• Survey Research
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• v.8 no.1
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• pp.81-104
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• 2007

This paper discusses the central issues of election studies and in this contort, suggests the panel survey method as an alternative to general opinion surveys. In doing so, it also explains the advantages and benefits that a panel survey provides, and discusses the weakness of the 2006 panel survey. East Asia Institutes, constructing the consortium which includes JoongAng Ilbo, SBS, and Hankook Research, traces the change in voting decisions during the 2006 Korean Local Elections. Four regional panels, focusing on the gubernatorial elections in Seoul, Pusan, Kwangju, and Chungnam, enable researchers to study the critical issues of election studies such as the causal relations among a set of voting determinants, the impact of campaigns, and the characteristics of floating voters.

• Journal of the Korean Data and Information Science Society
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• v.27 no.2
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• pp.315-325
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• 2016

Thanks to the advantages of low cost and quick results, public opinion polls on election in Korea have been generally conducted by telephone survey, even though it has critical disadvantage of low response rate. In public opinion polls on election in Korea, the general method to handle nonresponses is adjusting the survey weight to estimate parameters. This study first drives mathematical expression of estimator and its bias with variance estimators with/without nonresponses in election polls in Korea. We also investigates the nonresponse rate of telephone survey on 2012 Korea presidential election. The average response rate was barely about 14.4%. In addition, we conducted a survey in April 2014 on the respondents's attitude toward telephone surveys. In the survey, the first reason for which respondents do not answer on public opinion polls on election was "feel bothered". And the aged 20s group, the most low response group, also gave the same answer. We here suggest that survey researchers motivate survey respondents, specially younger group, to participate surveys and find methods boosting response rate such as giving incentive.

• Journal of the Korean Data and Information Science Society
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• v.19 no.2
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• pp.431-441
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• 2008

A public opinion poll's importance is at this time increasing now. Especially, a news report with a fair and objective execution and investigative reporting Moral Code is very important. But a research on the basis of investigative reporting Moral Code is not yet carried out. In this paper, with the center of a public opinion poll involved in the 17th Presidential Election of Korea, investigative reporting Moral Code has been analyzed measurably how well observed in the Press. Furthermore, it has been compared with findings carried out in the year 2002. Finally, through comparing response rate with actual results acquired in a survey of public opinion, I proposed a response rate acquisition.

• Asian Journal for Public Opinion Research
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• v.7 no.1
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• pp.23-39
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• 2019

Assuming that a political party has a strong incentive to gain votes via issue setting as part of its campaign strategy, this study utilized a Web experimental survey to explore the extent to which three issue-related campaign advertising strategies - namely, issue ownership, issue convergence, and issue trespassing - affected voters' perceptions toward parties' issue-handling capabilities. Our empirical results show that issue ownership perceptions exist in Taiwan. In the 2012 Taiwan presidential election, as issue ownership advertisements may reinforce voters' beliefs regarding parties' issue-handling capabilities, issue trespassing advertising may improve a party's image on the disadvantageous issue dimension. At least our data shows that the Kuomintang's (KMT) advertisements have both effects.

• Journal of Information Technology Services
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• v.22 no.3
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• pp.101-118
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• 2023

The 'MZ generation' is accustomed to expressing their thoughts and opinions online. As a result, the role of social media in understanding the opinions and public sentiment of the MZ generation has become increasingly important. In particular, the role of social media in understanding the opinions of young people in political contexts such as policies and elections is becoming more significant. Traditionally, in such political situations, various institutions conduct opinion surveys to grasp the opinions of the people. However, existing opinion surveys have many errors and limitations in understanding the specific opinions of the entire population since they are conducted on arbitrary individuals through survey techniques. Online communities are representative social media that share the opinions of the public on specific issues such as politics, economics, and culture. Therefore, online communities are widely used as a means to supplement the limitations of traditional opinion polls. In particular, the MZ generation is familiar with online platforms, and their political support has significant influence on election results and policy decisions. With this regard, this study analyzed the relationship between the sentiment reflected in online community text data by age group on major candidates and public opinion survey support rates during the Korean presidential election for those in their 20s. The analysis showed that negative sentiments reflected in online communities by the MZ generation have a negative correlation with public opinion survey support rates. This study contributes to theory and practice by revealing a significant association between social media and public opinion polls.

• Proceedings of the Korean Association for Survey Research Conference
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• 2001.04a
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• pp.1.2-35
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• 2001

On the election day of the 16th Korea national Assembly, nationwide TV stations such as KBS, SBS and MBC broadcasted election forecasting based on telephone surveys and exit polls. The result turned out to be significantly wrong, undermining general audience's confidence on the 'ientific'surveys. The purpose of this study consists of the followings. I) What form of telephone surveys and exit polls were adopted by survey institutions in real field\ulcorner ii) What were the problems\ulcorner iii) What can we do to make it straight\ulcorner Major findings of the study include the ignorance of call-back rules in telephone survey and the inadequate number of sampled election posts to make satisfactory forecasting. It is pointed out that it is necessary to amend election laws related to election opinion polls to make a substantial progress.

• Survey Research
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• v.2 no.1
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• pp.1-35
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• 2001

On the election day of the 16th Korea National Assembly. nationwide TV stations such as KBS. SBS and MBC broadcasted election forecasting based on telephone surveys and exit polls. The result turned out to be significantly wrong. undermining general audience's confidence on the “scientific” surveys. The purpose of this study consists of the followings. i) What form of telephone surveys and exit polls were adopted by survey institutions in real field\ulcorner ii) What were the problems\ulcorner iii) What can we do to make it straight\ulcorner Major findings of the study include the ignorance of call-back rules in telephone survey and the inadequate number of sampled election posts to make satisfactory forecasting. It is pointed out that it is necessary to amend election laws related to election opinion polls to make a substantial progress.

• Journal of the Korea Institute of Information and Communication Engineering
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• v.26 no.12
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• pp.1800-1808
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• 2022

During the election period, many polling agencies survey and distribute the approval ratings for each candidate. In the past, public opinion was expressed through the Internet, mobile SNS, or community, although in the past, people had no choice but to survey the approval rating by relying on opinion polls. Therefore, if the public opinion expressed on the Internet is understood through natural language analysis, it is possible to determine the candidate's approval rate as accurately as the result of the opinion poll. Therefore, this paper proposes a method of inferring the approval rate of candidates during the election period by synthesizing the political comments of users through internet community posting data. In order to analyze the approval rate in the post, I would like to suggest a method for generating the model that has the highest correlation with the actual opinion poll by using the KoBert, KcBert, and KoELECTRA models.

• Survey Research
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• v.12 no.1
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• pp.1-30
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• 2011

The purposes of the present study were to analyze correlation of vote behavior and attitude and vote intention in the pre-survey, and to investigate the efficient method of predicting the voting result from the pre-surveys. The previous attitude is measured by the support for the candidate, political self-confidence, self-efficacy and opinion on present issues. The vote intention is surveyed by the past election participation and degree of election interest. Real voting behavior is surveyed by the post enumeration, and the pre-survey and both post-survey are conducted to the same person to analyze the correlation of voting behavior and pre-survey. The real election participation is highly correlated with vote intention, election interest and past election participation. Almost respondents did not change the supporting candidate from the poll survey to the election vote. It is shown that the voting behavior at election of the nonrespondent of pre-survey can be predicted with the demographic charater and attitude of present issues.

• Asian Journal for Public Opinion Research
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• v.1 no.1
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• pp.61-64
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• 2013

In 2008, Taiwan adopted a new mixed member system which is significantly different from the long-implemented SNTV-MMD system for the election of legislators. The new system cuts the number of legislative seats from 225 to 113, extends legislators' terms of office from three years to four, and most importantly, adopts a new mixed-member majoritarian (MMM) electoral system to replace the SNTV system for legislative elections. The election of legislators in 2008 was the first time that this new mixed electoral system was implemented in Taiwan. Mainstream literature continues to discuss the electoral impact on political parties and candidates by the new system while citizens' knowledge of the new system and its concomitant effects on citizens' behavior receive less attention. Worse still, almost all of the literature assumes that voters were fully aware of the operation and impact of the new electoral system and cast their ballots wisely. The purpose of this paper is to explore citizen's perceptions, participation and evaluation of this new system.