• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.37
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• pp.187-221
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• 2018

The style of performance to contemporary nongak is not fixed in a specific period of time, but in conjunction with the total change in society that has occurred during its long time from traditional society to the modern times. It is important to recognize that the traditional performance art forms that we see and feel today, including nongak, are constantly interacting with the times and are a change in the design that has been shaped in the past. Now, we must get rid of the negative idea that there is some fixed prototype in Nongak. Also, the value and the need for preservation of current Nongak should not be evaluated according to the ' pure genealogy of village descent, ' which was possible only in villages with small population movements long ago. If can get rid of the stereotypes, can greatly expand the view that we read the values of a certain Nongak. Looking away from a few of these traditional fixed perceptions can significantly broaden the view of reading the winning values of some farmers ' songs. In this regard, this report determined the performing style and nature of Changwon's Toichon-noangak through a structural analysis of the Toichon-noangak in contemporary, and discussed the significance of the transmittion of Toichon-noangak. Changwon Toichon Nongak started out as an even-present ritual performance based on the religious nature of the village community and actively exchanged with the economic, social and cultural foundations of the Republic of Korea, which began to accumulate in the modern changes. Generally, the performance style of village Nongak has a combination of characteristics according to the ritual, Dure(collective labor), entertainment, and these three functions. Toichon Nongak is also a village Nongak style and in which of ritual nongak and village entertainment nongak are connected in parallel as one in the big total structure. The origin, background, purpose, and style of towing of Toichon noangak demonstrates that the Toichon noangak is originally ceremonial noangak derived from a prayer style of Dongje. Then, various factors influences are interacting with Toichon noangak within the orbit of modern society, such a style of playing, popular nongak, is believed to have undergone an extended change. Overall, Toichon nongak performance style can be called nongak, which maintains traditional customs and it also has the changed characteristics according to the times of village society.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.40
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• pp.111-136
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• 2020

Agricultural high schools are undergoing a change their name from the mid-1950s to the 2000s. Although it varies slightly depending on the case, it has been changed from 'rural forests' to 'agricultural farms' or 'agricultural industries' and 'life sciences high schools' in turn. In several aricultural high schools had managed Nongak Department(class), it's guarantees the continuity of Korea's traditional folk art. Examples include entertainment and farming in Honam region of Jeonju aricultural high School in North Jeolla Province, Geumsan aricultural high School in South Chungcheong Province, Gimcheon aricultural high School in North Gyeongsang Province. Therefore, the interpretation and significance of studies should follow. This method of Nongak education in modern school institutions is a new phenomenon in the history of Nongak after modern time, the emergence of a whole new pattern of professional entertainment Nongak after paving and Female-Nongak, as well as local traditional folk music. Education here was conducted in such a way that the best performers of the time were invited as guidance teachers among traditional folk artists. Thus, various local and professional music and entertainment were able to be promoted Apart from the social relations of delay, social progress, and economy, the education of farming and music, which consists of teachers and students in public schools, has provided an environment where unlimited freedom is allowed for art forms. In other words, the conditions for a new performance style experiment and creative fusion were met, and the foundation for the development of professional musical performers who had acquired individualized talents from previous generations was laid down in the context of the phenomenon of active stage music and theater performance of outstanding in the culture of Nongak. In other words, the Department of Agriculture and aricultural high school was a very free space compared to other communities' and economic community's agricultural music in social relationships bound by traditional cultural customs. This is why they have created a new style of performance through a new experiment and a different traditional performance repertoire, and their activities have led to a more stylistic expansion from traditional farming. More importantly, the figures who came across Agricultural Nongak department became the main experts of traditional Korean folk music nowdays. Thus, Nongak Department, operated by the Agriculture and Forestry High School, was a space where would give a very important meaning in terms of Nongak history.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.42 no.4
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• pp.96-111
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• 2009

This essay is a study aimed at rationality and utility of two terms, 'Nongak' and 'Pungmul'. I examined how the terms have been today, by diachrony based on review of historical material. I tried to secure the historical context and basis about my argument, quoting many historical material from Korea Dynasty period, Joseon Dynasty period and the colonial period of the imperial Japan during 1910-45 to today. I examined many objective arguments about the 'Nongak', and pointed out the mistake of the objective argument. And I examined the means and rationality of the terms, 'Nongak', 'Pungmul', 'Pungmulgut', 'Pungmulnory'. The 'Pungmul' has been used as the means of instrument for a long time from Joseon Dynasty period. It is only rational using as the means of instrument but as the means of Performance of Nongak considering the historical legitimacy. The 'Pungmul' is Sino-Korean word, not korean native letter. The Pungmulgut means the 'ritual by Pungmul', so it can be recognized the rationality, but have a weak point that it is a neologism being made by some intellectuals in 1980s. In addition to, it is not used im performing field. 'Pungmulnory' has a limit to call the Nongak as a synthetic art. 'Nongak'means a synthetic art that farmers who were absolute majority in agrarian society of Korea have made and developed. So I conclude that 'Nongak'is the best rational term.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.32
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• pp.371-397
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• 2016

The function of the Duhak nongak(農樂) in Jecheon consist of Ceremony, Labor, and Entertainment. Before the commemorative rites for village god village people beat a small gong. This is a evidence of the drive away evil spirits in New Year's Eve of the lunar year. Before harden house site village peoples beat musical instrument noisily. In order to press hard the god of the earth they play musical instrument. Musical instrument not a simple musical instrument, but a purify and wish tool. When weeding a rice paddy Durae organized in Sangpung village. Durae are less effective than communal sharing of labor in weeding effect. Nonetheless, Nongak carried out core function in Durae. In order to participate Nonngak concours, peoples made a Pangut. From independence to 1970s people combine traditional nongak and Pangut. Since then village people played Pangut. From 1990s Pangut was played by Duhak Nonngak Preservation Association. Through the participation Nonngak concours, Duhak nongak was regrouped. Finally this nongak prepared Taeguk-jin, Snail-jin, Cross-jin, Sabang-jin, Sanggyeonrae Bans anggyeonrae-jin, Palbang-jin, Rope making and individual play. Duhak Nonngak promptly met the needs of the times. So, they could play Pangut. The feature of the Duhak Nonngak is that active cognition, highly skilled musician a patron and scouting a competent leader.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.42
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• pp.321-359
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• 2021

This paper examines the unique features of Korean farmer's music-or nongak-in Hawaii by exploring three nongak groups from different decades beginning in the 1970s. The first community-based nongak group began in the 1970s, with the establishment of the Wahiawa Korean Seniors Club. In the 1980s, there was another group supported by the Kalihi-Palama Immigrant Service Center. And in the 1990s, the Hawaii Korean Farmer's Music Assoiation, which is still active, was founded. I ullustrate the overall changes made by the three nongak groups as follows. First, they show a shift from social groups playing music to a music group doing social activities. Second, from a group of people negotiating their music, through a group led by musical leadership, to a group with a leader who created his own musical leadership. Third, from a music group began out of a pseudo-shaman ritual, through a group purely playing music, to a group adding samulnori and further creating a new rhythmic pattern. These changes occurred because, while the members are all first-generation immigrants, their experience of nongak in the motherland was different because of their age differences. In addition, they emerged because the level of awareness and acceptance of samulnori-which has gained huge popularity in Korea-were different.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.40
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• pp.307-341
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• 2020

In the past, each villages of ULSAN had their own SUNGHWANGDANGs. Village folks held an annual ritual for a ghost called GOLMAEGI. That ritual, which was a form of festival supervised by the village community, was the opening of seasonal customs. People called the ritual JISINBOPKI. It was a type of NONGAK in which musicals and dramatic factors made a harmony. Usually its lyrics were called 'SUNGJUPURI'or 'JISINBOPKI' song. At that moment, villagers, thumping on the ground with their feet, danced 'DUTBEKI' to awake the sleeping ghost SUNGJUJISIN. After this ritual, the music band started to visit people's house after house around the town playing PUNGMUL NOLI which consisted of SOGO NORUM, JAPSACK NORUM. The whole proceeding of these performances did not have a definite name. Villagers prayed to SUNGJUJISIN for the prevention of bad luck in their home. This study have arranged the type of MAEGUCHIGI, which is a kind of wishing NONGAK, on the basis of two preceding primary documents. And the other is about JISINBOPKI of ULSAN district that was shown in ULSAN YUSA written by a local historian, KIM SUKBO, of ULSAN. The process of arrangement is as follows. At first, considering the implication of this NONGAK, the definite title of it was designated as ULSAN MAEGUCHIGI. And then, it was given its genre and type within NONGAK.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.50 no.1
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• pp.78-117
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• 2017

Buddhism, which was subject to repression all over the early Joseon Dynasty, received a certain recognition from the state, because Buddhist monks had participated in the war of the Japanese invasion in 1592. On the other hand, however, one of the results was the destruction of many temples. In the late Joseon Dynasty, the Buddhist monks themselves acted as players of Pungmul(people's percussive band music) for the rebuilding of Buddhist temples. These so-called "the Buddhist monks' Pungmul" is the imitation of former clowns' Pungmul and farmers' one that sometimes request money or rice at houses of villages. In the late Joseon Dynasty, the activities of the Buddhist monks' Pungmul were held all over the country. Today, there are "Bitnae Nongak(farmers'percussive band music)" in Kyeongsangbuk-do, "Beokku-noli(the drum play) in the areas of Yeosu and Gangjin in Jeollanam-do, the song of the Buddhist monks' Pungmul for the people's house spirits in the Gyeonggi-do, Gangwon-do and Chungcheong-do, and Namsadang-pae(the nomadic entertaining groups composed of only men), as clear pictures of it. In these things related to Nongak or Nongak relevant affairs, the shapes of the Buddhist monks' Pungmul in the late Joseon Dynasty remain clear. On the other hand, today the Namsadang-pae, which was formed as a result of Buddhist monks' Pungmul in the late Joseon Dynasty, was left only in the Chungcheong-do and Gyeonggi-do, because the temple construction in the Gyeonggi-do was made especially many in the late Joseon Dynasty. During the late Joseon Dynasty, the Buddhist monks' Pungmul, which had long-lived and had taken place throughout the nation, had a great impact on Pungmul. There are the Buddhist elements, such as Gokkal(the Buddhist monk's peaked hat), paper flowers, the color band, the small drum, and Bara(small cymbals) are often found in the Pungmul of Korea. In the late period of the Joseon Dynasty, it is obviously important place in the Pungmul history of Korea. Research and studies on this subject should be made more in the future.

• 지역과문화
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• v.7 no.3
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• pp.1-21
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• 2020

Living culture emphasizes cultural activities in daily life based on local characteristics, and aims to integrate art with daily life to communicate with others through activities of local residents. In this process, the values that individuals and society should have, are evoked and restored. In order to understand the context and processes in which the values of the living culture are expressed as local culture, we analyzed the case of 'Gosaek Nongak(community band music, dance and rituals in Korea) conservation association' in Suwon area and tried to diagnose how art and daily life are integrated and restoring community life in the actual field. For this purpose, phenomenological research was conducted through literature review participatory observation, and in-depth interviews to categorize the social impacts of living culture activities and public support due to individual, community, and local influences. We found that public support for living culture led to increased artistic development and human interaction in the community, and that individuals who are thus empowered to seek artistic experience and actively interact with other people, emerge as vital subjects and practitioners of culture and arts in their local community. Furthermore, we found that the activities of living culture facilitated the formation of local identity for members and local residents. Through living culture activities, members and local residents became more aware of being members of the community and found value and meaning in participating in daily life and cultural activities.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.49
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• pp.127-156
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• 2024

The purpose of this study is to examine the influence of the village gut (shamanic ritual) Dangsanje and Nong-ak (agricultural musical ritual) in the Jeong-eup Province on the formation of the ideology of the Jeungsan (甑山), Kang Il-sun (姜一淳 1871~1909), a thinker from Jeong-eup. As a result, this article has reached the following conclusions: first, the ideas of a certain thinker are influenced by the local culture in which they were born and raised. Second, the central area where Kang Jeungsan was born, grew up, and later developed his system of philosophical thought was the Jeong-eup Province. Third, in Jeong-eup, Nong-ak is traditionally accompanied as a necessary requirement. Fourth, the Nong-ak that Kang Jeungsan witnessed in his hometown during his lifetime had those qualities. Fifth, Kang Jeungsan empirically identified the close interrelationship between Village Gut Dangsanje, Nong-ak, and Mudanggut from an early age. Sixth, this aspect of influence is tangibly reflected in the words and actions he left behind. Seventh, Kang Jeungsan's experience of Jeong-eup Nong-ak was recreated in the religious music of Bocheonism, where his ideas were formulated into an organized religion for the first time. Eighth, this process of religionizing Nong-ak in Bocheonism greatly influenced later Jeong-eup Nong-ak and also Honam Nong-ak more generally.

• The Research Journal of the Costume Culture
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• v.28 no.4
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• pp.463-479
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• 2020

The purpose of this study identify the types and characteristics of Hanbok worn in lunar new year parade and Korean parade in New York over the past three years. As for the research method, I first collected domestic news articles, overseas Korean news articles, and literature reviews about the history of the Korean parade in New York and the events of each year. Second, I conducted a case study on Hanbok worn in the six parades from 2017 to 2019 using photo data collected through direct surveys, 'YouTube' video footage and news article photos. Third, I interviewed people related to the New York parade about the route of buying and renting the Hanbok in the New York area. The types of Hanbok shown in the Korean parade in New York can be largely classified as ceremonial, performance, and daily costume. There were 65 ceremonial costumes in all, with men wearing Dallyeong (official's robe) and Gorlyongpo (dragon robe) and women wearing Dangui (woman's semi-formal jacket), Wonsam (woman's ceremonial robe), and Hwarot (princess's ceremonial robe). A number of performance costumes were also worn by the Chwitasu bands, Nongak ensembles and fan dancers. Finally, of the 210 daily Hanbok, most men wore Baji (pants) and Jeogori (jacket), and women wore Chima (skirts) and Jeogori. The parade attempts to showcase the beauty of Hanbok, but the costumes repeat year after year, which can feel monotonous to onlookers. This research can be used as a reference to effectively utilize Hanbok in future Korean cultural events.