Manbojeonseo and several old scores are comparatively analyzed. While the Geumbo(琴譜) owned by Gugagwon(國樂院) and Hangeumsinbo contains relatively old Geumdoron, Yuyeji(遊藝志) and Bangsanhanssigeumbo(芳山韓氏琴譜) adopt practical and relatively new Geumdorons different from the former old scores and similar to Manbojeonseo(1739) considering the order and the contents. In particular, the contents of the Geumdoron in Geumheonakbo(琴軒樂譜) is notably unique containing much of the upper and the lower levels of Manbojeonseo(1612), therefore thought to have actively adopted the contents of new Geumdorons.

• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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• no.119
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• pp.129-159
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• 2017

The study of Freud's Moses and the background of the establishment of monotheism has become a subject of attention in the new atmosphere of the spreading of political theology and the recent rediscovery of Egyptology. This paper examines the publishing background and intentions of Freud's last book, Moses and Monotheism. And it will emphasize the fact that the Moses-Egyptian theory and his criticism of monotheism hid political theological intentions to prevent the spread of anti-Semitism in Nazi Germany. According to the Egyptologist Jan Assmann, there is a difference in that Moses' Judaism is monotheism, but Akhenaten's Aton-religion is a cosmotheism, and while Freud emphasizes Moses the 'historical figure' of that name, Assmann refers to Moses as a 'mnemohistorical figure.' Just as Freud said that the source of Jewish hatred is in Moses himself who established monotheism, Assmann argues also, monotheism is based on the so-called "Mosaic distinction" that distinguishes between true religion and false religion, thus it is possible to dismantle oppression and violence through the abolition of the Mosaic distinction. Assmann estimates that Freud had a clear stance to stop the spread of anti-Semitism as "the most explicit opponent of the Mosaic distinction." While anti-Semitic hatred spread to Christians in the Nazi era, Freud regards the real founder of Christianity, a jew Paul, as both a "Judaism destroyer" and a "successor to Judaism." At this point, Taubes began to see Paul's theology from a political theological point of view, and Assmann succeeded it. The "historical Moses" described by Freud are not "Prophet Moses" but "Moses as lawmaker and political reformer", and Jewish hatred has arisen in his distinction. Thus, Freud's monotheistic criticism as "disintegration by historical reduction"(Nietzsche) has political theological power. Just as Taubes interpreted Paul as a political theologian, Assmann found political theological elements in Freud's criticism of monotheism.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.44
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• pp.211-237
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• 2016

This paper seeks to explore the new relationship between music and poetry established in the beginning of the Modern Era. This was a period when reading silently was the dominant culture rather than reading aloud and orality was limited due to the emergence of literacy and print culture. A poet sensitive to the characteristics of the period, $Mallarm{\acute{e}}$ created his own concept of music and new creative principles of poetry from it. We analyze his "Divigation" and letters, in particular, the "Crisis of vers", "Music and Literature", "Mystery in the letters", and "About the book." Firstly, $Mallarm{\acute{e}}$ connects music with the mystery and the sacred: the mystery surrounds the music and the music is oriented with the sacred. The sanctity is that of the human race and has existed within humans since the beginning. Transposing the characteristics of this music to the poetry is his first creative principle of poetry. However, $Mallarm{\acute{e}}$ called music a totality of relationships that exist between objects without reducing the dimension to only the instruments or the sound. His definition is abstract, regarding music as a complete rhythm, the atmosphere and the air. Secondly, we have the question of how to realize music in a poem. As the music is surrounded by the mystery, $Mallarm{\acute{e}}$ can transpose the sacred to a poem in mysterious ways. This leads to his second principle of poetry: make a poem as a structure. In other words, 'musically', based on the disappearance of real objects and the initiative of the poet, he created a structure with only the words. We can create an acoustic structure but $Mallarm{\acute{e}}$ created a visible structure to overcome the incompleteness of the sound of a word in the diffusion of print culture. In this manner, the use of silence as much as sound and the use of visual as much as aural components were introduced in poetry as important motifs and the essentials of creation. This new relationship between poetry and music and the creative principles drawn from it appear to be the areas to which attention should be focused in the research of poetry.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.97
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• pp.69-86
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• 2020

Haenghaeng Ilgi (Diary of a Royal Trip) (koo 7152; hereafter Ilgi) in the collection of the National Museum of Korea provides an account of Crown Prince Sado's incognito royal visit to Pyeongyang in the fourth month of 1761. Ilgi was written by Ham Daeil, a low-ranking military officer in Pyeongyang. Ham was singled out for praise by Crown Prince Sado (1735-1762) and served the prince from the seventh day of the fourth month to the first day of the fifth month. Ilgi documented the deeds of Crown Prince Sado during this period and provides detailed information on his incognito visit to Pyeongyang, which was not officially recorded. Ilgi shows characteristics differentiating it from many other diaries. For example, the quality of the paper, neat handwriting, and well-organized sentences differ from those of common diaries. These distinctions indicate that Ilgi is closer to an official document than a private diary written by an individual. Since Ilgi records Crown Prince Sado's incognito visit to Pyeongyang, is only vaguely known otherwise, its contents need to be examined in terms of whether or not they are fully factual. As the first step in such verification, It is traced that Ham Daeil's family history which turned out to match what is written in Ilgi. Moreover, Ilgi mentions about Prince Crown Sado's writing a piece of calligraphy, and a matching piece of calligraphy written by Sado still survives today. It can be confirmed that the contents of Ilgi are factual in at least these regards. However, although Crown Prince Sado was known to have met people from various social classes during his visit to Pyeongyang, Ilgi focuses only on Crown Prince Sado and Ham Daeil. This suggests the possibility that the surviving version of Ilgi may be an edited condensation based on original texts containing more complete information on Crown Prince Sado's visit. Ilgi is presumed to have been produced during the generation of Ham Jeonghui, a son of Ham Daeil. The dates of birth and death of Ham Daeil fall during the reign of King Yeongjo. It is unlikely that any records regarding Crown Prince Sado would have been published while King Yeongjo, who was hostile to Sado, ruled the country. Ilgi also provides strong evidence that Ham Jeonghui presented the subsequent king, King Jeongjo, with the calligraphy by Crown Prince Sado and the diary. It is unclear if the book Ham Jeonghui presented him was the same as the extant version of Ilgi. Nonetheless, considering the situation at the time when King Jeongjo was pursuing several projects to honor his father Sado, it is highly probable that Ilgi was produced during the reign of King Jeongjo. The periods of presenting the calligraphy and the diary respectively overlapped with the production of Hyeollyungwon, the royal tomb of Crown Prince Sado, and Sado's sixtieth birthday. Therefore, is it considered reasonable that Ham Jeonghui produced Ilgi to promote his own social ambitions.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.69
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• pp.563-592
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• 2017

This paper is to examine philosophy of Jurye(周禮, national rituals) described on GyeongJeMunGam and GyeongJeMunGamByeolJip. As it is widely known, Sambong Jeong Do-Jeon (三峯 鄭道傳), regardless of evaluation by posterity, is definitely a figure who established 500 years of Joseon with almost everything handled by his own hands from presenting founding principle of Joseon to organizing the bureaucratic system. In the third year of King Taejo (1394) with Jurye as an ideological model for social innovation, Jeong Do-Jeon wrote Joseongyeonggukjeon and offered it to the king. Joseongyeonggukjeon is a sort of guide for new codes written by Jeong Do-Jeon as a part of defining culture and institutions of the new dynasty, which is based on Confucianism, the ruling idea of the new dynasty. GyeongJeMunGam supplements the section ChiJeon(治典: Articles for Governing) of JoSeonGyeongGukJeon(the first constitution of Joseon Dynasty) mainly to specify the duties and jobs of the prime minister; and also the duties and jobs of the highest secretaries of the kings, and provincial and county governors, whereas GyeongJeMunGamByeolJip consists of the section GunDo specifying the duties and jobs of the kings and the section Euiron additionally explaining about the kings' duties and jobs in the viewpoint of the philosophy of the Book of Change. That is, GyeongJeMunGam finely describes not only the changes, advantages and disadvantages of prime minister system of every dynasty of China and Korea but also the prime minister's duties/jobs and attitude for kings; and it also specifies the duties and jobs of the kings' highest secretaries, guards, provincial and county governors; on the other hand, GyeongJeMunGamByeolJip says that the king should play the symbolic figure setting their mind in right ways and train themselves with virtue through the idea of GunJuSuShin (君主修身: ) to point out a good and capable prime minister and make him govern the country without using their power fully.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.55
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• pp.265-291
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• 2014

Cheongeumrok is the journal of Gwonwoo(卷宇) Hong Chan-yu(1915-2005) during the period of January 9, 1969~January 14, 1982. He was personally involved in the foundation of a corporation called Yudohoi and also all of its operation, which makes him the most knowledgeable person about its history. His Cheongeumrok thus seems worthy enough as a proper material to arrange its history. Cheongeumrok consists of total 19 books, amounting to approximately 3,300 pieces of squared manuscript paper containing 200 letters per piece. He wrote it in Chinese and sometimes followed the Hangul-style word order while writing in Chinese. Many parts of the manuscript were written in a cursive hand with many Chinese poems embedded throughout it. The manuscript offers major information related to the corporation Yudohoi extracted from his journal. 1. There was a meeting of promoters to commemorate the foundation of the corporation in November, 1968, and it was in January, 1969 that it was established after getting a permit from the Ministry of Culture and Communication in January, 1969(Permit No. of Ministry of Culture and Communication: Da(다)-2-3(Jongmu(宗務)1732.5)). 2. Its office was moved from the original location of the 3rd floor of Wonnam Building, 133-1 Wonnam-dong, Jongro-gu, Seoul(currently Daekhak Pharmacy in front of Seoul National University Hospital) to Room 388 of Gwangjang Company, 4 Yeji-dong, Jongro-gu(office of Heungsan Social Gathering) and to second floor of KyungBo building, 21 Kyansu-dong, and to 3rd floor of Geongguk Building in Gyeongwoon-dong. 3. Its operational costs were covered by the supports of Seong Sang-yeong, the eldest son of Seong Jong-ho, the chairman of the board, later Kim Won-tae and Gwon Tae-hun, next chairmen of the board, and Hong Chan-yun, a director, since 1979. 4. His Confucian activities include participating in Seonggyungwan Seokjeonje (成均館 釋奠), joining in the erection of the Parijangseo(巴里長書) Monument and the publication of its commemorative poetry book, compiling the biographies(not completed) of Confucian patriotic martyrs for independence, and participating in the establishment of family rituals and regulations as a practice member. 5. His Yudohoi had a dispute with Seonggyungwan and lost a suit at the High Court in July, 1975 and Supreme Court in February, 1976. 6. There were discussions about its unification with Seonggyungwan Yudohoi, but there was hardly any progress. 7. Yudohoi started to provide full-scale courses on Confucian and Chinese classics under the leadership of Director Hong Chan-yu in 1979, and they have continued on today. Its courses for scholarship students including those for common citizens boast a history of 29 years and 220 graduates.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.32
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• pp.189-213
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• 2008

When we say the core thought of the Analects of Confucius, we normally come up with 'Ren(仁)'. However, in the first phrase of Chapter One("學而") of the Analects, there is no mention about 'Humanity'. Then, why the editor of the Analects of Confucius had put the First Chapter at the opening of book? This paper aims to describe the fact that the First Chapter One of the Analects of Confucius implies the core thought of Kongzi(孔子). In the First Chapter One, the vocabularies, such as 'Pleasure'(說), 'Delight'(樂), and 'Confucian Gentlemen'(君子) are central to the phrasal structure. 'Pleasure'(說) is the phase to cultivate himself, or the phase to equip with a qualification in order 'to establish a righteous relation'. And 'Delight'(樂) is the stage to establish relationships with colleagues who share same value and ambition with himself. 'Confucian Gentlemen'(君子) is the stage to 'establish righteous relationships' with all people in the world, and it denotes an ideal human image presented by Kongzi(孔子). The core concepts of the First Chapter One are connected to the core thoughts of the Analects of Confucius, to wit, 'Ren'(仁), 'Shu'(恕), and 'Xiujizhiren'(修己治人). If 'Ren'(仁) and 'Shu'(恕) refer to specifically 'establishment of righteous relationship', then 'Pleasure'(說) is the stage to obtain qualification in order to 'establish righteous relationship', and 'Delight'(樂) is the stage to 'establish relationships' with brothers and colleagues, and 'Confucian Gentlemen'(君子) means a person who can build up 'righteous relationships' with all the people of the world. Regarding the Confucianism in 'Character building and guiding other souls' Confucius presents three phases, viz. 'Cultivation of himself in reverential carefulness'(修己以敬) ${\rightarrow}$ 'Cultivation of himself so as to give rest to others'(修己以安人) ${\rightarrow}$ 'Cultivation of himself so as to give rest to all the people'(修己以安百姓), and the se get through 'Pleasure'(說) ${\rightarrow}$ 'Delight'(樂) ${\rightarrow}$ 'Confucian Gentlemen'(君子) in the First Chapter One of the Analects of Kongzi(孔子). The human image, named 'Confucian Gentlemen'(君子) presented in the Chapter One is equated with the human who practices 'morality'(修養) that attained by means of 'cultivation'(實踐) through 'establishment of relationship'.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.31
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• pp.241-262
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• 2011

In this paper we show how the perception of heavenly principle(天理) and definition of individual desires(私慾) in the five commentaries on Daodejing(道德經) was changed over time. The five commentaries on Daodejing(道德經) composed during $Chos{\breve{o}}n$ are 'Sooneon(醇言) by Lee, Yul-gock (李珥,1536~1584), 'SinJoo-DoDuckKyung (新註道德經) - or New Commentary on Daodejing(道德經) - by Park, Se-dang(朴世堂,1629~1703), 'Dodukjigi(道德指歸)' by Suh, Myoung-euing(徐命膺,1716~1787), 'Chowondamro (椒園談老)' by Lee, Chung-ik(李忠翊,1744~1816), and 'Jungro(訂老)' by Hong, Suk-joo (洪奭周,1774~1842). The course of history in understanding the book, "Daodejing(道德經)," demonstrated that by the late of $Chos{\breve{o}}n$ Dynasty in the 18th century, the notion of 'the moral law for the community' has changed. Neither Suh, Myoung-euing nor Lee, Chung-ik emphasized 'the necessity for the truth of the heavens.'Instead, they focused more on the 'individuals' who followed the moral law than the moral law itself. They did not see the individual desire as the object that had to be discarded. Within the context of this framework, the individual's role had changed from the person who had to be obedient to the law to the subject who judged the moral law all by him/herself. This process of breaking up 'the goodness of the community' led the $Chos{\breve{o}}n$ Dynasty of the 18th century in the transition period to the modern era. In other words, it was the time when the introspection of the 'moral law' prevailed in the $Chos{\breve{o}}n$ Dynasty occurred naturally and spontaneously among the Confucian scholars, which implied the reconceptualization of the 'self-awareness' or 'the point of view on the individual's self-desire' was occurred in the context of academic development during the late $Chos{\breve{o}}n$ Dynasty.