• 동의신경정신과학회지
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• 제34권2호
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• pp.71-82
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• 2023

Objectives: The existing reductionist approach has not reached complete understanding of the cause of schizophrenia. The objective of this study was to investigate yin-yang and five-element characteristics reflected on four time pillars of birth of patients with schizophrenia through comparison with the general population in the perspective of consilience-based holistic approach. Methods: This study was conducted using a random sequential recruitment method for the general population and individuals with schizophrenia aged 18 to 64 based on the exact date and time of birth using structured questionnaires. Relative positional relations of yin-yang and five-element with day master were primarily examined. In addition, the strength of day master with a score range of 0~100 points was assessed through operational score allocation. Results: Of 591 participants, 576 (346: general population, 230: individuals with schizophrenia) were analyzed. Between-group analyses showed no significant difference in the distribution of types of day master (χ²=10.41, df=9, p=0.318). However, significant between-group differences were shown in the distribution of the strength of day master (t=2.14, p=0.032) and frequency of restraining month branch (χ²=5.23, df=1, p=0.022). In logistic regression analysis, 10-point increase on the strength of day master decreased the probability of onset of schizophrenia over the age of 30 by 29.6% (p=0.002; 95% confidence interval, 0.566~0.876). Conclusions: Findings in this study suggest that four time pillars of birth might be associated with schizophrenia through yin-yang and five-element theory and synchronicity principle, implicating the plausibility of consilience-based holistic approach in the determination of risk factors or cause of schizophrenia.

• 대한한의학원전학회지
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• 제11권2호
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• pp.146-168
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• 1998

This thesis is a study on the diagnostic theory and methods of Macjin(checking of pulse) as described in the Whang Di Nei Qing. There are four methods of Macjin in this text, namely: Dong Macjin(動脈法), Sam Bu Gu Who Macjin(三部九脈診). In Young Gi Gu Macjin(人迎氣口脈診法), Nei Qing's Gi Gu Macjin(內徑의 氣口脈法). Each method developed in it's own way, but they are all closely related and became the basis of today's Macjin. I examined the methods of Macjin in the Whang Di Nei Qing from a perspective of "change". The main questions of this study are: "What brought about the development of the different methods?". "How do the methods differ?", and "how did these methods evoke into today's Macjin?". The method of Macjin generated spontaneously from the observation and treatment of disease. Dong Macjin was the first method developed and became the basis of subsequent forms of Macjin. The accumulation of medical knowledge and the influence of oriental philosophy fueled the evolution of Macjin. Chronologically, Macjin methods developed starting with Dong Macjin and eventually into Sam Bu Gu Who Macjin. In Young Gi Gu Macjin, and Nei Qing's Gi Gu Macjin. The different methods of Macjin vary in how many pulse points are checked, and were established with simplicity and effectiveness in mind. Dong Macjin involves the checking the whole body. Sam Bu Gu Who Macjin involves nine points. In Young Gi Gu Macjin involves four points. and Nei Qing's Gi Gu Macjin involves two. In it's early development, the checking of a patient's pulse was used to diagnose only localized disorders in comparison with symptoms. It evolved with Oh Jang Mad(五臟脈, five main types of pulse) to be able to check internal organs with the introduction of Nei Qing's Gi Gu Macjin. After the division of Chon Kwan Chuck(寸關尺), it evolved further to be able to make a detailed diagnosis by using the result of pules checks. Nowadays, we can make 28 forms of diagnostic indices from these development. In conclusion, Macjin can be used practically and effectively in the diagnosis of disease. In using three methods of Macjin(In Young Gi Gu Macjin, Nei Qing's Gi Gu Macjin, and today's Gi Gu Macjin, which can determine the whole body's Siate of well-being) in conjunction with Dong Macjin(which helps pinpoint the localized disorder), an exact diagnosis can be obtained. I strongly feel that we should acquire objectivity by accommodating Macjin with modern methods of medicine.

• 한국의사학회지
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• 제24권2호
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• pp.25-55
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• 2011

The currently existing "Bonchojeonghwa (本草精華)" is a manuscript without the preface and the epilogue, composed of 2 books in 2 volumes. This book is a quintessence of knowledge on science of medicinal ingredients (medicinal phytology I herbal science) as well as an trial of new development in Chosun medical science. I.e. this book includes surprising change representing medical science in Chosun dynasty as a single publication on science of medicinal ingredients. It holds a value essential to clinician as a specialized book in medicinal ingredients, and Includes richer content on medicinal ingredients than any other books published before. In addition, it is away from boring list-up of superfluous knowledge as seen in "Bonchokangmok(本草綱目)" published in China, and well summarizes essential knowledge which can be used within a range of medicines available in Korea. This book has an outstanding structure that can be even used in today's textbook on science of medicinal ingredients, as it has clear theory, system and classification. Because it handles essential learning points prior to prescription to disease, it is possible to configure new prescription and adjustment of medicinal materials. Moreover, this book can play a good role for linguistic study at the time of publication, because it describes many drugs in Hangul in many parts of the book. "Bonchojeonghwa" includes a variety of animals, plants and mineral resources in Korea, like "Bonchokangmok" which was recently listed in UNESCO. As such, it has a significance in natural history as well as pharmacy in Korean Medicine. It has various academic relationships all in biologic & abiologic aspects. It has importance in sharing future biological resources, building up international potential, setting up the standard for biologic species under IMF system, and becoming a base for resource diplomacy. We should not only see it as a book on medicinal ingredients in terms of Oriental Medicine, but also make an prudent approach to it in terms of study strengthening Korea's national competitiveness. After bibliographical reviewing on the features & characteristics of the only existing copy of "Bonchojeonghwa" housed in Kyujanggak(奎章閣) of Seoul National University, the followings are noted. First, "Bonchojeonghwa" is a specialized book on medicinal ingredients voluntarily made by private hands to distribute knowledge on drugs in the desolate situation after Imjinoeran (Japanese Invasion in 1592), without waiting for governmental help. Second, it raised accessibility and practicality by new editing. Third, it classified 990 different kinds of drugs into plant, animal, and mineral at large, and dassified more in detail into 15 'Bu' and 48 'Ryu' at 258 pages. Fourth, the publication of this book is estimated to be around 1625~1633, at the time of Injo's reign in 17th century. Fifth, it contains the existing & up-to-date knowledge at the time of publication, and it is possible to see the supply-demand situation by Hangul descriptions in 149 places in the book. By the fact that there are many linguistic evidences of 17th century, explains well when the book was published.

• 의료법학
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• 제13권2호
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• pp.179-214
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• 2012

There are two opinions on the legal characteristics of damages for non-pecuniary loss, a private sanctions theory and complementary function of damages for non-pecuniary loss, briefly. There is a close connection between the legal characteristics and the function of damages for non-pecuniary loss. The functions of damages for non-pecuniary loss are consist of satisfaction, prevention( sanctions) and complementation. Several cases of medical injury relief reported to Korea Comsumer Agency are categorized as follows, 1) cases of death after having an operation, 2) diagnosed with disability after a medical accident, 3) extended damages happening related to delayed diagnosis, 4) et cetera(a plastic surgery, a treatment with oriental medicine), and the damages for non-pecuniary loss in respect to each cases are examined. In the case of occurring death or disability, Korea Comsumer Agency has set up guidelines for assessment of damages for non-pecuniary loss by classifying into major and collateral violation for a duty of care. Furthermore, the damages for non-pecuniary loss in the case of all sorts of cancers, are assessed in accordance with the degree of responsibility subsequent to dividing cancer into good and poor prognosis. When it comes to a complementary function of damages for non-pecuniary loss in the actual work, it is hard to assess the damages as it is difficult to objectify non-pecuniary loss, such as emotional distress. Though compensation for damages is major legal characteristics of consolation money, preventing a damage(private sanctions) through consolation for a victim or sanctions against an assailant also has great significance. Therefore, it is necessary to approach flexibly for mutual agreement by considering specialty( concrete facts) of individual issue thoroughly. If considering this aging society that limits the possible age for work to 60 years old, it is needed to have a complementary function of consolation money in mind not to make it less meaningful for victims due to small sum of consolation money.

• 대한한의학원전학회지
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• 제20권4호
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• pp.211-250
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• 2007

1. The 'Kao Zheng Pai(考證派) comes from the 'Zhe Zhong Pai' and is a school that is influenced by the confucianism of the Qing dynasty. In Japan Inoue Kinga(井上金娥), Yoshida Koton(吉田篁墩) became central members, and the rise of the methodology of historical research(考證學) influenced the members of the 'Zhe Zhong Pai', and the trend of historical research changed from confucianism to medicine, making a school of medicine based on the study of texts and proving that the classics were right. 2. Based on the function of 'Nei Qu Li '(內驅力) the 'Kao Zheng Pai', in the spirit of 'use confucianism as the base', researched letters, meanings and historical origins. Because they were influenced by the methodology of historical research(考證學) of the Qing era, they valued the evidential research of classic texts, and there was even one branch that did only historical research, the 'Rue Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(儒學考證派). Also, the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(醫學考證派) appeared by the influence of Yoshida Kouton and Kariya Ekisai(狩谷掖齋). 3. In the 'Kao Zheng Pai(考證派)'s theories and views the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai' did not look at medical scriptures like the "Huang Di Nei Jing"("黃帝內經") and did not do research on 'medical' related areas like acupuncture, the meridian and medicinal herbs. Since they were doctors that used medicine, they naturally were based on 'formulas'(方劑) and since their thoughts were based on the historical ideologies, they valued the "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun" which was revered as the 'ancestor of all formulas'(衆方之祖). 4. The lives of the important doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai' Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢) Yamada Seichin(山田正珍), Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Mori Ritsi(森立之) Kitamura Naohara(喜多村直寬) are as follows. 1) Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢 1739${\sim}$1798) was born of lowly descent but, using his intelligence and knowledge, became a professor as a Shi Jing Yi(市井醫) and as a professor for 34 years at Ji Shou Guan mastered the "Huang Di Nei Jing" after giving over 300 lectures. Since his pupil, Isawara Ken taught the Lan Men Wu Zhe(蘭門五哲) and Shibue Chusai, Mori Ritsi(森立之), Okanishi Gentei(岡西玄亭), Kiyokawa Gendoh(淸川玄道) and Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Meguro Dotaku is considered the founder of the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'. 2) The family of Yamada Seichin(山田正珍 1749${\sim}$1787) had been medical officials in the Makufu(幕府) and the many books that his ancestors had left were the base of his art. Seichin learned from Shan Ben Bei Shan(山本北山), a 'Zhe Zhong Pai' scholar, and put his efforts into learning, teaching and researching the "Shang Han Lun"("傷寒論"). Living in a time between 'Gu Fang Pai'(古方派) member Nakanishi Goretada(中西惟忠) and 'Kao Zheng Pai' member Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡), he wrote 11 books, 2 of which express his thoughts and research clearly, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Cheng"("傷寒論集成") and "Shang Han Kao"("傷寒考"). His comparison of the 'six meridians'(3 yin, 3 yang) between the "Shang Han Lun" and the "Su Wen Re Lun"("素問 熱論) and his acknowledgement of the need and rationality of the concept of Yin-Yang and Deficient-Replete distinguishes him from the other 'Gu Fang Pai'. Also, his dissertation of the need for the concept doesn't use the theories of latter schools but uses the theory of the "Shang Han Lun" itself. He even researched the historical parts, such as terms like 'Shen Nong Chang Bai Cao'(神農嘗百草) and 'Cheng Qi Tang'(承氣湯) 3) The ancestor of Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣) was a court physician, and learned confucianism from Kao Zheng Pai 's Ashikawa Genan(朝川善庵) and medicine from Isawa Ranken and Taki Motokata(多紀元堅), and the secret to smallpox from Ikeda Keisui(池田京水). He later became a lecturer at the Edo Yi Xue Guan(醫學館) and was invited as the director to the Ji Zhong(濟衆) hospital. He also became the first owner of the Wen Zhi She(溫知社), whose main purpose was the revival of kampo, and launched the monthly magazine Wen Zi Yi Tan(溫知醫談). He also diagnosed and prescribed for the prince Ming Gong(明宮). His works include the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨"), "Shang Han Lun Si Ci"("傷寒論釋司"), "Huang Zhao Zhu Jia Zhi Yan Ji Yao"("皇朝諸家治驗集要") and "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun Lei Juan"("傷寒雜病論類纂"). of these, the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨") states that the Shi Gao(石膏) used in the "Shang Han Lun" had three meanings-Fa Biao(發表), Qing Re(淸熱), Zi Yin(滋陰)-which were from 'symptoms', and first deducted the effects and then told of the reason. Another book, the "Jiu Zhe Tang Du Shu Ji"("九折堂讀書記") researched and translated the difficult parts of the "Shang Han Lun", "Jin Qui Yao Lue", "Qian Jin Fang"("千金方"), and "Wai Tai Mi Yao"("外臺秘要"). He usually analyzed the 'symptoms' of diseases but the composition, measurement, processing and application of medicine were all in the spectrum of 'analystic research' and 'researching analysis'. 4) The ancestors of Mori Rits(森立之 1807${\sim}$ 1885) were warriors but he became a doctor by the will of his mother, and he learned from Shibue Chosai(澁江抽齋) and Isawaran Ken and later became a pupil of Shou Gu Yi Zhai, a historical research scholar. He then became a lecturer of medical herbs at the Yi Xue Guan, and later participated in the proofreading of "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方") and with Chosai compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("神農本草經"). He visited the Chinese scholar Yang Shou Jing(楊守敬) in 1881 and exchanged books and ideas. Of his works, there are the collections(輯複本) of "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing"(神農本草經) and "You Xiang Yi Hwa"("遊相醫話") and the records, notes, poems, and diaries such as "Zhi Yuan Man Lu"("枳園漫錄") and "Zhi Yuan Sui Bi"("枳園隨筆") that were not published. His thoughts were that in restoring the "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing", "the herb to the doctor is like the "Shuo Wen Jie Zi"("說文解字") to the scholar", and he tried to restore the ancient herbal text using knowledge of medicine and investigation(考據). Also with Chosai he compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("經籍訪古志") using knowledge of ancient text. Ritzi left works on pure investigation, paid much attention to social problems, and through 12 years of poverty treated all people and animals in all branches of medicine, so he is called a 'half confucianist half doctor'(半儒半醫). 5) Kitamurana Ohira(喜多村直寬 1804${\sim}$1876) learned scriptures and ancient texts from confucian scholar Asaka Gonsai, and learned medicine from his father Huai Yaun(槐園). He became a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan in his middle ages, and to repay his country, he printed 266 volumes of "Yi Fang Lei Ju("醫方類聚") and 1000 volumes of "Tai Ping Yu Lan"("太平禦覽") and devoted it to his country to be spread. His works are about 40 volumes including "Jin Qui Yao Lue Shu Yi" and "Lao Yi Zhi Yan" but most of them are researches on the "Shang Han Za Bing Lun". In his "Shang Han Lun Shu Yi"("傷寒論疏義") he shows the concept of the six meridians through the Yin-Yang, Superficial or internal, cold or hot, deficient or replete state of diseases, but did not match the names with the six meridians of the meridian theory, and this has something in common with the research based on the confucianism of Song(宋儒). In clinical treatment he was positive toward old and new methods and also the experience of civilians, but was negative toward western medicine. 6) The ancestor of the Taki family Tanbano Yasuyori(丹波康賴 912-955) became a Yi Bo Shi(醫博士) by his medical skills and compiled the "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"). His first son Tanbano Shigeaki(丹波重明) inherited the Shi Yao Yuan(施藥院) and the third son Tanbano Masatada(丹波雅忠) inherited the Dian You Tou(典藥頭). Masatada's descendents succeeded him for 25 generations until the family name was changed to Jin Bao(金保) and five generations later it was changed again to Duo Ji(多紀). The research scholar Taki Motohiro was in the third generation after the last name was changed to Taki, and his family kept an important part in the line of medical officers in Japan. Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡 1755-1810) was a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan where his father was residing, and became the physician for the general Jia Qi(家齊). He had a short temper and was not good at getting on in the world, and went against the will of the king and was banished from Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師). His most famous works, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Yi" and "Jin Qui Yao Lue Ji Yi" are the work of 20 years of collecting the theories of many schools and discussing, and is one of the most famous books on the "Shang Han Lun" in Japan. "Yi Sheng" is a collection of essays on research. Also there are the "Su Wen Shi"("素問識"), "Ling Shu Shi"("靈樞識"), and the "Guan lu Fang Yao Bu"("觀聚方要補"). Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡)'s position was succeeded by his third son Yuan Yin(元胤 1789-1827), and his works include works of research such as "Nan Jing Shu Jeng"("難經疏證"), "Ti Ya"("體雅"), "Yao Ya"("藥雅"), "Ji Ya"("疾雅"), "Ming Yi Gong An"("名醫公案"), and "Yi Ji Kao"("醫籍考"). The "Yi Ji Kao" is 80 volumes in length and lists about 3000 books on medicine in China before the Qing Dao Guang(道光), and under each title are the origin, number of volumes, state of existence, and, if possible, the preface, Ba Yu(跋語) and biography of the author. The younger sibling of Yuan Yin(元胤 1789-1827), Yuan Jian(元堅 1795-1857) expounded ancient writings at the Yi Xue Guan only after he reached middle age, was chosen for the Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師) and later became a Fa Yan(法眼), Fa Yin(法印) and Yu Chi(樂匙). He left about 15 texts, including "Su Wen Shao Shi"("素間紹識"), "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"), published in school, "Za Bing Guang Yao"("雜病廣要"), "Shang Han Guang Yao"(傷寒廣要), and "Zhen Fu Yao Jue"("該腹要訣"). On the Taki family's founding and working of the Yi Xue Guan Yasuka Doumei(失數道明) said they were "the people who took the initiative in Edo era kampo medicine" and evaluated their deeds in the fields of 'research of ancient text', 'the founding of Ji Shou Guan and medical education', 'publication business', 'writing of medical text'. 5. The doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai ' based their operations on the Edo Yi Xue Guan, and made groups with people with similar ideas to them, making a relationship 'net'. For example the three families of Duo Ji(多紀), Tang Chuan(湯川) and Xi Duo Cun(喜多村) married and adopted with and from each other and made prefaces and epitaphs for each other. Thus, the Taki family, the state science of the Makufu, the tendency of thinking, one's own interests and glory, one's own knowledge, the need of the society all played a role in the development of kampo medicine in the 18th and 19th century.

• 대한한의학원전학회지
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• 제4권
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• pp.19-73
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• 1990

Today, many people are more interested in preventing the disease than curing it. Chi-Kung (氣功) is the way of Life-Cultivation (養生法) peculiar to the orient, it is reported in china that Chi-Kung has an excellent curative value not only in curing the disease but also in preventing it. But the full-scale study of Chi-Kung is not be made up to now in Korea, so I studied the developmental history of chinese Chi-Kung through the oriental medical books. From this study, I reached the following conclusions ; 1. Chi-Kung is naturally derived from the self-preservation instinct to adapt oneself to circumstances of the nature, but in the investigation from the documentational records, it is originated in the treatment method of the Sam-Huang-O-Jae (三皇五帝 )period to cure the abnormal circulation of the vital force and blood caused by damp (濕). 2. As the principle and the method of the Life-Cultivation of the Chun-chu-Jeon-Kook (春秋戰國) periods were recorded in Huang-Jae-Nai-Gyung (黃帝內徑) detailly and the remedy examples by ancient Chi-Kung such as Tao-Yin (導引), Haeng-Chi (行氣) were presented, we considered that theoretical basis of the development of Life-cultivation and Chi-Kung study was furnished in that period. 3. A famous doctor, Hwa-Ta (華陀) lived in Han dynasty, researched the theory and practice of Tao-Yin transmitted from the former generations, as that result, he formed a kind of medical gymnastics what is called O-Keum-Hi (五禽戱). It is considered that 'O-Keum-Hi' is a Tao-Yin method developed more practically and systemetically than the Tao-Yin appeared in the 'Jang-Ja' (莊子) or 'Hoy-Nam-Ja' (淮南子). 4. In Wui-Jin-Nambook Jo (魏晋南北朝) periods, the contents of Chi-Kung were more abundant under the influence of Buddhism (佛敎) and Taoism (道敎). Galhong (葛洪), the author of 'Po-Bak-Ja' (抱朴子) arranged the ancient Chi-Kung method systematically first of all, Tao-Goeng-Gyung (陶宏景), the author of 'Yang-Seong-Yeun-Myung-Rok' (養性延命錄) recorded the 'Yook-Ja-Geul' (六字訣) first time. 5. There is a new development of Chi-Kung therapy in Soo-Tang-Odae (隋唐五代) pefiods, especially So-Won-Bang (巢元方), the author of 'Jey-Byung-Won-Hwu-Ron' (諸病源候論) collected aimost all of the Chi-Kung method, for curing the disease formed before soo (隋) period. From that fact, we supposed that Chi-Kung was utilized more widely in curing the disease. 6. 'So-Ju-Cheon-Hwa-Hu-Peob' (小周天火候法) was adopted as the best orthodox approach under the influence of Nae-Tan-Taoist (道敎內丹學派) in Song-Keum-Won (宋金元) periods, especially in the song dynasty, 'Pal-Dan-Geum' (八段錦) was appeared and assignment of six-Chi (六氣) for bowel and viscera in the 'Yook-Ja-Geul' (六字訣) was decided firmly, that is to say Lung-Si (肺-呬), Heart-Kha (心-呵), Spleen-Hoa (脾-呼), Liver-Hoe (肝-噓), Kidneychui (賢-吹), Three-Burner-shi (三焦-嘻). 7. In Myung-Cheong (明淸) periods, The general practitioner applied the principle of 'Byun-Jeng-Ron-Chi' (辨證論治) to the Chi-Kung field, and after Myeong dynasty the style of doing 'Yook-Ja-Gyel' (六字訣) was developed to the moving style. 8. Today, in china, the study on the Chi-Kung is being progressed constantly under the positive assistance of government, Chi-Kung-Hak (氣功學) has taking its place as a branch of study step by step. It is considered that the establishment of Chi-Kung-Hak Classroom (氣功學教室) and Medical Chi-Kung Center (氣功療法室) for special and systematic research are needed, at the same time the settlement of institutional system for training the Chi-Kung technician (氣功師) is also needed.

• 대한의료기공학회지
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• 제7권2호
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• pp.40-94
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• 2004

최근 서구(西歐)에 불고 있는 명상(冥想)과 참선(參禪) 및 기공(氣功)붐과 더불어 우리 전통(傳統)의 양생법(養生法)들의 가치(價値)가 새롭게 평가(評價)되고 있는데, 아직 우리 고유(固有)의 이론적(理論的) 근거(根據)가 미흡(未洽)한 실정(實情)이다. 이에 저자(著者)는 한국의료기공(韓國醫療氣功)의 이론적고찰(理論的根據)를 마련하기 위해서 한국기공(韓國氣功)의 역사(歷史)를 시대순(時代順)으로 살펴보고, 한국기공(韓國氣功)의 이론적(理論的) 근거(根據)가 되는 ${\ulcorner}$한${\lrcorner}$ 사상(思想)을 검토(檢討)한 후(後), ${\ll}$삼일신고(三一神誥)${\gg}$와 ${\ll}$황제내경(黃帝內經)${\gg}$에 나타난 신(神)의 의미(意味)와 인체관(人體觀) 그리고 수련법(修鍊法)의 비교연구(比較硏究)를 통하여 다음과 같은 결론(結論)을 얻었다. 삼국시대(三國時代)에 활기(活氣)를 띤 민족고유(民族固有)의 신선도(神仙道)는 점차(漸次) 도교(道敎)의 영향(影響)을 받아 통일신라시대(統一新羅時代) 이후(以後) 점점(漸漸) 쇠퇴(衰退)되어 겨우 명맥(命脈)만 유지하게 되었으며, ${\ulcorner}$한${\lrcorner}$ 사상(思想)의 기원(起源)이 되는 삼대경전(三大經典)중 하나인 ${\ll}$삼일신고(三一神誥)${\gg}$에는 유(儒) 불(佛) 도(道) 삼교(三敎)의 원형(原形)이 포함(包含)되어 있었기 때문에 삼국시대(三國時代)부터 들어온 유(儒) 불(佛) 도(道)의 외래사상(外來思想)을 발전적(發展的)으로 수용(受容)할 수 있었다. ${\ll}$삼일신고(三一神誥)${\gg}$와 ${\ll}$황제내경(黃帝內經)${\gg}$을 비교연구(比較硏究)한 결과 기공(氣功)의 이론적(理論的) 근거(根據)가 되는 세 가지 측면(側面)에서 공통(共通)된 점(點)을 찾아볼 수 있었다. 첫째, 신(神)의 의미(意味)에 있어, 천신(天神)과 인신(人神)의 층차(層差)가 존재하면서도 서로 상통(相通)하고 있으며 신(神)의 작용(作用)을 세 가지로 구분(區分)한다는 면에서 논리구조(論理構造)가 일치(一致)되는 공통점(共通點)이 있었다. 둘째, 인체관(人體觀)에 있어, ${\ll}$삼일신고(三一神誥)${\gg}$의 기일원론(氣一元論), 진망이분론(眞妄二分論), 성(性) 명(命) 정(精)과 심(心) 기(氣) 신(身)의 삼분론(三分論)과 형식적(形式的)인 면에서 공통점(共通點)이 있었고 또한 삼진(三眞)인 성(性) 명(命) 정(精)은 삼보(三寶)인 심(心) 기(氣) 신(身)의 이치적(理致的)인 측면(側面)으로, 삼망(三妄)인 심(心) 기(氣) 신(身)은 삼보(三寶)인 정(精) 기(氣) 신(神)의 기능적(機能的)인 측면(側面)으로 이해(理解)할 수 있었다. 셋째, 수련법(修鍊法)에 있어, ${\ll}$삼일신고(三一神誥)${\gg}$에 나타난 지감(止感) 조식(調息) 금촉(禁觸)의 수련법(修鍊法)은 각각(各各) 한의학(韓醫學)의 병인(病因)인 내인(內因) 외인(外因) 불내외인(不內外因)을 조절하는 방법(方法)으로 이해(理解)할 수 있었다. 즉 지감법(止感法)은 인간(人間)의 감정(感情)과 마음 그리고 본성(本性)을 조절(調節)하는 방법(方法)으로, 조식법(調息法)은 인체내부(人體內部)의 기운(氣運)뿐만 아니라 인체내외(人體內外)의 기운(氣運)을 조절(調節)하는 방법(方法)으로, 금촉법(禁觸法)은 인체(人體)의 이목구비(耳目口鼻)와 자세(姿勢) 그리고 생활습관(生活習慣) 등을 조절(調節)하는 방법(方法)으로 이해(理解)할 수 있었다. 이상(以上)의 결론(結論)을 통(通)하여 ${\ll}$삼일신고(三一神誥)${\gg}$에 나타난 신(神)의 의미(意味)와 인체관(人體觀) 그리고 수련법(修鍊法) 등이 ${\ll}$황제내경(黃帝內經)${\gg}$과 공통(共通)된 기공(氣功)의 이론적(理論的) 근거(根據)를 가지므로 ${\ll}$삼일신고(三一神誥)${\gg}$는 한국의료기공학(韓國醫療氣功學)에 있어서 큰 의의(意義)를 가지고 있으며, 향후(向後)에도 지속적(持續的)인 연구(硏究)가 필요(必要)할 것으로 사료(思料)된다.

• Nutrition Research and Practice
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• 제14권2호
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• pp.102-108
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• 2020

BACKGROUND/OBJECTIVES: In Oriental medicine, certain foods may be beneficial or detrimental based on an individual's constitution; however, the scientific basis for this theory is insufficient. The purpose of this study was to investigate the effect of body constitution, based on the Sasang type of Korean traditional medical classification system, on the bioavailability of soy isoflavones of Cheonggukjang, a quick-fermented soybean paste. SUBJECTS/METHODS: A pilot study was conducted on 48 healthy Korean men to evaluate the bioavailability of isoflavone after ingestion of food based on constitution types classified by the Sasang typology. The participants were classified into the Taeeumin (TE; n = 15), Soyangin (SY; n = 15), and Soeumin (SE; n = 18) groups. Each participant ingested 50 g of Cheonggukjang per 60 kg body weight. Thereafter, blood was collected, and the soy isoflavone metabolites were analyzed by ultra-performance liquid chromatography/quadrupole time-of-flight mass spectrometry. Ntrikinetic analysis of individual isoflavone-derived metabolites was performed. RESULTS: Our nutrikinetic analysis identified 21 metabolites derived from isoflavones in the blood samples from 48 healthy Korean men (age range, 21-29 years). Significant differences were observed in the time to maximum concentration (T_max) and elimination half-life (t_1/2) for nine metabolites among the three groups. The T_max and t_1/2 of the nine metabolites were higher in the SE group than in the other groups. Moreover, the absorption rates, as determined by the area under the plasma-level curve (AUC) values of intact isoflavone, were 5.3 and 9.4 times higher in the TE group than in the SY and SE groups, respectively. Additionally, the highest AUC values for phase I and II metabolites were observed in the TE group. CONCLUSIONS: These findings indicate that isoflavone bioavailability, following Cheonggukjang insgestion, is high in individuals with the TE constitution, and relatively lower in those with the SE and SY constitutions.

• 혜화의학회지
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• 제9권1호
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• pp.595-646
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• 2000

I. Introduction Bi(痺) means blocking. BiJeung is one kind of symptoms making muscles, bones and jonts feel pain, numbness or edema. For example it can be gout or SLE etc. says that Bi is combination of PungHanSeup. And many doctors said that BiJeung is caused by food, fatigue, sex, stress and change of weather. Therefore we must treat BiJeung by character of patients and characteristic of the disease. Many famous doctors studied medical science by their fathers or teachers. So the history of medical science is long. So I studied ${\ll}Bijeungjujip{\gg}$. II. Final Decision 1. JoGeumTak(趙金鐸) devided BiJeung into Pung, Han, Seup and EumHeo, HeulHeo, YangHeo, GanSinHeo by charcter or reaction of pain. And he use DaeJinGyoTang, GyegiGakYakJiMoTang, SamyoSan, etc. 2. JangPaeGyeu(張沛圭) focused on division of HanYeol(寒熱; coldness and heat) in spite of complexity of BiJeung. He also used insects for treatment. They are very useful for treatment of BiJeung because they can remove EoHyeol(瘀血). 3. SeolMaeng(薛盟) said that the actual cause of BiJeung is Seup. So he thought that BiJeung can be divided into PungSeup, SeupYeol, HanSeup. And he established 6 rules to treat BiJeung and he studied herbs. 4. JangGi(張琪) introduced 10 prescriptions and 10 rules to cure BiJeung. The 1st prescription is for OyeSa, 2nd for internal Yeol, 3rd for old BiJeung, 4th for Soothing muscles, 5th for HanSeup, 6th for regular BiJeung, 7th for functional disorder, 8th for YeolBi, 9th for joint pain and 10th for pain of lower limb. 5. GangSeYoung(江世英) used PungYeongTang(風靈湯) for the treatment of PungBi, OGyeHeukHoTang(烏桂黑虎湯) for HanBi, BangGiMokGwaTang(防己木瓜湯) for SeupBi, YeolBiTang(熱痺湯) for YeolBi, WoDaeRyeokTang(牛大力湯) for GiHei, HyeolPungGeunTang(血楓根湯) for HyeolHeo, ToJiRyongTang(土地龍湯) for the acute stage of SeupBi, OJoRyongTang(五爪龍湯) for the chronic stage of SeupBi, and so on. 6. ShiGeumMook(施今墨) devided BiJeung into four types. They are PungSeupYeol, PungHanSeup, GiHyeolSil(氣血實) and GiHyeolHeo(氣血虛). And he introduced the eight rules of the treatment(SanPun(散風), ChukHan(逐寒), GeoSeuP(, CheongYeol(淸熱), TongRak(通絡), HwalHyeol(活血), HaengGi(行氣), BoHeo(補虛)). 7. WangYiYou(王李儒) explained the acute athritis and said that it can be applicable to HaneBi(行痺). And he used GyeJiJakYakJiMoTang(桂枝芍蘂知母湯) for HanBi and YeolBiJinTongTang(熱痺鎭痛湯) for YeolBi. 8. JangJinYeo(章眞如) said that YeolBi is more common than HanBi. The sympthoms of YeolBi are severe pain, fever, dried tongue, insomnia, etc. And he devided YeolBi into SilYeol and HeoYeol. In case of SilYeol, he used GyeoJiTangHapBaekHoTang(桂枝湯合白虎湯) and in case of HeoYeol he used JaEumYangAekTang(滋陰養液湯). 9. SaHaeJu(謝海洲) introduced three important rules of treatment and four appropriate rules of treatment of BiJeung. 10. YouDoJu(劉渡舟) said that YeolBi is more common than HanBi. He used GaGamMokBanGiTang(加減木防已湯) for YeolBi, GyeJiJakYakJiMoTang or GyeJiBuJaTang(桂枝附子湯) for HanBi and WooHwangHwan(牛黃丸) for the joint pain. 11. GangYiSon(江爾遜) focused on the internal cause. The most important internal cause is JeongGiHeo(正氣虛). So he tried to treat BiJeung by means of balance of Gi and Hyeol. So he ususlly used ODuTang(烏頭湯) and SamHwangTang(三黃湯) for YeolBi, OJeokSan(五積散) for HanBi, SamBiTang(三痺湯) for the chronic BiJeung. 12. HoGeonHwa(胡建華) said that to distinguish YeolBi from Hanbi is very difficult. So he used GyeJiJakYakJiMoTang in case of mixture of HanBi and YeoBi. 13. PiBokGo(畢福高) said that the most common BiJeung is HanBi. He usually used acupuncture with medicine. He followed the theory of EumYongHwa(嚴用和)-he focused on SeonBoHuSa(先補後瀉). 14. ChoiMunBin(崔文彬) used GeoPungHwalHyeolTang(祛風活血湯) for HanBi, SanHanTongRakTang(散寒通絡湯) for TongBi(痛痺), LiSeupHwaRakTang(利濕和絡湯) for ChakBi(着痺), CheongYeolTongGyeolChukBiTang(淸熱通經逐痺湯) for YeolBi(熱痺) and GeoPungHwalHyeolTang(祛風活血湯) for PiBi(皮痺). 15. YouleokSeon(劉赤選) introduced the common principle for the treatment of BiJeung. He used HaePuneDeungTang(海風藤湯) for HaengBi(行痺), SinChakTang(腎着湯), DokHwalGiSaengTang(獨活寄生湯) for TongBi(痛痺), TongPungBang(痛風方) for ChakBi(着痺) and SangGiYiMiTangGaYeongYangGakTang(桑枝苡米湯加羚羊角骨) for YeolBi(熱痺). 16. LimHakHwa(林鶴和) said about TanTan(movement disorders or numbness) and devided TanTan into the acute stage and the chronic stage. He used acupuncture at the meridian spot like YeolGyeol(列缺), HapGok(合谷), etc. And he also used MaHwangBuJaSeSinTang(麻黃附子細辛湯) in case of the acute stage. In the chronic stage he used BangPungTang(防風湯). 17. JinBaekGeun(陳伯勤) liked to use three rules(HwaHyeol(活血), ChiDam(治痰), BoSin(補腎)) to treat BiJeung. He used JinTongSan(鎭痛散) for the purpose of HwalHyeol(活血), SoHwalRakDan(小活絡丹) for ChiDam(治痰) and DokHwalGiSaengTang(獨活寄生湯) for BoSin(補腎). 18. YimGyeHak(任繼學) focused on YangHyeolJoGi(養血調氣) if the stage of BiJeung is chronic. And in the chronic stage he insisted on not using GalHwal(羌活), DokHwal(獨活) and BangPung(防風).

• 대한한의학원전학회지
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• 제10권
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• pp.450-493
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• 1997

Three-yum and three-yang(三陰三陽) is the change state of yum-yang(陰陽) which is caused by six gi(六氣). They mean the flow of six gi(六氣) which exist throughout the viscera, the channel(經絡), and the skin. But it is not easy to understand the meaning because the contents of the attribute of three-yum and three-yang(三陰三陽), the bolt-leaf-hanges(關闔樞) theory and large or small of gi-blood(氣血多少) which is the main clue that explain it in ${\ll}$Somun(素問)${\gg}$ and ${\ll}$Yeongchu(靈樞)${\gg}$ don't coincide with each other. I, the writer, tried to understand the uncertain meaning and the contents which are written about three points above differently in each of the books that are ${\ll}$Somun(素問)${\gg}$ and ${\ll}$Yeongchu(靈樞)${\gg}$. So, from that the course that the book, ${\ll}$Huangjenegeong(黃帝內經)${\gg}$ is handed down is so relatively simple in a wood block-printed book, that the ${\ll}$Huangjenegeongtaeso(黃帝內經太素)${\gg}$ has less wong-words than the Somun(素問) and the Yeongchu(靈樞), and from that Yangshangsun(楊上善) wrote the note in the ${\ll}$Huangjenegeongtaeso(黃帝內經太素)${\gg}$ by royal order about 100 years former than Wangbing(王氷), as making projects of Yangshangsun(楊上善)'s note and the original of the ${\ll}$Huangjenegeongtaeso(黃帝內經太素)${\gg}$ which has relation to the yum-yang(陰陽) attribute of three-yum and three-yang(三陰三陽), the bolt-leaf-hanges(關闔樞) theory, and the large or small of gi-blood(氣血多少) and researching the Yangshangsun(楊上善)'s theory. The result is summarized like this. First, wherease the order of the change of three-yum and three-yang(三陰三陽) which is explained by Yangshangsun(楊上善) consider the change of yangi(陽氣) in body most important, the order of the change gaeggi(客氣)'s three-yum and three-yang(三陰三陽) considers chungi(天氣) most important, and the order of jugi(主氣)'s three-yum and three-yang(三陰三陽) considers jigi(地氣)'s change of ohaeng(五行) most important. If the order of change three-yum and three-yang(三陰三陽) in the ${\ll}$Huangjenegeongtaeso(黃帝內經太素)${\gg}$ is considered, each of taeyang(太陽) and soyum(少陰) are expressed as the base of yum-yang(陰陽) and yangmeong(陽明) and taeyum(太陰) are expressed as the palmy days of yum-yang(陰陽), soyang(少陽) and gyolyum(厥陰) are expressed as pacemaker(樞杻) which controls the change of yum-yang(陰陽). Thus, each has something in common that is fettered by the inside and outside. In the flow of channel(經絡), taeyang(太陽) and soyum(少陰) take charge of the behind of body, yangmeong(陽明) and taeyum(太陰) take charge of the front of body and soyang(少陽) and gyolyum(厥陰) take of the side of body. Second, in Yangshangsun(楊上善)'s bolt-leaf-hanges(關闔樞) theory, three-yum(三陰) is regarded as inside, three-yang(三陽) as outside, so when bolt, leaf and hanges fulfil their duties in inside and outside, the life(life force) is thought to be revealed normally. It is impossible to understand the bolt-leaf-hanges with the conception of the inside and outside which divide three-yum and three-yang(三陰三陽) into taeyang-soyum(太陽-少陰), yangmeong-taeyum(陽明-太陰), soyang-gyolyum(少陽-厥陰) according to yum-yang(陰陽) attribute, hence it need the special conception that is taeyang(太陽)-taeyum(太陰), yangmeong(陽明)-gyolyum(厥陰), soyang(少陽)-soyum(少陰) which center on their duties in inside and outside. In the denunciation of the word open(開) and bolt(關), because Yangshangsun(楊上善) said that the duities of taeyang(太陽) and taeyum(太陰) are shutter(閉禁), bolt(關) is coincided with that significance. Third, with explaining the large or small of gi-blood(氣血多少) of three-yum and three-yang(三陰三陽), Yangshangsun(楊上善) expressed the inside and outside either in the same way or differently. Because the inside and outside is interior of body and exterior of body, it is the explanation that is noticed by the fact that the property of large or small of gi-blood(氣血多少) is either able to be same or different. In this viewpoint, if we unite the contents about large or small of gi-blood(氣血多少) of ${\ll}$Somun(素問)${\gg}$, ${\ll}$Yeongchu(靈樞)${\gg}$, we will find that the descriptions of large or small of gi-blood(氣血多少) of three-yang(三陽) in ${\ll}$Somun(素問)${\gg}$ ${\ll}$Yeongchu(靈樞)${\gg}$ correspond with the ${\ll}$Huangjenegeongtaeso(黃帝內經太素)${\gg}$, but in three-yum(三陰), the contrary presentations exit. The reason is that large or small of gi-blood(氣血多少) of three-yum(三陰) isn't only expressed as che(體) in the point of che-yong(體用), but as a point of yong(用) that is a phenomenon. As researching the original of ${\ll}$Huangjenegeongtaeso(黃帝內經太素)${\gg}$ and Yangshangsun(楊上善)'s notes as a center about three problems that are yum-yang(陰陽) attribute, the bolt-leaf-hanges(關闔樞) and large or small of gi-blood(氣血多少) of three-yum and three-yang(三陰三陽), I, the writer, tried to explain the part which is written differently or has uncertain conception in the book ${\ll}$Somun(素問)${\gg}$ and the book ${\ll}$Yeongchu(靈樞)${\gg}$, but the concrete result of the work like this will be judged according to the question how many theories are correspondent with real presence at a sickbed. Hence, the work to veryfy the theories in the future will be left as assignment.