• Strategy21
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• s.34
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• pp.93-127
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• 2014

During the four years following the sinking of the Cheonan frigate in 2010, the South Korean public opinion has seen changes in four basic ways. First, public polls with respect to the cause of the sinking show that 70% of the people consider North Korea as the culprit, while 20% maintain that it was not an act carried out by North Korea. Second, the opinions relative to the cause of the incident seem to vary according to age difference, generational difference, and educational difference. From 2011, people in their 20s showed 10% increase in regarding North Korea as the responsible party. People in their 30s and 40s still have a tendency not to believe the result of the investigation carried out by the combined military and civilian group. Third, the most prominent issue that arose aftermath of the Cheonan incident is the fact that political inclination and policy preference are influencing the scientific determination of the cause. In other words, scientific and logical approach is lacking in the process of determining the factual basis for the cause. This process is compromised by the inability of the parties concerned in sorting out what is objective and what is personal opinion. This confused state of affairs makes it difficult to carry on a healthy, productive debate. Fourth, rumors, propaganda, and disinformation generated by pro-North Korea Labor Party groups in the internet and SNS are causing considerable impact in forming the public opinion. Proposed Strategy 1. The administration can ascertain public trust by accurately determining the nature of the provocation based on accurate information in the early stages of the incident. 2. Education in scientific, logical, rational methodologyis needed at home, school, and workplace in order toenhance the people's ability to seek factual truths. 3. In secondary education, the values of freedom, human rights, democracy, and market economy must be reinforced. 4. It is necessary for the educational system to teach the facts of North Korea just as they are. 5. Fundamental strength of free democratic system must be reinforced. The conservative, mainstream powers must recognize the importance of self-sacrifice and societal duties. The progressive political parties must sever themselves from those groups that take instructions from North Korea's Labor Party. The progressives must pursue values that are based on fundamental human rights for all. 6. Korean unification led by South Korea is the genuine means to achieve peace in a nuclear-free Korean peninsula. The administration must recognize that this unification initiative is the beginning of the common peace and prosperity in the Far East Asia, and must actively pursue international cooperation in this regard.

• Convergence Security Journal
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• v.19 no.1
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• pp.135-144
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• 2019

Recently, the Kim Jong Eun regime announced the completion of nuclear armed forces, and has been holding a summit meeting between the ROK and the US administration to promote the denuclearization of the Korean peninsula by the complete dismissal of the North Korean nuclear weapons toward the international community and the Republic of Korea. North Korea's Kim Jong Eun declares complete denuclearization, but in order to complete the real denuclearization of the Korean peninsula we seek, we need more practical preparation and preparation. In modern international society, the jungle law logic is applied precisely. A country that is not prepared cannot exist in history unless it believes only the good will of the other party and makes substantial preparations. Therefore, the top priority for us to prepare at this point is to obtain and manage complete information on the reality of North Korea's weapons of mass destruction. In particular, the weapons of mass destruction possessed by North Korea must be identified early on, and preparations for such weapons are essential, due to the seriousness of the damage. Therefore, this study complements the inherent limitations of modernized technology information in order to obtain accurate information on North Korea's threat of weapons of mass destruction, which is a serious issue directly linked to the survival of the Korean people and the state, And the operation plan was specified.

• Convergence Security Journal
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• v.15 no.6_1
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• pp.79-92
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• 2015

It is required to expand area of inter-Korean economic cooperation, being limited to non-military field, to military field and then, to positively promote arms control in order to establish foundation for peaceful reunification in Korean peninsula. Reasons why arms control has not been promoted between South and North Korea in the meantime were such original factors as follows; (1) limit of confidence building between the South and the North, (2) functional limit of arms control itself, (3) institutional structural limit between the South and the North, (4) environmental limit at home and abroad. It is necessary to get out from existing frame and to seek a new paradigm in order to overcome above factors and to realize arms control between the South and the North. First, it is required to have prior political dialog at the South-North high-level talks in order to promote arms control and to exercise 'strategic flexibility' during negotiation and promotion process. For this, 'flexible reciprocity' has to be adopted in compliance with situation and conditions. Second, it is necessary to get out from existing principle of 'confidence building in advance and arms reduction later' but to seek the 'simultaneous driving principle of confidence building and arms reduction' as an eclectic approach. Namely, based on reasonable sufficiency, it is required to promote military confidence building and limited arms reduction in parallel, which is a lower level of arms control. Third, as an advisory body of Prime Minister's Office, it is necessary to install an organization exclusively responsible for arms control and to positively handle arms control issue from the standpoint of national policy strategy. If the South-North high-level talks take place, it is necessary to organize and operate 'South-North Joint Arms Control Promotion Board (tentative name)'. Fourth, it is required to exercise more active diplomatic competence in order to create national consensus on necessity of arms control for peaceful reunification and to form more favorable international environment. Especially, it is necessary to think about how to solve nuclear issue of North Korea together in collaboration with international society and how to maintain balance between ROK-US alliance and Sino-Korean cooperation relations.

• Korean Journal of Culture and Social Issue
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• v.20 no.1
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• pp.19-44
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• 2014

This study was conducted to investigate the types of personality of North Korean female refugees, which were extracted from the T-scores of SPFQ(scales of the Sixteen Personality Factor Questionnaire) and psychological adaptation. For this, The data of 158 North Korean female refugees located in Seoul Yangchun-Gu and Gayang-Gu was analyzed. The results were as follows. Firstly, the ratio of over 65T in ego-strength, self-control, social-boldness, anxiety scales and under 34T in abstractedness and openness to change scales was higher than in other scales. Secondly, there were statistically significant differences in personality characteristics based on the demographic variables especially age and the term of residence in South Korea. Thirdly, three distinct groups were extracted from the K-means cluster analysis. The first group was characterized with emotional-unstability and negative emotionality. And the North Korean female refugees in the second group hesitated to enter into and maintain proper relationships with south korean, while they were unlikely to accept norms and rules in South Korea. The third group, characterized by higher emotional stability, ego-strength, and agreeableness, was met normal range in all the scale of SPFQ. Finally, each three groups were showed statistically significant differences in psychological adaptation scales(self-identity and resilience). We expected that these results contributed to explore the psychological and the political plans for North Korean female refugees' settlement in South Korea.

• Journal of Korean Society of Industrial and Systems Engineering
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• v.46 no.4
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• pp.272-280
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• 2023

For the past 70 years, an intense rivalry has persisted on the Korean Peninsula, and North Korea's nuclear and missile threats are becoming increasingly imminent. Facing a shortage of military resources, South Korea has pursued a national defense reform, significantly reducing the number of units and troops while focusing on ground forces. However, North Korea's strategic objective of unifying South Korea through surprise attacks, prompt responses, and combined nuclear and missile assaults remains unchanged. The central issue in this context revolves around determining the appropriate size of the Korean military's standing forces. This study employs the concept of net assessment as a novel method to ascertain the optimal size of the Korean military. Threats, strategic objectives, doctrine, and unit rotations are simultaneously considered from the enemy's perspective. In anticipation of security risks on the Korean Peninsula, an acceptable troop size will be proposed using the net assessment approach to calculate the appropriate standing force size.

• Korea and Global Affairs
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• v.3 no.2
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• pp.87-130
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• 2019

This paper aims to analyze the recent progress(current situation) and tasks of arms control in North and South Korea. To this end the paper is composed of 5 chapters titled instruction; recent progress(current situation) of arms control in South and North Korea; constraints and tasks of arms control on the Korean peninsula; and conclusion. One of the most important tasks for the establishment of a peace structure for the coexistence of the Korean people in the 21st century is the realization of military control in order to resolve the acute military confrontation situation and mutual threats. With the 2018 PyeongChang Winter Olympics, the North-South summit and the subsequent talks for peace and denuclearization on the Korean Peninsula, the North Korea-US summit, and subsequent talks are creating conditions for trust building and arms control between the two Koreas. The military trust between the two Koreas and operational arms control are being achieved through the declaration of the April 27 Panmunjom and the 'Military Agreement for the Implementation of the Panmunjom Declaration.' However, since there are constraints on the control of arms control, such as the persistence of hostility and distrust of the two Koreas, the defense treaty between the two Koreas and neighboring countries, the competition of neighboring countries and the complex interests of the Korean peninsula, Trust Building is important. We should resolve the issue of arms control between the two Koreas, taking into account the trend of international arms control over the internal and external dynamics of the Korean peninsula gradually and carefully, with a vision of long-term unification security.

• Journal of the korean society of oceanography
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• v.37 no.3
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• pp.144-153
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• 2002

This is a review paper, assessing progress reported in a Special Issue (Prandle and Lane, 2000) of Coastal Engineering focusing on simulation of SPM in the North Sea, against issues over a diverse range of shelf seas and their coastal margins. The broad objectives of reproducing the characteristics of sediment fluxes off an open coast and relating these to tidal and wave forcing were achieved. However, accurate computation of these fluxes remains sensitive to largely empirical coefficients used in determining erosion and deposition rates. Bed roughness strongly influences both these coefficients and the associated near-bed current magnitudes (including wave impact thereon). Bed roughness can change significantly over a tidal cycle and dramatically over seasons or in the course of a major event. Accurate simulation of sediment fluxes on a day-to-day basis is constrained by dependency on the initial distribution of mobile sediments. The latter depends on rates and locations of original sources and the time history of preceding events. Remote sensing via aircraft could provide data for assimilation into such models to circumvent these constraints. The approaches described here can be readily applied to other coastal regions to indicate the likely distributions and pathways of known sediment sources. However quantitative simulations will require an associated observational programme. A subsequent stage is to understand the evolving balance between the forecasted sediment movement - the resulting morphological adjustments and thence modifications to the prevailing tidal current and wave regimes.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.35
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• pp.329-361
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• 2006

This study focuses those periods of Kim Young-Sam and Kim Dae-Jung administration. This study tries to analyze any change in terms of ideological tendency and report attitude on the assessment of the government policy in the Korean newspapers from Kim Young-Sam to Kim Dae-Jung administration. Although these two civilian regimes were born after long periods of military dictatorship, there are many distinguished differences dividing these two. Kim Young-Sam could succeed through joining with the establishment of the power, while Kim Dae-Jung was elected as President through the horizontal shift of the power, opposition party becoming ruling party. Their power base was different. Another big difference is their North Korea policy. Kim Young-Sam administration's policy was conservative, while Kim Dae-Jung administration's policy was liberal. This study selected four Korean newspapers that represent each aspect of ideological spectrum in Korean media, and focused on the editorials of each paper as major analysis base. The four papers are Dong-a Ilbo, Chosun Ilbo, JoongAng Ilbo, and Hankyoreh. The study concludes that in terms of the report attitude on the assessment of the government policy, Dong-a, Chosun, JoongAng were more critical under Kim Dae-Jung administration than Kim Young-Sam administration. And Hankyoreh became more supportive of Kim Dae-Jung policy. In terms of the ideological tendency, four newspapers altogether did not change their ideological color regardless of the change in the administration. However conservative color became thinner( Dong-a, Chosun, JoongAng) and liberal color became thicker(Hankyoreh) a little under Kim Dae-Jung administration than Kim Young-Sam administration. Each newspaper tried to show their ideological tendency clearly in order to influence on government policy.

• Journal of architectural history
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• v.25 no.4
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• pp.31-44
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• 2016

Geum'yeok-dang house in Andong was originally constructed in 1558. The original floor plan of the upper base featured a 90-degree tilted '日' shape, and had inner court(內庭) on each side of 'Jungdang(中堂, center hall)' building that was placed on the south-north axis. When designing the building, the Neo-Confucian client of Geum'yeok-dang applied his understanding of how Ga'rye("家禮") defined the structure of ritual space. Consequently, 'Daecheong(大廳)', the place where guests were greeted and ancestral rites and coming of age ceremonies for male were held, was built in a protruding fashion. 'Jungdang'[otherwise known as 'Jeongchim(正寢)'], where coming of age ceremonies for females were held, the master of the house faced death, and memorials for close ancestors were held, was placed at the center of the residence on the south-north axis. The Geum'yeok-dang today was greatly renovated in the early and mid 18th century, due to the spread of 'Ondol' heating system. As the Ondol heating system became popular, the pre-existing drawbacks and the inconvenience of the house stood out clearly. As a result, the house was renovated into today's structure consisting of '口' shape 'Anchae' and 'Daecheongchae' in separate building.

• Journal of Christian Education in Korea
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• v.77
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• pp.107-126
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• 2024

This study was initiated to explore the Christian educational challenges of building a "Peer Consciousness" in North and South Korea after reunification. During the period of division, North and South Korea have became heterogeneous in almost all elements of society, including politics, economy, culture, and education. Considering the various social conflicts that the two heterogeneous societies will experience in the process of reunification, the issue of social integration is no longer a side issue of institutional integration or economic integration, but has become an essential element in itself. This is why the Korean church and Christian scholars need to study in depth the social conflicts and integration issues that may arise before and after reunification. For the study, we analyzed the forms of social conflict based on the theory of ''Human Needs Theory', which states that human needs are the conditions for social conflict. Social conflicts stem from the unfulfillment of various human needs, which in turn extend to identity conflicts that seek to form a sense of belonging. In light of the case of unified Germany, where social conflicts converged into identity conflicts, I predicted that conflicts in unified Korea will soon become identity conflicts. The direction of Christian education that should suture the conflicts in the post-reunification society was derived from theological reflection on the concept of 'publicness of Christian education' and 'kingdom of God'. As a concrete educational plan for social integration, I presented the discourse of love of God and love of neighbor through Christian education for dual identity as a citizen and disciple, and emphasized the need for re-socialization education through faith communities