• Archives of design research
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• v.19 no.2 s.64
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• pp.241-250
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• 2006

Hangeul as the Korean unique characters were invented according to some character-making principles and based on scholars' exhaustive researches. While most of the characters in the world evolved naturally, Hangeul was invented based on a precise linguistic analysis of the time, and therefore, it is most scientific and reasonable among various characters throughout the world. Nevertheless, Hangeul typeface designs do not seem to inherit the ideology of scientific and reasonable Hangeul correctly. For the square forms have been used intact due to the influences from the Chinese characters which prevailed during the time. If a single set of square characters should be designed, as much as 11,172 fonts should be designed, which suggests that advantages of Mangeul may not well be used fully; Hangeul was invented to visualize every sound with the combinations of 28 vowels and consonants. Problems of such square fonts began to be identified since 1900's when typewriters were introduced first from the West. Since a typewriter is designed with 28 characters laid out on its keyboard by using such combinations, the letters may be easily combined on it. The so-called the flexibility square-format typeface was born as such. Specially, the three-pairs fonts of these can be combined up to 67 letters including vowels and consonants. The three-pairs fonts system can help to solve the problems arising form the conventional square fonts and inherit the original ideology of Hangeul invention. This study aims to review the history of the three-pairs fonts designs facilitated by mechanic encoding of Hangeul and thereupon, suggest some desirable directions for future Hangeul fonts. Since the flexibility square-format typeface is expected to evolve more and more owing to development of the digital technology, they would serve our age of information in terms of both functions and convenience. Just as Hunminjongum tried to be literally independent from the Chinese characters, so the flexibility square-format typeface designs would serve to recover identity of our Hangeul font designs.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.54 no.4
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• pp.152-173
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• 2021

The Large Banner was introduced during the Japanese Invasions of Korea with a new military system. It was a flag that controlled the movement of soldiers in military training. In addition, it was used in other ways, such as a symbol when receiving a king in a military camp, a flag raised on the front of a royal procession, at the reception and dispatch of envoys, and at a local official's procession. The Large Banner was recognized as a symbol of military dignity and training rites. The Large Banner was analyzed in the present study in the context of two different types of decorations. Type I includes chungdogi, gakgi and moongi. Type II includes grand, medium, and small obangi, geumgogi and pyomigi. Each type is decorated differently for each purpose. The size of the flag is estimated to be a square of over 4 ja long in length. Flame edges were attached to one side and run up and down The Large Banner used the Five Direction Colors based on the traditional principles of Yin-Yang and Five Elements. The pattern of the Large Banner is largely distinguished by four. The pattern of large obangi consists of divine beasts symbolizing the Five Directions and a Taoism amulet letter. The pattern of medium obangi features spiritual generals that escort the Five Directions. The pattern of small obangi has the Eight Trigrams. The pattern of moongi consists of a tiger with wings that keeps a tight watch on the army's doors. As for historical sources of coloring for Large Banner production, the color-written copy named Gije, from the collection of the Osaka Prefect Library, was confirmed as the style of the Yongho Camp in the mid to late 18th century, and it was also used for this essay and visualization work. We used Cloud-patterned Satin Damask as the background material for Large Banner production, to reveal the dignity of the military. The size of the 4 ja flag was determined to be 170 cm long and 145 cm wide, and the 5 ja flag was 200 cm long and 175 cm wide. The conversion formula used for this work was Youngjochuck (1 ja =30cm). In addition, the order of hierarchy in the Flag of the King was discovered within all flags of the late Joseon Dynasty. In the above historical study, the two types of Large Banner were visualized. The visualization considered the size of the flag, the decoration of the flagpole, and the patterns described in this essay to restore them to their original shape laid out the 18th century relics on the background. By presenting color, size, material patterns, and auxiliary items together, it was possible not only to produce 3D content, but also to produce real products.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.50 no.1
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• pp.18-41
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• 2017

The Gangjin WolnamSaji(月南寺址) is a small site where three-story pagodas and a destroyed tombstone remained. In 1973, it was discovered that the destroyed tombstone was that of the second master of Susunsa, Hye shim(慧諶), who had a special relationship with the military regime in Goryeo, and it once again attracted attention as a result of the recent excavation of the Rooftile of Yeonhwamun(蓮花文). In particular, the Windchime excavated in 2012 is a large-sized one group with a length of 23cm, and a relatively large Sanskrit character was decorated on four sides of the body. In addition, it was also confirmed in preservation process that the word 'gaecheon(盖天)' was engraved. The Sanskrit characters(梵字) om( , oṃ), a( , a), hum( , hūṃ), brum( , bhrūṃ) were decorated on the body of the Wind-chime excavated in WolnamSaji. Om( , oṃ), a( , a), hum( , hūṃ) are known as the Sammiljineon(三密眞言) and brum( , bhrūṃ) has the meaning of having the highest honor. In addition, the Sammiljineon(三密眞言) allows us to understand the truth by responding to the principle of universe, which is the Vairocana Buddha(毘盧遮那佛), and brum( , bhrūṃ) has the meaning of unity. In the end, the meaning of the Sanskrit decorating the four sides of the Wind-chime, of WolnamSaji(月南寺址), can be interpreted as the expression of the Buddha's doctrine, or the willingness to be combined with Buddha, the highest existence in itself. It is possible that the word 'gaecheon(盖天)' carved on the body can be regarded as the name of the master craftsman related to the making of the Wind-chime, but it is unlikely that it is the name of the master craftsman, considering that it is a place where the location is not easily seen. If so, you can think of the original function that the Wind-chime has. In other words, it can be interpreted symbolically and implicitly that the wish of the sound of the airwaves symbolized by the words of the Buddha covers the sky and spreads all over the place. It is thought that the Wind-chime excavated in WolnamSaji(月南寺址) was made in the mid to late 13th century considering the comparisons with another wind-chime excavated from the temple site, the historical situation in the late Goryeo, the publication date of the scriptures(經典) of Esoteric Buddhism(密敎).

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.35
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• pp.405-439
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• 2017

In this article, I suggest issues and tasks in transmission of Gyeonggi Province folk songs after thorough study of designation of Gyeonggi Province folk songs as intangible cultural asset, reproduction and transmission. Intangible cultural assets are classified into seasonal playing and songs. Originally, category or extension of folk songs is above mere songs and it also embraces personal lives as well as village communities. Intangible assets of folk songs are folk art, group events and non-stage events at the same time based on tradition, history, uniqueness, characters of field value. Gyeonggi Province has 9 intangible assets now because of the revocation of several assets (All Gyeonggi Province, Hwasung, Gwacheon) within five years after initial designation of 13 assets in 1998. They are mostly distributed in the north Gyeonggi region where is close to the DMZ and delay in development seems to have enabled the preservation. Most of the intangible cultural assets are farming songs and weeding which show characteristics of Gyeonggi Province. Most of the designees are who performed excavation, recovery, excluding a few cases without designees on designation, and almost all the designee passed away. Number of cases have been revoked because transmission was not completed or some cases were transmitted to groups rather than specific designees. Subscription concert, the biggest and most representative event, is performed once a year with all of the 9 intangible cultural assets in the original complete forms of the designation. Intangible cultural assets are classified into seasonal playing and songs. In general, current performance of the intangible cultural assets and folk songs are same as the originally designated forms and are not in varied forms other than folk songs like songs for rice-planting and weeding. Funeral songs are transmitted in Yangju and Yangpyeong. In terms of the operation, preservation societies having training centers have been performing more constant activities for preservation including lecture, performance and transmission. Members are quite aged and the societies are suffering from lack of support fund for reproduction and transmission. Problems in reproduction and tasks for the transmission I would like to suggest are like followings. First, preservation and value of the cultural assets. Second, new understanding of designation and revocation of the intangible cultural assets. Third, record of performance and sound source. Fourth, liaison with local communities. Fifth, organization of professional resources and establishment of systematic support and management.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.43
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• pp.1-29
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• 2022

In this era of transnational migration, it is necessary to recognize the signs of the times regarding religion. During the globalization of Korean society, migration cannot be avoided, and as such, Korea should look towards hospitality with practical themes of religion and religious people aiming for peace. Therefore, this study examines the concept of 'conscience' in Daesoon Thought because this understanding of the conscience connects people to their heavenly endowed nature and their original selves. First, in order to explore the religious ideas of hospitality for transnational migration, this study viewed the issue through three analytical frames: exclusive perception, tolerant perception, and pluralistic perception, and then criticized these from the perspective of hospitality. Furthermore, hospitality was viewed as an attitude of attempting to expand one's sense of self in dealing with others. Religiously, it was derived that the expansion of one's sense of self should aim for relationships of Sangsaeng (相生 mutual beneficence) as these go beyond mere symbiosis. In addition, as a way to overcome otherness, the religious idea of unconditional hospitality towards migrants was explored focusing on the concept of conscience in Daesoon Thought. In Daesoon Thought, the mind is the source of Heaven and Earth and also the essence of human existence. There are two aspects of mind that arise in humans: conscience and private interest. In Daesoon Thought, the conscience enables human potential and aims for a return to the source. In other words, it is to abandon private-interest and regain one's nature and the essence of one's personality. This can be done through Mujagi (無自欺 Guarding against Self-deception); embodying and maintaining a mind that does not deceive itself. In Daesoon Thought, the practice of Sangsaeng ethics based on Mujagi is expressed as Haewon Sangsaeng (解冤相生 the Resolution of Grievances for Mutual Beneficence) and working for the betterment of others. Therefore, when the relational and communal perspectives of Daesoon Truth and Sangsaeng are reinforced, the argument for developing the practical ethics of Haewon Sangsaeng based on Mujagi into the transformation of the human spirit expressed as unconditional hospitality was found to be sound.

• Journal of Popular Narrative
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• v.25 no.4
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• pp.263-288
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• 2019

Barrier-free films enhance accessibility to audiovisual image contents by providing specific information on screen and through sound so that people with vision or hearing loss can receive the same amount of information as those without disabilities and immerse themselves in the audiovisual images. This study pays attention to barrier-free audiovisual contents in relation to the cultural civil rights of people with vision or hearing loss in South Korea. While institutional efforts have been made in the 2010s to improve the access to audiovisual media of people with vision or hearing loss, the goal of enabling people with vision or hearing loss to fully enjoy all audiovisual contents at a level equal to the non-disabled has not yet been realized. Amid the lingering conflict between disabled groups and multiplexes that has lasted years, the global video streaming service Netflix has aggressively threatened the dominance of local multiplexes with the launch of its Korean service. As Netflix, which is subject to U.S. regulations guaranteeing the rights of people with vision or hearing loss, has produced original dramas and movies involving Korean production teams, the cultural civil rights discourse of the disabled has transitioned to the issue of the rights of cultural consumers crossing national borders in the era of globalization. Changes in the media environment raise the issue of civil rights guarantees in which disabled people enjoy the right to simultaneously watch movies and comment on movies by participating in a common discourse, equally with non-disabled people. The "right to be part of the audience for Korean cinema" for Korean deaf people, which has long been neglected, should also be considered as a cultural civil right that crosses the boundaries of language, nation and disabilities. This essay examines the current issues surrounding the right to cultural entertainment of people with vision or hearing loss in South Korea in conjunction with the contemporary trend of rapid changes in the media environment and the global spread of the movement for cultural civil rights of people with disabilities, and suggests the need for visual culture studies to take a serious step toward disability studies.

• SUVANNABHUMI
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• v.3 no.1
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• pp.47-66
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• 2011

Malay society is rooted on the Islamic concept. That Islam influenced every corner of that Malay society which had ever been an edge of the civilizations of the Indus and Ganges. Once the letters of that Hindu religion namely Sanscrit was adopted to this Malay society for the purpose of getting the Malay language, that is, Bahasa Melayu down to the practical literation but in vain. The Sanscrit was too complicated for Malay society to imitate and put it into practice in everyday life because it was totally different type of letters which has many of the similar allographs for a sound. In the end Malay society gave it up and just used the Malay language without using any letters for herself. After a few centuries Islam entered this Malay society with taking Arabic letters. It was not merely influencing Malay cultures, but to the religious life according to wide spread of that Islam. Finally Arabic letters was to the very means that Malay language was written by. It means that Arabic letters had been used for Arabic language in former times, but it became a similar form of letters for a new language which was named as Malay language. This Arabic letters for Arabic language has no problems whereas Arabic letters for Malay language has some of it. Naturally speaking, arabic letters was not designed for any other language but just for Arabic language itself. On account of this, there occurred a few problems in writing Malay consonants, just like p, ng, g, c, ny and v. These 6 letters could never be written down in Arabic letters. Those 6 ones were never known before in trying to pronounce by Arab people. Therefore, Malay society had only to modify a few new forms of letters for these 6 letters which had frequently been found in their own Malay sounds. As a result, pa was derived from fa, nga was derived from ain, ga was derived from kaf, ca was derived from jim, nya was derived from tha or ba, and va was derived from wau itself. Where must these 6 newly modified letters be put on this Arabic keyboard? This is the very core of this working paper. As a matter of course, these 6 letters were put on the place where 6 Arabic signs which were scarecely written in Malay language. Those 6 are found when they are used only in the 'shift-key-using-letters.' These newly designed 6 letters were put instead of the original places of fatha, kasra, damma, sukun, tanween and so on. The main differences between the 2 set of 6 letters are this: 6 in Arabic orginal keyboard are only signs for Arabic letters, on the other hand 6 Malay's are real letters. In others words, 6 newly modified Malay letters were substituted for unused 6 Arabic signs in Malay keyboard. This type of newly designed Malay Jawi Script keyboard is still used in Malaysia, Brunei and some other Malay countries. But this sort of keyboard also needs to go forward to find out another way of keyboard system which is in accordance with the alphabetically ordered keyboard system. It means that alif is going to be typed for A key, and zai shall be typed when Z key is pressed. This keyboard system is called 'Malay Jawi-English Rumi matching keyboard system', even though this system should probably be inconvenient for Malay Jawi experts who are good at Arabic 'alif-ba-ta'order.