• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.29 no.2
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• pp.118-129
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• 2011

This study is about the governor general's official residence and its garden in Yongsan that were constructed during the Japanese occupational time. The garden design drawing was also made while planning such Neo-Baroque style building, and it contains particular information of the garden unlike the other existing landscape drawings. The content of garden translated and landscape historical value drawn out by analysis of garden drawings, press articles and literatures are as follows; First, such governor general's official residence garden in Yongsan is likely to be the Korean first western style landscape form. For, from the point that it was completely constructed together with such official residential building in 1909, its construction time should be before that of the garden of Seokjojeon, Deoksu Palace, which was constructed in 1911. Second, it shows the garden style and garden planting factors introduced together with the modern architecture then. Such garden planting factors are placed from the center axis of the garden that is connected to the center of the building and monument as well. Such style and factors cover and show the flower bed appearing in Baroque style gardens, the monument that forms Vista playing the center of audience's vision, water space that is placed symmetrically against the axis, planting pattern that emphasizes the plants' space, flower bed shape and axis, and what kinds of plants were introduced then. Third, it shows the using pattern of western style gardens. Western style garden parties used to take in place in this garden while official dinner and reception were held in the evening in the official residence. Fourth, it shows the historical value as a modern landscape drawing, which is the Korean first landscape drawing that shows the plants' names and planting techniques marking the current height and planned height for change of topography and water system as a water landscape factor. That is, this drawing has the value that it was upgraded from the other existing ones that expressed only simple plants' symbols or flower bed shapes. I, therefore, hope that the studies on the modern landscape would be getting wider by excavation of new historical records in the future.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.97
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• pp.55-68
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• 2020

The inscription found on buncheong ware (粉靑沙器, grayish-blue-powdered celadon) provides information on the bowl today, but in the past served as a device for controlling tributary payments (貢納) and the movement of government property (官物). The inscription had to be written or engraved clearly so that it could be recognizable to officials in charge of managing bowls. Such inscriptions offer important clues for contemporary research on buncheong ware. Buncheong Bowl with Stamped Design and Inscription of "Naeja" (內子) (bon 13808) in the collection of the National Museum of Korea bears a distinct inscription compared to other buncheong ware. Commonly, the inscription on buncheong indicated the name of the government office (官司名) to which the vessel belonged or the name of the place (地名) where the vessel was produced. However, the inscription "Naeja" on the buncheong bowl at the National Museum of Korea has no corresponding government office. "Naeja" is in fact a misspelling of Naeja (內資), meaning this bowl belonged to the Naejasi (內資寺, Royal Bureau of Procurement). Although "Naeja" (內子) was a misspelling of the intended Naeja (內資), it was still understood as a reference to the Naejasi since they were homophonic. Recently, buncheong ware with misspelled yet homophonous inscriptions have begun to be excavated in downtown Seoul. Examples including "Naeja" (內子) instead of Naeja (內資) and "Insu" (仁守) instead of Insu (仁壽) have been unearthed from historical sites in Seoul that functioned as consumption sites, meaning they were in fact circulated as government property despite the misspellings (whether accidental or the outcome of ignorance). Such misspelled yet homophonous inscriptions are characterized by the use of simple characters and a few sloppy strokes. Like other buncheong ware bearing the inscriptions of government office names, the bowls with the inscriptions of "Naeja" (內子) and "Insu" (仁守) were discovered at historical sites in Seoul. These misspelled homophonous inscriptions reveal that errors occurred during the process of engraving inscriptions on buncheong ware produced as a tributary payment during the early Joseon Dynasty and that buncheong ware with such errors were still distributed.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.29 no.4
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• pp.27-39
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• 2011

The study on Musan twelve peaks of Yongho garden in Jinju, Gyeongnam was anticipated to provide data and implication for reproducing similar spaces and modern changes in terms of design factor since it is the prototype of traditional mount for overcoming monotonous geographical features and intriguing changes and interests. The study analyzed and interpreted the symbolism of twelve peaks, principles of space composition and function and effect of visual construction that were pursued by the builder in terms of landscape view, which results are as following. The center of Yongho garden, Yonghoji(龍虎池) is a typical man-made pond for a supportive feng shui feature. It is a supporting equipment to complete the state of feng shui, and the result of strengthening the completion through the connection with the dragon-related name of the place. The shape of Musan twelve peaks looks like an oval form of Geumseongsan(金星山), 2~3.5m in height and 6~12m in diameter. Peaks are estimated as 1.5~3.7m(2.4m in average) in height, $35{\sim}138m^2$($73.4m^2$ in average) in area, and $30.7{\sim}115.0m^3$($62.5m^3$ in average) in volume. Given that Yonghojeong(龍虎亭), Soseon(小船), the site of main building and Yongsanjae(龍山齋) stand in line, Yonghoji was presumed as the state of enlightenment through ascribing the meaning to virtue and secularity. For the intention of realizing Musan twelve peaks, the builder probably had mounted twelve peaks forming the body of dragons with crossing the point corresponding to a head of tiger, and located Musan twelve peaks and Yonghojeong with a representation of dragons holding Cintamani rising into the sky in the center. The middle area near Musan twelve peaks surrounded by peaks like Geumseongsan running north and south shows a multi-structure of multilayer, maintaining the similarity centering on Yonghoji. It is considered the intention of mount planned at the time of Musan twelve peaks construction, caused by similar form harmony. Internalization of progressive realization through concealment and exposure, enframement effect and spatial order like prospect-refuge theory in the mount of Musan twelve peaks is considered the reflection of the intention to increase depth of the view and expectancy through the various degree of exposure and surroundings of each peak and the colorful combination of viewing and shutting. The "closed view" by Musan twelve peaks creates interesting, vivid and attractive recognition of the view, which is more effective in bringing depth of the view and interests in terms of the geographical design, particularly the area around Yonghoji. Moreover, it was identified that the combination of peaks can be formed resulted from the view configuration concerning the location through multilayer effect reveals an island through the other one when viewed from Yonghojeong.

• Journal of Korean Classical Literature and Education
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• no.39
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• pp.221-246
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• 2018

In this text, the author examines the aspects and characteristics of the three forms that were created and enjoyed when the upper-class nobles of Japan "combined(混淆)" waka(和歌) and Chinese poetry(漢詩) between the 10th and 17th centuries. The three forms are the "Collection of Japanese and Chinese poems for singing"(和漢朗詠), "A collection of Japanese and Chinese poems" (詩歌合), and the "Renku renga"(聯句連歌). "Collection of Japanese and Chinese poems for singing" appeared in the 10th century, "A collection of Japanese and Chinese poems" appeared in the 12th century, "Renku renga" appeared in the 14th century, and all three continued to influence the history of Japanese literature after that time. As the combination of literary Japanese and Chinese progressed, the gap between waka and Chinese poetry decreased until they finally combined to create a single work. That is, waka and Chinese poetry converged in one place in multiple ways: as a work that was appropriate to be recited("Collection of Japanese and Chinese poems for singing"), facing each other work against work in a competition("A collection of Japanese and Chinese poems"), and, in the end, they reached the point where they were interchangeable as lines making up long poems(長詩)("Renku renga"). The combination of literary Japanese and Chinese can be said to be the Japanese version of the common movement in East Asian literary history during the Middle Ages to make songs from one's own language flawless in Chinese poetry. Meanwhile, by examining the status changes that appeared as Chinese poetry paralleled, fought with, replaced, and combined with waka, we can find clues to explain the attitudes of the Japanese people on Chinese poetry during the period when the three forms existed, as well as the characteristics of Japanese Chinese poetry that appeared in response to that. The preferences not of "myself" but of the "audience," content and expressions that revere the period rather than the inner self of the poet, and the fact that it is a means for enjoyable pleasure rather than having the original characteristics of lyrical poetry for self-expression are all characteristics of Chinese poetry in Japan during the early and late Middle Ages period. These characteristics can be said to be the current that flows in the underbelly of the history of Chinese literature in Japan. This author believes that the key to discussing the history of Chinese literature in Japan during the Middle Ages period from the perspective of East Asian literary history can be found here.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.34
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• pp.133-172
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• 2017

Mansuseongjeol was originally a term that referred to the birthday of Chinese emperors. In October 1897, when Emperor Gojong ascended the throne, his birthday could be called mansuseongjeol. The celebratory events for mansuseongjeol took place throughout various levels of society and regions. Various places and classes including government officials, foreigners, students, religious people, journalists, merchants, civic groups, and nation-wide open ports celebrated the birth of Emperor Gojong, and the classes celebrating the day became stronger and wider. In other words, in the sense that the celebration had the nature of being universal, national, and global in terms of classes, regions, and races, the event was distinguished. Due to such nature, celebrating culture proceeded in various ways and the imperial family provided donation. Celebration on mansuseongjeol extended to respect toward the emperor and patriotism so it contributed to strengthening the emperor's power and solidifying the unity of the people. Also, such an event was reported around the world through diplomats and reporters living in Korea, raising the national status of Korea in the world. However, after the breakout of Russo-Japanese War, Japan controlled the finance of the royal family, reduced the power of the emperor, and the celebration of mansuseongjeol was also reduced. Due to the suspension of royal family's financial support, crackdown from Japan, and the dethronement of Emperor Gojong, events for mansuseongjeol disappeared and only inside the palace, did formal celebrations continue centering on pro-Japan officials and Japanese people. The abdication of Emperor Gojong came with the collapse of Korean Empire and along with that, celebration of mansuseongjeol came to an end. In the circumstances, the culture of court banquet disintegrated, and the best performers of Korean Empire degenerated into mere entertainers. Though mansuseongjeol, the medium of expressing respect toward the emperor and patriotism, lost its status, it is significant that the cultural achievements, which were created during the process established with the support of the financial power of the royal family, serve as internal power that drove Korea's modern and contemporary cultural history.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.69
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• pp.205-232
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• 2017

In the former half of the 18th century, For this period the literary people who led the literature of Nam'in were Sadaebu named the so-called Munoepa. There were Gang Pak(姜樸), Lee In-bok(李仁復), Lee Jung-hwan, Oh Gwang-un(吳光運), and Gang Pil-shin(姜必愼) in Munoepa(門外派). All these people as Sadaebu of Nam'in kept company with families of each other, had close relations from early childhood, and shared with same opinions in various ways like politics, culture, etc. They had intimate relationships not only in politics but also in literature, and primarily acted their part regarding the development of literary circles in the first half of the 18th century. Many individual poets who achieved the outstanding literary accomplishment appeared in the late period of Joseon Dynasty, especially in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. They actively made progress in their literary works with Sisa. The poets in similar positions had the Sisa to show their literary ability and check on their view about the literature. They briskly tried to express their own literary intention in activities of Sisa. Gang Pil-shin is a literary representative of the late period of Joseon Dynasty Nam'in. Through the exchange relationship of Gang Pil-shin, we can confirm certain aspects of his literary world. People who have tied up with Gang Pil-shin are largely divided into three. First, it is a literary person in Geungi Nam'in literati, typified by Backryeonsidan, Jinju Gang family, Gyeongsang Provinces area that was a place of residence. The exchanges of Gang Pil-shin were done via a poetry club. a poetry club was basically conducted mainly on relatives such as Gang Pak. However, the members of a poetry club changed according to the area where you live. Gang Pil-shin made a poetry club while coming back and forth between Seoul and Gyeongsang Provinces. This means that Gang Pil-shin also had special attention as Geungi Nam'in (近畿 南人), but also had a positive nature as Yeongnam south person. A closer look at what linguistics of Gang Pil-shin Geungi Nam'in and Yeongnam Nam'in had special characteristics late period of Joseon Dynasty It is possible to confirm the special characteristics of Seoul and the local literary exchange. For this reason, it seems that more detailed examination of the literature of Gang Pil-shin is necessary.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.58
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• pp.161-199
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• 2018

The contents and method of education of all Korean scholars are similar to the contents and method of education provided by Zhu Xi(朱熹), but they operated in a somewhat different way according to schools. Those who served as the first directors of Donam Seowon were Kim Gip(金集, 1574~1656), Song Joon-gil(宋浚吉, 1606~1672) and Song Si-yeol(宋時烈, 1607~1689), who were the writers of Kim Jang-saeng(金長生, 1548~1631). Donam Seowon is supposed to have weakened the status of scholarship and the activities of lectures as HwaYang Seowon and Seoksil Seowon, which principals were all the Noron(老論) scholars, grew to be the center of education institution of the Noron. Donam Seowon have not preserved the school regulations. But the way of operating system of Donam Seowon can be guessed through the letter of Song Joon-gil, who was the headmaster of the late 17th century on the whole operation of Donam Seowon. From this letter, it is assumed that the school of Donam Seowon is similar to the 'Unbyoung-Jungsa regulations' written by Lee Yi(李珥). The headmasters of Donam Seowon was the Noron scholars. And scholars of the Kim Chang-hyeop(金昌協, 1651~1708) school became headmasters more than the scholars of Kwon Sang-ha(權尙夏, 1641~1721) school. Headmasters of the Donam Seowon had served as the headmasters of HwaYang Seowon and Seoksil Seowon also. In the early days of the establishment of the Donam Seowon, the lecture activities conducted in Donam Seowon were preceded by the textbooks of Kim Jang-saeng/Song Si-yeol's teaching curriculum and neo-confucian books[i.e Sohak (小學)${\rightarrow}$Family Ritual(家禮)${\rightarrow}$Simkyong(心經)${\rightarrow}$Keunsarok(近思錄). It is assumed that the scholars of Seoksil Seowon, who was a Noron Nak-ron(洛論) scholars, gradually adopted Lee Yi's teaching curriculum[i.e, Sohak(小學)${\rightarrow}$Sasoe(四書)${\rightarrow}$Okyoung(五經)]. This lecture contents and procedure was contents and procedure of the Seoksil Seowon, established and operated by the scholars of the Kim Chang-hyeop school. Entrance qualification of Donam Seowon's did not place importance on the social status, but on scholarship and personality. The examination for a high-ranking government official was not allowed. Although the principle, students had to participate in the lecture and study(講學), they were living in Seowon, while the financial and operating of the Seowon became increasingly difficult, the students were changed to participate in the conference(講會) held twice a month while studying at their homes.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.25
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• pp.197-222
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• 2009

In this treatise, the researcher closely examined the I-Xue(易學) compiled and edited by YulGok(栗谷) with a focus on the concept, namely Communication(疏通). I-Xue(易學) compiled by YulGok(栗谷) adopted the discourses of I-Xue(易學) or changes in the Song Dynasty of ancient China, and engrafted his own logics, dubbed Liqizhimiao(理氣之妙), thereunto. In YulGok(栗谷)'s I-Xue(易學), Liqizhimiao(理氣之妙) expresses a state of exchanging information and Communication(疏通), and, at this time, Communication(疏通) encompasses not only the meaning of communication between two heterogeneous factors but also the broader meaning of Communication(疏通) that embrace the Communication(疏通) between heaven and human beings. In his theories in relation to Tiyongyiyuan(體用一源) and Heluoxiangshulun(河洛象數論), YulGok(栗谷) also applied the logic of Communication(疏通). Although YulGok(栗谷) admits the general theory that substance and function have the same source, which understands principle and phenomenon as two forms of existence, he tried to place emphasis more on the aspect of Communication(疏通) by interpreting Li(理) and Xiang(象) in terms of the issues concerned with Li(理) and Jian(踐). In his theory concerned with Magic Squares and Circles, Images and Numbers, such a standpoint is being applied likewise. By emphasizing the fact that Hetu("河圖") may turn out to be Luoshu("洛書"), and vice versa, YulGok(栗谷) stressed that there are communicative relations that are required in order to communicate ideas to one another. In YulGok(栗谷)'s I-Xue(易學), the logic of Communication(疏通) is culminated with the discourse of Tianrenjiaoyu(天人交與). YulGok(栗谷), in his book Ishuce(易數策), uses such expression as Tianrenjiaoyuzhimiao(天人交與之?), and, at this time, he used this expression bearing Liqizhimiao(理氣之妙) in mind. The reason for using the expression, such as Jiaoyu(交與), in lieu of Heyi(合一) is that YulGok(栗谷) tried to emphasize such relations as that heaven and humans are required for interrelated relationship. Tianrenjiaoyu(天人交與) is an expression to indicate the close relationship between heaven and human beings, meanwhile, however, YulGok(栗谷) puts more emphasis on human efforts than those that of heaven. The reason for introducing human as the subjective figure in the Tianrenjiaoyu(天人交與) is that YulGok(栗谷) tried to stress practical efforts of humans.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.28 no.1
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• pp.21-51
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• 2018

This article takes several approaches in explaining recent developments in Vietnam. First, it draws upon an array of sources that idealize Vietnam's embrace of capitalism and integration into the global market in order to sketch out its economy's progress in 2017. Second, it observes, evaluates, and diagnoses recent changes in the Vietnamese economy in the medium to long term by incorporating conflicting perspectives on Vietnam's performance as a capitalist country. Third, this article traces the power shifts that have risen from internal struggles in the Communist Party over political and social issues. Fourth, it elaborates on the aforementioned impact that foreign relations have had on socio-political developments in Vietnam, as well as the government's response. In so doing, it also attempts to evaluate, however briefly, the significance of the 25th anniversary of South Korea-Vietnam relations. Finally, it examines the public's reaction to the post-reform transitions in light of recent sociocultural changes. 2017 was a memorable year for Vietnam: a continuous march toward capitalism; the resulting expansion of the Vietnamese people's demands; political controversies and government control; the looming instability of United States-China relations and various attempts to address the situation. These events will inevitably replicate themselves in the future as the ostensibly socialist Vietnam adopts a capitalist model. The problem is that it is unclear whether these experiences will continue with the consent of the people of socialist Vietnam or engender resistance. It is difficult to achieve meaningful consent in the status quo of worsening inequalities, widespread corruption, monopoly on power, and sustained use of unskilled low-wage workers. In other words, when concerns such as welfare, public health, and the environment are set aside in favor of economic development and commercialization as they have been, discontent, rather than consent, will prevail. It is thus important to keep a watchful eye on the viability of the nominal economic growth, surface-level political stability, and strategic responses to foreign relations that took place in 2017.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.37
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• pp.93-126
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• 2009

This study is about a event, which happened on January of 1603 in Hamheung. It has covered from the beginning through the conclusion of the event. The event was ignited by a naturalized citizen, Guilsang's coming to the capital city without permission from the government. With this study I've wished to find the situations of specific management of naturalized citizens as well as popular attitudes towards them at the time. Concerning with the event of Guilsang, I could find more detailed situations from "Naturalization Registration". The reason why Guilsang came to Seoul was that he wanted to ask for living together with his son-in-law's family in Yang-Ju. Before his coming, Bie-Byun-Sa had sent a official letter to the governor of Hamkyung-Do so that he had had to move somewhere between Anbyun and Yung-heung. But Guilsang had wanted to live with his whole family in Seoul. The place he visited first was Sa-Yuk-Won. He presented his petition through Yeozin language translator there. Sa-Yuk-Won then informed Ye-Jo to have him investigated. After its investigation, Ye-Jo reported to the king. There were arguments about Guilsang family in the government. Guilsang had wanted to live with his whole family, including his relatives and son-in-law. Guilsang's request had more pros than cons in terms of humanism. But letting him live in Seoul was a difficult decision for the government. but his family strenuously insisted on living in Seoul, trying to kill itself. Finally Government selected Yong-In which was a compromise between the naturalized citizens' wish and difficult position of Government. Yong-In Miejo-Hyun was a poor region where naturalized citizens had lived before but now empty after the wars. In the process of the event of Guilsang, Government differentiated naturalized citizens from general citizens and regarded them foreign. A man from Yeozin was naturalized due to economic reason. But, he couldn't accept to live somewhere except Seoul, separating from his family. Government concerned with dangers of naturalized citizen becoming into foreign agents and stabilization of borders. These concerns caused the policy of residential control and decentralization of naturalized citizens failed.