• Journal of the Economic Geographical Society of Korea
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• v.20 no.1
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• pp.49-69
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• 2017

The crisis of western welfare states and the spread of neoliberalism opened up the debate on community question and paid attention to community to cope with diverse social crises. There has been increasing recognition for the need to see World Heritage in terms of place and local community which had formed it rather than an object for conservation separated from the place where it is located. In addition, the conservation and use of cultural heritage can lead to the region's sustainable development and in turn is possible with the region's overall development. However, the Operational Guidelines for the Implementation of the World Heritage Convention does not specify the definition and geographic extent of community. This paper considers place-based communities, Sahachons and religious communities, Sindohoes of seven Buddhist monasteries in preparation for inscription on the UNESCO World Heritage List, and analyzes social networks of these two types of communities to see their consistency with their general characteristics. Social networks analyses indicates that some monasteries show significant differences between Sahachons and Sindohoes, but others do not. This result implies that communities should be seen as processes of constantly reconstituting their features and boundaries under their specific surroundings which are also in constant changes, thus requiring empirical studies.

• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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• v.20 no.4
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• pp.454-472
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• 2014

This study is to analyze the approaches of development discourse and its representation in geography curriculum and textbooks for middle school in Korea. The paper examines the spectrum of development discourse in terms of modernization theory, dependency theory, neoliberalism, grassroots development, sustainable development, postcolonism, post-structuralism and post-development. The findings on geography textbook analysis based on them are as follows. First, Most of the textbooks don't include the definition and operational definition on development and sustainable development. Second, development indicators rely on normal economic indicators like GDP or GNI per capita. HDI that includes GDP per capita, level of education and life expectancy is treated in some of the textbooks, and gender index is never presented. Third, a textbook still uses biased terms such as developed and most developed countries instead of developing countries. Fourth, in plans to solve economic unequality and geographical problems, personal level is treated less than the global, nation and NGOs. Finally, statements on sustainable development contain only intergenerational equity, not intergenerational equity. And approaches on sustainable development are based on technocentric approaches more than ecocentric approaches. Thus geography textbooks should be carefully written on development discourse by authors.

• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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• v.19 no.2
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• pp.301-323
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• 2013

The government of the UK since the 1990, especially under the new Labour Party, has pursued sustainable development or carbon control as a core strategy for its national development. The seemingly prominent environmental policy for 'greening the government' of the UK as well as considerable achievements in energy and environment indices have attracted much attentions of policy makers and researchers for the 'low carbon green growth' in Korea. This paper tries to see the character of carbon control and environmental policy in the UK not merely as the integrating or mainstreaming policy but a new strategy for national development, that is, for the 'ecologically modernized' state, eco-state, or green state. It defines the environmental policy for carbon control in the UK as the strategy for the green state which has provided it as a principal guide for integrating national policies as a whole, and which has pursued it through market-dependent neoliberal measures. From this point of view, this paper introduces the development process of carbon control and environmental policy mainly under the new Labour Party government in the UK, and gives a reappraisal of both its policy and of energy-environment indices.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.16 no.9
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• pp.679-693
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• 2016

The purposes of this study were to examine the patterns of recalling memories in the series and look into the desires of viewers disclosed in the process. Entering the 2010s, people got to recall their memories from the 1980s and 1990s. Nostalgia and retro became cultural products. What made the series, those depict the pure love, friendship, and family affection of main characters under age in those decades, so popular among the viewers? Finding a repeating pattern in recollection of the past, dating, and family love, the investigator saw that the pattern met the needs of viewers and thus analyzed their desires inherent in the series with a focus on its "narratives" and "characters." Their unique sounds effect and music established a micro-narrative that could be divided, thus allowing viewers to own certain scenes easily, which worked to make "non-existent" memories. Secondly, the series succeeded in capturing the desire of viewers living in the age of neoliberalism to reduce their fatigue from excessive choices by setting the characters in a contrived way and thus presenting the desire of maintaining the stable middle class world with no conflicts and the passive female characters. The recollections provided by the series, in the end, fill the desire and deficiency of the present beyond a simple return to the past.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.18 no.5
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• pp.554-565
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• 2018

This study is to think a new arena of collective play culture at the university campus festival for digital generation used to be individually consuming play in cyberspace. While cyberia is virtual cultural space by providing gigantic platforms in which producers and consumers meet, this space has characterized as individuality and disembodiment, that is why recalling the collective play culture at the off-line. This article is to examine the characteristics and meaning of the recent campus festivals during the history of Korean college festivals, and to analyze proposals of play-contents applied by various theories. The 2016-7' proposals include several kind of board game and experimental theatre sublimed philosophical reflection, which shows a kind of attempt to escape from the cultural industrial logic, however they are characterized by Ilinx(drinking culture) and Alea(board game) emphasized more than Agon, and Mimicry combined with paidia rule strongly. Under the neoliberalism, college students' gloomy reality is represented emasculating of the structure of competitions in the context of an unreal world and Mimicry of experience stay in front of the limen before entering the embodiment.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.69
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• pp.71-110
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• 2015

Beyond the technological behaviorism-oriented notion of prosumers, the current study explores the question of digital creative labour of the youth in the interrelated context of post-capitalist crisis and neoliberal ethos of selfhood. This analysis is situated particularly in the social conflicts and struggles in Korea, where the problems related to the precarization of the younger generation have been increasingly aggravated (in the realm of embodied reality) whereas their digital activities have been highly expressive (in the realm of mediated reality). The contradictions embedded in the question of the labour of the youth are delineated in the respect of the subjectivities of young free labour, or 'digital creative labour' in proposed terms: the precarious young free labour in Korea is the compound of social fragmentation, economic polarization, expansion of cognitive and emotion labour, boom of hedonistic consumerism, economic-cultural celebration of creativity and self-entrepreneurship, technological saturation of digital media, subjective/collective affects around excitement and ambition but also of anxiety and fear. The ambivalence and complexity of the young free labour is converged at the emergence of homo-economicus (Michel Foucault) through the subjectivation of the social (con)fusion of post-capitalist crisis and neoliberal governmentality of selfhood.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.80
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• pp.115-142
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• 2016

This study aims to reveal the content of and logic behind a recent negative public sentiment toward female idols with the example of a debate over songstress IU's fourth album that was released late last year. While previous studies on fandom have focused on the identification process towards entertainers and making community, a recent phenomenon of "anti-fandom" or "malicious comments" implies that more research is needed on negative emotions such as hostility or schadenfreude (feelings of pleasure from others' misfortunes). Schadenfreude is a social sentiment that originated in modern liberalism, which features contradictions between public equality and private ownership, and that has been intensified in neoliberalism, which features a maximization of this contradiction centering on a meritocracy. Celebrities in Korea often become the targets of schadenfreude, which is associated with the suspicion that they gain popularity not from their abilities but from "just being popular." It should also be noted that this kind of schadenfreude operates differently between male and female entertainers. Specifically, the acquisition of money and fame by modern women whose presence used to be located in the private possessions of males is considered to be due to their unjustified use of sexuality. This is also the background of the recent online misogyny culture in Korea. In this context, IU, who had been successful at building a differentiated image of "sister-like idol artist," became a valid target. Although accusing IU of utilizing pedophilia reflects a stalemate that a current politics of sexual violence faces, it rather damages the name of an individual than attracts public attention to the structural causes of childsexualabuse. This is why I see the way that pedophilia was used in the debate over IU as a schadenfreude. Consequently, the term pedophilia here contributes to an expansion of the entertainment economy that is sustained by rises and falls of the celebrities' stock prices.

• Land and Housing Review
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• v.5 no.4
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• pp.281-290
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• 2014

This comparative analysis on the project scheme of property-led regeneration of UK and Japan aimed to suggest the implications for economy-based urban regeneration of Korea. Property-led regeneration attract private capital by deregulation and public investment since 1980s' neoliberalism. Its effectiveness for creating job and economic growth is demonstrated through last decades. The cases of property-led urban regeneration of 2000s, such as Stratford, King's Cross, Otemach and Shinonome, show decrease of public direct investment, promoting deregulation. It also proved that property-led urban regeneration has a great ripple effect to local economy. And the partnership among central and local governments, public development corporations, private developers and other local interest groups is emphasized for delivering successful urban regeneration. Especially, human empowerment of local government and responsibility of public organization are also required to deliver urban regeneration.

• Journal of the Korea Academia-Industrial cooperation Society
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• v.18 no.4
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• pp.293-303
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• 2017

Thus study examined the possible the link between social enterprises and lifelong education for the underprivileged. To this end, this study searched for the definition and position of social enterprises emerging from the welfare system under the influence of neoliberalism and overcoming the problems in terms of creating social jobs and providing welfare services. In addition, the lifelong education for the underprivileged was examined according to the subjects, such as the disabled, migrant women, young and adult low-income group, and senior citizens. The plan was as follows. First, the expansion of the proportion of community-affiliated social enterprises was analyzed. Second, it provides a differentiated support and protection market for social enterprise. Third, the development and dissemination of social entrepreneur training programs was examined. The results showed that the entire society should have a sense of responsibility for the support of the underprivileged. This provides implications for the linkage of lifelong education and social enterprise in the expansion possibility to improve the quality of life and expand lifelong education for the underprivileged.

• Journal of Korean Theatre Studies Association
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• no.52
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• pp.5-59
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• 2014

This paper investigates the development and aesthetics of Korean political theatre from its quickening period 1920s to democratization era 1990s. Political theatre before 90s developed an antithesis resistant movement toward Korean modern history that had been scattered with suppressing political circumstances such as colonial era and dictatorial government, the movement has powerful activity and social influences. Just like the 20 century political theatre had been quickened under the influence of Marxism at Russia and Germany in 1920s, Korea's political theatre began in socialism theatre movement form around the same time. Proletarian theatre groups had been founded in Japan and Korea, and developed into practical movement with organized connection. However, the political theatre movement in Japanese colonial era was an empty vessel makes great sound but not much accomplishments. Most performance had been canceled or disapproved by suppression or censorship of the Japanese Empire. The political theatre in liberation era was the left drama inherited from Proletarian theatre of the colonial era. Korean Theatre alliance took lead the theatrical world unfold activities based on theatre popularization theory such as 'culture activists' taking a jump up the line and 'independent theatre' peeping into production spot as well as the important event, Independence Movement Day Memorial tournament theatre. Since 1947, US army military government in Korea strongly oppressed the left performances to stop and theatrical movement was ended due to many left theatrical people defection to North Korea. The political theatre in 1960s to 70s the Park regime, developed in dramatically different ways according to orthodox group and group out of power. The political theatre of institutional system handled judgment on sterile people and had indirect political theatre from that took history material and allegory technique because of censorship. In political theatre out of institution, it started outdoor theatre that has modernized traditional performance style and established deep relationship with labor spot and culture movement organizations. Madangguek(Outdoor theatre) is 'Attentive political theatre', satirizing and offending the political and social inconsistencies such as the dictatorial government's oppression and unbalanced distribution, alienation of general people, and foreign powers' pillage sharply as well as laughing at the Establishment with negative characters. The political theatre in 1980s is divided into two categories; political theatre of institutional system and Madangguek. Institutional Political theatre mainly performed in Korea Theatre Festival and the theatre group 'Yeonwoo-Moudae' led political theatre as private theatre company. Madangguek developed into an outdoor theatrical for indoor theatre capturing postcolonial historical view. Yeonwoo-Moudae theatre company produced representative political plays at 80s such as The chronicles of Han's, Birds fly away too, and so on by combining freewheeling play spirit of Madangguek and epic theatre. Political theatre was all the rage since the age of democratization started in 1987 and political materials has been freed from ban. However, political theatre was slowly declined as real socialism was crumbling and postmodernism is becoming the spirit of the times. After 90s, there are no more plays of ideology and propaganda that aim at politicization of theatre. As the age rapidly entered into the age of deideology, political theatre discourse also changed greatly. The concept 'the political' became influential as a new political possibility that stands up to neoliberalism system in the evasion of politics. Rather than reenact political issues, it experiments new political theatre that involves something political by deconstructing and reassigning audience's political sense with provocative forms, staging others and drawing discussion about it.