• Strategy21
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• 통권33호
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• pp.113-147
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• 2014

While China's military rise is an issue of growing importance to regional security, it is worthwhile to note that it is not China's military modernization per se, but its capacity to project and sustain power along and beyond its borders--in particular, the possibility to resolve forcefully its outstanding maritime disputes and various contingencies. This essay argues that China's "anti-access capability"--a U.S.-coined term originally developed for a Taiwan contingency--is equally applicable to other major regional cases such as the Spratly disputes and a North Korean contingency. Furthermore, notwithstanding China's continuos efforts to develop and deploy various types and classes of weapons/platforms, it is the Russian systems and technologies that are most capable and thus likely assigned to the highest mission-critical areas. In assessing China's current and likely future military capability as well as their implications for the region, it is necessary to take note of the following: • There exists asymmetry of military capability between China and its weaker neighbors. While the PLAN is weak in several important aspects, for instance, many of its neighbors' navies are weaker still. • Some have argued that China's foreign policy behavior apparently became more "assertive" in 2009-2013, but it is wiser to keep in mind that China has almost always been assertive and aggressive when it comes to what China defines as "sovereignty and territorial issues" as well as its newest "core interests." • On the South China Sea disputes it is the function of U.S. presence in the theater--in the form of overseas bases and the freedom of navigation--and the PLA's own limitations to project and sustain power for an extended period of time that have largely prevented armed. • While Taiwan remains the idee fixe of China's diplomacy and military, it is and will be a tough nut to crack. China's recent creeping attempts for economic integration with Taiwan should be seen in this context. • China and Japan, the two regional heavyweights and traditional rivals, will likely have a bilateral relationship that is replete with difficulties and tension. China's unilateral announcement of its ADIZ in November 2013 as well as the occasional yet persistent disputes with Japan over the Senkaku/Diaoyudao/Diaoyutai islands are only the latest manifestation of this deeper and difficult relationship. • For Korean security it is imperative to take into account the geostrategic and historical factors. On top of the existing military threats from North Korea, the ROK should be able to employ a) hedging strategy, b) "limited defense sufficiency" strategy, and c) rock-solid relations with the United States.

• 한국어류학회지
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• 제33권2호
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• pp.117-125
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• 2021

우리나라 주요 수계에서 채집된 총 1,366개체의 표본을 이용하여 비공(nostrils)의 상태에 따라서 우리나라 종개속 어류 2종의 분포 양상을 재검토하였다. 비공과 관련된 분류형질은 매우 안정적으로 전비공(anterior nostril)과 후비공 (posterior nostril)이 분리된 상태와 서로 연접된 상태의 두 가지 형질상태가 관찰되었다. 양 비공이 서로 분리된 종개(Barbatula toni)는 강원도 속초 이북의 동해로 유입되는 하천과 남한강 지류인 어곡천 및 경기도 안성천에 분포하는 반면, 양 비공이 서로 연접하는 대륙종개 (B. nuda)는 서·남해로 유입하는 임진강, 한강, 낙동강과 양양남대천에서 경북 울진군의 방율천에 이르는 동해 독립하천에 분포하였다. 특히, 어곡천과 강릉 연곡천의 경우 동일 수계 내에서 종개와 대륙종개가 함께 출현하여 주목되었다. 본 연구 결과는 한국산 종개속 어류의 분류학적 위치 규명 연구뿐 아니라 지역 어류상이나 어류 군집 분석 연구에 중요한 정보를 제공할 것으로 사료된다.

• 동굴
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• 제68호
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• pp.99-120
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• 2005

It is a wrong decision to use only topographic and geological maps for the study of pediment morphology in Korea. For the study of pediment morphology it is necessary to survey the earth structure by field techniques. In Korea, pediments are mostly found in granite areas with hardrock cover. But, pediments also developed in gneiss areas and what is worse in limestone areas. So, all areas in Korea developed pediment morphology. Only in South Korea pediments show a direction from south to north or from west to east. They developed only in right angles to each other, either parallel or in right angles to the strike, depending on the bedrock structure. Pediments are found in two levels. The upper level pediments are correlated with the lower level erosion surface. Besides this pediments are found in Hoenggye-ri of the Taegwolryong area in a third level 800m above sea level. The pediments developed in basins, at the lower margins of steep slopes dividing three levels of erosion surfaces and around the residual mountains on the erosion surfaces. The first belong to the early stage of pedimentation, the second to the middle stage and the third to the last stage. Also, in Korea monadnock and residual mountain have developed the pediments are correlated the slope of the hinter mountains. Akagki states that the only pedimentation times have been times of arid climate and that they are dissected by gulley erosion with climatic change, but writer's study proves that pedimentation takes place with eustatic movement, reckless defore-station and convectional rain. These facts indicate that the landforms, geological character and process of erosional cycle of the pediments in Korea resemble much those in the Chugoku Mountains of south wertern Japan, but they are larger in scale than those in the Chugoku Mountains. In conclusion, while Akagki emphasizes the geological character and climatic change in pedimentation, the writer studies prove that eustatic movements, especially the sea level rise after the Wurm age are important factors for pedimentation. Besides this the author's studies allow a classification of gentle slopes.

• 당뇨병
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• 제19권3호
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• pp.135-139
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• 2018

The sodium-glucose cotransporter-2 inhibitor (SGLT2i) is a new anti-hyperglycemic agent that have function to concomitantly inhibit the reabsorption of glucose and sodium in the renal proximal convoluting tubule. Recent two cardiovascular outcome trials showed that a lower risk of cardiovascular events with SGLT2i in people with type 2 diabetes. In addition, prior real-world data demonstrated similar SGLT2i effects, but these studies were limited to the United States and Europe. Thus, the CVD-REAL (Comparative Effectiveness of Cardiovascular Outcomes in New Users of Sodium-Glucose Cotransporter-2 Inhibitors) 2 Study was investigated cardiovascular outcomes in those initiated on SGLT2i versus other glucose-lowering drugs (oGLDs) across 6 countries in the Asia Pacific, the Middle East, and North American regions. In Korea, 336,644 episodes of initiation in SGLT2i or oGLD group between September 2014 and December 2016 were identified in Korea National Health Insurance database after propensity score matching. SGLT2i users was associated with a lower risk of all-cause death (hazard ratio [HR], 0.72; 95% confidence interval [CI], 0.67~0.77), hospitalization for heart failure (HHF) (HR, 0.87; 95% CI, 0.82~0.92), all-cause death or HHF (HR, 0.81; 95% CI, 0.78~0.85), myocardial infarction (HR, 0.81; 95% CI, 0.74~0.89), and stroke (HR, 0.82; 95% CI, 0.78~0.86) compared with oGLD users. In conclusion, initiation of SGLT2i had a lower risk of cardiovascular events in people with type 2 diabetes compared with oGLDs.

• 분석과 대안
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• 제1권1호
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• pp.44-64
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• 2017

Russia's push in the Asia-Pacific region stems from its interests that have the national, regional and global dimensions. In their turn, the aims of this policy are civilizational, geopolitical, economic and prospective, with a long-term outlook. In the course of their achievement, cooperation with Northeast Asia's countries will play one of the key roles owing to the factors of geographic proximity, Northeast Asia's economic potential, risk hedging and a growing influence Northeast Asia exerts upon the global development. A new cooperation paradigm between Russia and the states of Northeast Asia should be based upon establishing and cementing self-reproducing ties. This is the central aim of Russian initiatives in relations, with Japan, the Republic of Korea, Democratic People's Republic of Korea, Mongolia and China. However, numerous obstacles ranging from Russia's absence in the regional free trade agreements and supply-production chains of value-added production to the permanent international instability generated by Pyongyang's missile-nuclear developments hamper the practical implementation of this task. Realizing the necessity to give an additional impetus to this new cooperative paradigm, Russia has to develop directions with an apparent consolidating effect. The most promising may be the establishment of a permanent security forum based upon Northeast Asia Peace and Security Mechanism chaired by the Russian Federation. The urgency of this measure and its expected support stem from the necessity to strengthen security in Northeast Asia, a task neither the US-led hub-and-spoke system nor ASE-AN-led multilateral dialogue venues have been able to resolve. The issues addressed at the security forum must include the unification of approaches to North Korean nuclear issue and producing a document specifying actions of the claimants on the disputed maritime territories in the "direct contact" situations. At the expert level, Russia has elaborated on the idea to establish such a forum outlining the spectrum of the key directions of cooperation. With the urgency in the establishment of this dialogue venue, its agenda has to be coordinated with the agendas of the existing security systems presented by the US alliances and the ASE-AN-led multilateral negotiations. The practical implementation of this initiative will strengthen security in Northeast Asia as its challenges will be resolved in the pre-emptive way based on coordinated approaches. Therefore, Russia as the Eurasian state will be one of the role players in the advent of the Asian century.

• 시큐리티연구
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• 제58호
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• pp.107-135
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• 2019

본 논문의 목적은 한국과 미국의 안보환경, 정보 조직 및 정보활동의 유사성과 차이점을 비교분석하는데 있다. 이 같은 비교는 정보 전반에 대한 통찰력과 폭넓은 이해를 제공함으로써 정보연구의 방법론적 발전은 물론 한국 및 여타 국가정보기관에 대한 통찰력을 제공해줄 것이다. 한미 양국의 역사와 문화, 그리고 국력이 상이한 만큼 정보기관의 조직과 활동 역시 다를 수 밖에 없다. 우선 환경면에서 보면 미국은 북미 대륙국가들은 물론 남미와 중동, 아시아 그리고 아시아지역까지 광범위한 영역에서 국익과 안보를 위해 정보활동을 수행하고 있는 반면, 한국의 정보활동은 주로 북한과 한반도 주변 국가들을 대상으로 이루어지고 있다. 정보조직적인 측면에서 보면 미국의 정보기관들은 국내외 정보 및 수사기관이 분리된 분리형 정보기관인 데 비해, 한국의 정보기관은 미국과 달리 정보와 수사가 결합된 통합형 정보기관의 유형에 해당된다. 또한 미국의 경우 정보공동체(Intelligence Community)로 운영되면서 계층 조직이외 센터와 같은 유연한 조직들이 많이 있는 점도 한국과 상이하다. 미국 정보기관의 정보활동은 분석과 해외공작활동에 주안을 두고 있는데 비해 한국의 정보기관은 여전히 국내 정보활동이 많은 비중을 차지하고 있다. 이 같은 차이에도 한국의 정보기관이 미국 정보기관을 모방하여 창설한 만큼 안보위협의 평가, 조직과 활동면에서 유사한 측면도 있다. 그러나 이와 같은 유사성은 모든 정보기관이 공유하고 있기 때문에 이 글에서는 차이점을 위주로 분석할 것이다. 마지막으로 한국의 정보기관의 발전을 위해 정보공동체의 설립과 국회의 효율적인 통제 등의 방안을 제시할 것이다.

• Strategy21
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• 통권46호
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• pp.159-204
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• 2020

광복 이후 한반도가 남북으로 분단되면서 대한민국은 필연적으로 유사 해양국가가 되었다. 더불어 대한민국은 북한뿐만 아니라 중국과 러시아와 같은 강대국들에 둘러싸여 있는 지정학적 위치에 놓여 있다. 한편, 근래 들어 중국이 해군 항공 전력을 상당히 증강시키는 방향에 있기 때문에 우리 해군 또한 이에 대응할 수 있는 방안을 모색해야 한다. 이러한 이유로 인해 우리는 미국과의 끈끈한 동맹을 유지하고 있으나, 그 외의 국가들과는 불확실한 관계에 놓여있는 것이 현실이다. 따라서 현재 대한민국과 유사한 지정학적 위치에 있던 과거의 서독이 설정한 전력 확충의 방향성, 냉전기 당시 NATO 조직 내에서 담당하던 '지역해군'으로서의 역할, 그리고 주변국들과의 안보협력 구상방식은 대한민국에게 있어 의미 있는 참고사례가 될 수 있을 것이다.

• 안보군사학연구
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• 통권8호
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• pp.239-270
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• 2010

This thesis is to make an appropriate national defense policy of Republic of Korea through studying the Hegemony Strategy of United States. I searched the theory of hegemony. The hegemony was differently defined by the point of time and region. The strong power nations with the hegemony have been making efforts to maintain their hegemony everytime. I have conclusion that the presence of hegemony once emerged, it brought regional stability in place whether it is coercive or beneficial. The stability and instability of international order IS not exclusively dependent on hegemony. Even if the safety of hegemony cannot guarantee absolute stability of international order, there IS on doubt that the hegemony has enormous impact on that. According to the hegemonic theory, the history of mankind equals to the history of rising and falling hegemony. The international order was changed as the hegemony changes. The United States has been making efforts to maintain her global hegemony during the post cold-war era as well. Taking all these into consideration, relevant military strategy direction able to pursue national interest is that to make up for the relative weakness in the strategic environment. South Korea have to prepare security policy response as following. First, South Korea should build the military force equipped with advanced weapons in military technology sector and solidify military diplomatic relation able to form cooperative relation in wartime. Second, South Korea should make solid Alliance of Korea and U.S. Third, develop and maintain multilateral security cooperation of East Asia. Forth, we could realize that there are means that can neutralize opponent's strong point by seeking one or two and more asymmetry in the aspect of strategy, tactics, and means through asymmetric strategy. Than the military force of South Korea should develop into a force that is able to overcome to the traditional North Korea's threat and new type of conflicts. And the force should have sufficient strength and be deployed to effectively defend the Korean Peninsula. So, we need to establish a denial and defense system against any hostile neighboring country. Therefore, ROK military forces preparing for the future should try to construct a future military power to gradually establish enough strength for self-defense to prepare for a uncertain security environment and when the Korean Peninsula is unified in a future.

• 한국해양환경ㆍ에너지학회지
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• 제6권1호
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• pp.30-43
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• 2003

반폐쇄성인 북서태평양 해역은 지형, 해류순환, 생태학적 관점에서 하나의 큰 시스템으로 간주되어 관리되어야 한다 현재 북서태평양권에서 진행되고 있는 해양환경 관련 다자간 협력 활동은 WESTPAC, PEMSEA, PICES, NOWPAP 등 다양하다. 본 논문에서는 특히 유엔환경계획의 주관하에 한ㆍ중ㆍ일ㆍ러가 지난 1994년부터 채택하여 수행중인 북서태평양보전실천계획(NOWPAP)사업을 중심으로 하여 북서태평양에서 진행되고 있는 지역협력 활동의 제반현황과 문제점을 살펴보고 이의 가능한 해결책을 제시하고자 하였다. 주요 제안으로는 (1) 북서태평양 인접국들은 해양환경 관련 국제협력 활동에 있어서 법적 구속력 있는 지역 차원의 협약의 중요성을 인식하고 실질적인 지역 협력활동을 수행함에 있어 큰 우산으로 작용할 수 있는 해양환경 관련 협약을 개발하여야 하며, 이에 (2) 현재의 제반 상황을 고려하여 현 단계에서는 국가의 영해나 관할권 등의 이슈를 침해하지 않는 느슨한 형태의 협약 개발을 시도할 필요가 있다. 아울러 (3) 지역내 다양한 정치 사회적 문제로 인해 환경분야의 협력사업이 종종 중단되거나 간섭받지 않도록 하기 위하여 유엔환경계획이나 다른 국제기구로부터의 지도력이 계속 발휘되어야 한다 (4) 재정적 및 제도적 기반을 계속 강화시켜야 하며, (5) 또한 북서태평양에서 연안 및 해양환경에의 위해 요소에 대응하기 위한 지역내 다자간 협력활동을 지속적으로 수행하여야 한다

• 분석과 대안
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• 제1권2호
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• pp.31-43
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• 2017

The article is devoted to the theoretical and practical analysis of Chinese global leadership. The concept of leadership is applied as a methodology, which involves identifying the main factors, such as strategic power, the attractiveness of political institutions, the ability to provide acceptable ideas and the presence of allies that contribute to a comprehensive analysis of the country's leadership potential. The authors also describe the relevance of Chinese global leadership and analyze its domestic, economic and international causes. Moreover, the ''Belt and Road'' initiative is defined as the main mechanism for providing the influence of China on the global level which is now being changed its quantitative component, namely the increasing attention to the security aspects of this initiative. In addition to that, it is important to note that China maintains its economic and political positions in Africa, Central Asia and South-East Asia. Africa has a special role in the Chinese ''Belt and Road'' initiative as a recipient of Chinese investments and a site for the deployment of China's naval facilities to protect the trade routes. On the regional level, China will strive to become a leader of the trade and economic processes in the Asia-Pacific region, the South China Sea and the North Korea nuclear program issues. The American factor in modern international relations, namely so-called "Trump factor", which means the U.S. withdrawal from the Trans-Pacific Partnership and the Paris Agreement, will cause demand for Chinese leadership in the Asia-Pacific region and in the world as well. However, in this case a number of questions arise: is China prepared for this? Is Beijing able to bear greater responsibility? Does China have the potential for this? The article concludes that China will not become global leaders in the next 20-30 years, because of internal (political reforms) and foreign policy reasons (doctrinal formulation of foreign policy initiatives, military-political and economic power, international posture and relations with other states). The authors believe that the implementation of Chinese leadership is possible not on the condition of confrontation between China and the United States, but on the establishing of constructive relations between these countries. The last meeting between Trump and Xi Jinping showed a trend for creating channels for dialogue between Beijing and Washington, which can become the basis for interaction. An important place in the work is given to the analysis of development and forecasting the evolution of Russian-Chinese and U.S.-China relations. As for Russia, Moscow should conduct a policy that will not allow it to become a ''junior partner'' of China.