• International Journal of Advanced Culture Technology
• /
• v.12 no.2
• /
• pp.281-285
• /
• 2024

Within five years of Kim Jong-un's rise to power, North Korea conducted four nuclear tests and launched the Hwasong-15, an intercontinental ballistic missile (ICBM), in 2017, declaring the completion of its nuclear forces. During the period when Kim Jong-un completed nuclear forces to maintain the regime, foreign policy factors of the United States, China, Russia, and South Korea drove North Korea's accelerated nuclear development. The main motivating factors were the hostile policies and external threats as security factors. The completion of nuclear forces is also the result of the interplay of domestic political factors, normative factors, and hereditary factors. North Korea has been developing nuclear weapons and missiles for the survival of its regime. To achieve lasting peace on the Korean Peninsula, a new modus vivendi must be sought. It is necessary to set the ultimate goal of North Korea's complete denuclearization and engage in strategic thinking for a realistic and effective phased approach.

• Convergence Security Journal
• /
• v.14 no.6_1
• /
• pp.75-87
• /
• 2014

It may be meaningful that analysis of possible continuity and change of North Korea's Kim Jong-un's ruling in its third year. For this analysis, for the application more rational and statistical analysis methods, this study takes advantage of the new years' messages of Kim Il Sung, Kim Jong Il, and Kim Jong-un. In North Korea, the new years' messages are rare enough to give influence to every field of the North Korea's community and the New Year's message performs tutorial role throughout the whole year. The said messages of Il Sung, Kim Jong Il, and Kim Jong-un regimes have been researched and comprehensively summarized. The summarized New Year's Message by Kim Il Sung, Kim Jong Il, and Kim Jong Un are separated, compared and analyzed by the regime by presentation method, configured information, and others followed by New Year message's characteristics and implications of each North Korean regime that have been investigated. Based on the results of this analysis of Kim Jong-un era, possibility of its continuation and change is forecasted. Above all, for possible continuation of the ruling, sticking to the governing socialist way and military-first politics are presented. For possible causes of change, such the four factors as partial opening to overcome economic problems, the North Korean nuclear issue, influx of the nature of capitalism, and Kim Jung-un's control weakness have been presented. Such the factors of possible change and continuation of the North Korea Kim Jung-un ruling are expected to work as a combination of factors. The issue of continuation and change of North Korea Kim Jong-un's control is a key point for us to solve the issues between North and South Koreas. In the situation that the whole people of South Korea have a national consensus in the effort of gathering the public opinion, it is a high time that we needed to have much flexibility to actively cope with the North Korean issues.

• Journal of the Korean Chemical Society
• /
• v.66 no.3
• /
• pp.243-250
• /
• 2022

The purpose of this study was to investigate the inscription of North Korean Higher-Level Middle School 1 chemistry textbooks in the era of North Korean leader Kim Jong-un to understand North Korean chemistry education. The types and functions of inscription for each unit of the North Korean Higher-Level Middle School 1 Chemistry textbook were analyzed and compared with the inscription of the 'Chemistry I' textbook in South Korea. Inscriptions were analyzed by constructing an analysis frame based on previous studies. The analysis results were as follows. First, as for the types of inscription used in North Korean textbooks, photographs and illustrations were used the most, and graphs were used the least. Second, the functions of inscription used in North Korean textbooks had many exploratory and exemplary functions, and decorative functions were used the least. Third, there was no significant difference in type and function of textbook inscriptions from North and South Korea. The results of this study may be helpful in understanding North Korean chemistry education.

• The Journal of Fisheries Business Administration
• /
• v.52 no.3
• /
• pp.39-55
• /
• 2021

The purpose of this paper is to confirm the trend of inland water fish farming in North Korea and to suggest a plan for inter-Korean cooperation. North Korea's inland water fish farming laid the foundation for production in the 1950s and 1960s, and production facilities were expanded until 1980. In the midst of the severe economic crisis in the 1990s, North Korea paid attention to inland water fish farming as an alternative to food production. The military took the lead in expanding the aquaculture industry and catfish farming was encouraged. In the Kim Jong-un era, North Korea's inland fish farming continues the tradition of catfish farming and promotes a policy of expanding inland cage farming. This study comprehensively reviewed recent inter-Korean relations, North Korea's food crisis and acceptability, and UN sanctions. As a result, inland water fish farming is the most promising field for inter-Korean cooperation in the field of fisheries. In the initial stage of inter-Korean cooperation in the field of inland water fish farming, humanitarian aid projects such as feed and seed support can be promoted. In the stage of expanding inter-Korean cooperation, knowledge sharing program and materials and facilities support projects can be promoted. Development cooperation and direct private investment are possible at the full-scale stage.

• Journal of the Korean Chemical Society
• /
• v.63 no.4
• /
• pp.266-279
• /
• 2019

The purpose of this study was to investigate the inquiry tendency of North Korean chemistry textbook by Romey's method. We analyzed the inquiry tendencies of texts, figures, questions, activities, and summaries by Romey's method. And the following results were compared with those of previous South Korean studies, which method was the same. The 20,017 texts, 541 figures, 140 questions, 243 activities, and 25 summaries in 5 chapters of chemistry textbook of the Higher-level middle school 1 in the Kim Jong-Un Era were analyzed. Results were as follows: texts were authoritarian tendency, figures were authoritarian tendency, questions were excessive inquiry tendency, activities were inquiry tendency, and chapter summaries were drastic authoritarian tendency. The inquiry tendency of North Korean chemistry textbook in higherlevel middle school showed similar tendencies as the textbooks of South Korean chemistry I textbook in the 6th National Science Curriculum. The results of this study are expected to be utilized as basic information and data to understand the inquiry teaching that North Korea science education is aiming at.

• Asian Journal of Innovation and Policy
• /
• v.12 no.2
• /
• pp.177-199
• /
• 2023

In traditional studies on North Korea, conservative media in South Korea generally report and have an attitude toward anti-North Korea. It is a similar context as South Korea's conservatives view the U.S. and Japan more closely and positively than North Korea. This study is about how the reporting frames and information sources on North Korean science and technology in South Korea's conservative and progressive media differ and show trends. As a result of analyzing the reporting frame on North Korean science and technology by conservative and progressive media, progressive media showed similar trends or slightly positive responses to North Korean science and technology. But the reanalyzed result after dividing it into conservative and progressive governments, the opposite result came out. In the conservative government, the progressive media dealt with very positive aspects of North Korea's science and technology, and in the progressive government, there was a clear tendency to report negative rather than positive. What can be inferred from this is that the progressive media of South Korea had at least quite different directions of the progressive government in dealing with North Korean science and technology, but rather close to anti-North Korea. It is difficult to reach a hasty conclusion because this study has not dealt with all the press and only 10 years after the Kim Jong-Un regime. Nevertheless, this study may provide implications in that it is the first study to analyze how South Korean conservative and progressive media frame North Korean science and technology.

• Economic Analysis
• /
• v.27 no.4
• /
• pp.70-119
• /
• 2021

This paper analyzes the changes in financial reform during the Kim Jong-un era based on North Korean literature. We find that North Korea has systematically and functionally separated the central bank from commercial banks since the Kim Jong-un era began. In addition, enterprises have been allowed to withdraw cash from bank accounts and make inter-enterprise cash payments. In other words, nowadays non-cash currencies with passive money can partially serve as active money with purchasing power. With the systematic and functional separation of the central bank and the commercial bank, the issuance of the central bank changed to a money supply method through the commercial bank, and changes in the currency distribution structure have allowed commercial bank's credit creation function to be implemented. This means that the banking system and the monetary·payment system of the socialist planned economy are changing in the way of the market economy. Reforms in the financial sector are believed to have been necessary to support changes in the economic system and to restore the function of the public financial sector. These changes have progressed in terms of the level of reform, but they are still considered similar to the period of the former Soviet Union's Perestroika or to the early period of China's reform and opening. Although North Korea's financial reform is superior in terms of enacting the banking law, it is insufficient in terms of realizing the functions of commercial banks. In addition, it is assessed that institutional constraints such as maintaining a planned economy, and the lack of confidence in public finances limit the effectiveness and development of the financial system. It should be noted that these results are based on literature published in North Korea. In other words, there is a limit in the fact that such recent changes have been carried out on a trial basis in some areas, or have been carried out in a full-scale manner with a blueprint, since Kim Jong-un's inauguration.

• Publications of The Korean Astronomical Society
• /
• v.35 no.2
• /
• pp.19-27
• /
• 2020

We have investigated the North Korean astronomical articles published in five media such as the Rodong Sinmun (노동신문), Minju Choson (민주조선), Tongil Sinbo (통일신보), Munhak Sinmun (문학신 문), and Choson Sinbo (조선신보) for 15 years from 2005 to 2019. The astronomical articles were classified by subject to study the astronomical activity in North Korea. We have examined the perceptions of astronomy in North Korean society through the temporal variation of astronomical articles according to four subjects. As a result, we have found that there are many articles in the subject of Historical Astronomy and Astronomical News in the media. In the era of Kim Jong-un, the articles on the Historical Astronomy decreased while the Astronomy news tended to increase. We have also summarized the specific issues and topics including the change of the standard meridian, launch of satellites, astronomical news, and so forth. The North Korean astronomical article is a valuable resource to examine the current status of North Korea's astronomy and astronomical education. We expect the results of this study to be a useful resource in preparing for inter-Korean astronomical cooperation.

• International Journal of Advanced Culture Technology
• /
• v.11 no.1
• /
• pp.110-134
• /
• 2023

North Korea's development and deployment of nuclear weapons increases Pyongyang's diplomatic bargaining leverage. It is a strategic response to counteract the great expansion in US leverage with the collapse of the USSR. Post-Cold War American influence and hegemony is justified partly by claiming victory in successfully containing an allegedly imperialist Soviet Union. The US created and led formal and informal international institutions as part of its decades-long containment grand strategy against the USSR. The US now exploits these institutions to expedite US unilateral global preeminence. Third World regimes perceived as remnants of the Cold War era that resist accommodating to American demands are stereotyped as rogue states. Rogue regimes are criminal offenders who should be brought to justice, i.e. regime change is required. The initiation of summit diplomacy between US President Trump and North Korean leader Kim Jong-un occurred following the January 2018 Hawaiian ballistic missile false alarm. This event and its political consequences illustrate the efficacy of nuclear weapons as bargaining leverage for so-called rogue actors. North Korea is highly unlikely to surrender those weapons that were the instigation for the subsequent summit diplomacy that occurred. A broader, critical trend-focused strategic analysis is necessary to adopt a longer-term view of the on-going Korean nuclear crisis. The aim would be to conceptualize long-term policies that increase the probability that nuclear weapons capability becomes a largely irrelevant issue in interaction between Pyongyang, Seoul, Beijing and Washington.

• Journal of the Economic Geographical Society of Korea
• /
• v.19 no.1
• /
• pp.122-142
• /
• 2016

This paper examines the implications of North Korea's Special Economic Zone (SEZ) strategy since the early 1990s in terms of the shifts in both North Korea's economic system and geopolitical order on the Korean peninsula. Specifically, it analyzes the shifts in North Korea's SEZ policy in three different aspects-North Korea's unique territorial logic, stress on decentralization, and comparison with Chinese reform and opening-up. Based upon this analysis, this paper criticizes a linear approach to understand North Korea's economic transformation from isolation to opening-up, and explores the dynamics of North Korea SEZ strategy in various dimensions. It contends that North Korea's SEZ strategy is neither an inevitable choice from economic difficulty nor an adoption of Chinese model of reform and opening up. Rather this paper focuses on the geopolitical logic and local development imperatives underlying SEZ strategy.