• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.55
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• pp.35-58
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• 2014

This thesis is about Chungyongkugyongyonui(中庸九經衍義) by HoiJae Lee Eon Jeok (1491~1553). As many know, he was one of the philosophers representing the 16th century who played a great role in making the Zhūzǐ's Neo-Confucianism settle down in Joseon society through the dispute on TaeGeuk (太極) against Cho Han Bo (?~?). He was also the scholar who firmly established the theoretical system of the Idea for Proper Governance (至治主義). The Supplementary Explanation to the Chapters and Phrases of the Great Studies (大學章句補遺) and the Transcript of Nine Annotations on the Middle Way (中庸九經衍義) were written to argue his thoughts of the Idea for Proper Governance shown in the Great Studies (大學) and the Middle Way (中庸). He said that the Great Studies was more specific in the clauses for the justice of training oneself while the Middle Way more detail in the clauses for the justice of governor. That is, he thought that those books were in the relation of the in-and-outside, so that he argued that kings should take both justices of such for governance. Especially the Transcript of Nine Annotations on the Middle Way was written by following the way of the Annotation Transcript of the Great Studies (大學衍義) by Jin Deok Su (眞德秀), a scholar of Song Dynasty and the Supplementary Explanation to the Annotation Transcript of the Great Studies (大學衍義補) in order to make the King MyeongJong of that period realize the Proper Governance of the Two Great Emperors and Three Great Kings of Ancient China, which greatly influenced the Ten Figures of the Studies for the Great Man (聖學十圖) by ToiGye Lee Hwang and the Abstract of the Studies for the Great Man (聖學輯要) by YulGok Lee Yi.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.37
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• pp.7-45
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• 2013

This study is about the origin of Toigye's SaDanChilJeongRiGiHoBalRon (四端七情理氣互發論: theory of humanity and the relation between humanity and heaven's principle). In this study, I looked into the influences of Toigye's elders on such theory of Toigye. In this process, I introduced SimHakJangGuJipJuDaeJeon (心學章句集註大全) I obtained recently as a main material. This book was written by an uncelebrated scholar born in 60 years before Toigye. It showed "SaDanRiBalYiGiSuJi ChilJeongGiBalRiSeungJi (四端理發而氣隨之 七情氣發而理乘之)", which was as same as Toigye's study logic. Regarding the fact that such two logics were same, I traced the transferring path of such logic weighing the possibility of transferring such book or HoBalRon shown in such book while not completely neglecting an accidental coincidence. I also induced that the pro-Toigye-era also had the academic circumstance under which RiGiHoBalRon could be born even supposing an accidental coincidence. In addition, I also emphasized that such book was positioned to pioneer Toigye's neo-Confucianism in various aspects.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.39
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• pp.175-214
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• 2021

In the Joseon Dynasty, Confucian literati sacralized their daily lives through ritual practices across the three dimensions of time, place, and humanity. 1) In the dimension of time, they cultivated in their personal lives by accepting and thoroughly practicing the ethical principles of the Elementary Learning (『小學』). These practices of self-cultivation developed into ritualized practices of daily routine from the perspective of neo-Confucianism. 2) In the spatial dimension, local public schools (鄕校), local private academies (書院), and village private schools (書塾) were constructed as the symbolic places for disseminating Confucian norms through intensive seminar activities and collective learning sessions (講會). These places were also used for the pious recitations of selected Confucian proverbs that had been ritualized by Confucian literati. 3) In the dimension of humanity, pious consciousness, reinforced by the ritualized practice of periodic sacrifices or intensive reading, was subconsciously deepened and projected onto dreams individuals reported of their deceased fathers or teachers. According to the Confucian ritualization process, people were seen as being able to sanctify their daily lives by thoroughly internalizing and effectively realizing Confucian values.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.24_2
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• pp.197-229
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• 2015

The aim of this study is to determine the property of Daesoon thought in theory of God. The difference with precedent research is that this study catch the point in which theism as theology conflicts ontology as philosophy. It is elusive without philosophical analysis to detect this point for reasons of religious expression on scriptures. To find this point is beginning of academic communication at religious position. So I tried to draw boundary between theology and philosophy in Daesoon thought so as to apprehend Daesoon thought treats the contradiction of that. The contradiction is found that hierarchy between Sangje and taegeuk reverses on Daesoon thought. Fundamentally two substance can't be arranged to ontology but only one can be. It seems that Daesoon thought has got antinomy. However superiority of Daesoon thought is appeared at this point. The antinomy is just the process to absolute truth of Tao. That is a progressive system of thought in both religious and philosophical aspect. Finally, the result of this study can be organized with five items. First is to get new direction to study of Daesoon thought to catch the clash between theology and ontology. Second is that Daesoon thought can communicate the mainstream philosophy like Hegel's while the argumentation makes progress with Hegel's thought. Third is that Daesoon thought has originality in ontology of tao, mugeuk, tageuk as compared with neo-Confucianism. Forth is that theology of Daesoon thought has the possibility to peace among religions. Fifth is that Daesoon thought transcends religion and philosophy to absolute truth. Particularly, the noteworthy item is about peace among religions as theme of religious practice as the needs of times. The conflict of religion is very serious impact to historic future. So Daesoon thought suggests that all the religions harmonize with each other in universality and respect each other in distinctiveness. It makes it possible to aims for world peace beyond theory to practical orientation on religious creed. In history of philosophy the dialetic of Hegel is the very adequate to explain that principle. Hegel argued that human mind can reach to the absolute knowledge at 『Phänomenologie des Geistes』. He elucidates the process that mind attain the absolute knowledge through movement of negation at 『Phänomenologie des Geistes』. The dialetics leads all the process of mind to finality of the absolute spirit.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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• v.51 no.2
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• pp.81-93
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• 2023

The purpose of this study is to clarify the background of the plans and the spatial characteristics of the garden at the Anglo-Korean School, an educational institution established in Gaeseong in 1906 by Yun Chi-ho and the American Methodist Church. The time scope of the study is from 1906, when the school was opened, to the early 1920s, when the basic building structure of the school was completed. The spatial scope is the school complex, located in Gaeseong, and its affiliated facilities. The contents of the study include the planning background and purpose, spatial layout, and plants used in the school garden. This study reviewed Yun Ch'i-ho's papers and Warren A. Candler's papers at Emory University, documents, photos, and maps produced in the early 20th century. The results show that the school garden was first mentioned at the school's opening and that with a strong will, Yun Chi-ho insisted on establishing a school garden. The garden was located around the engineering department building and was divided into several sections and lots. Economic plants, such as fruit trees, comprised the garden and were sourced from the Methodist Church of the South, USA. This study reveals that the garden at the Anglo-Korean School functioned as a training ground for agriculture and horticulture education and was differentiated from Seowon, a traditional Korean academy that symbolically spaced Neo-Confucianism and that emphasized the views of the surrounding nature during the Joseon Dynasty.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.36
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• pp.227-266
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• 2020

The purpose of this paper is to review the representative Buddhist policies enforced during the reign of Gwanghaegun (光海君), the 15th king of the Joseon Dynasty, and the aspects of the Buddhist community affected by them. Through this, the influence and dynamism of Buddhism during the reign of Gwanghaegun will be revealed. Some of the findings will run contrary to what is popularly known about Joseon Buddhism and the policy of Sungyueokbul (崇儒抑佛), 'Revering Confucianism and Supressing Buddhism.' During the Joseon Dynasty, Neo-Confucianism was taken as an ideological background, and consequently, Buddhism was ostracized by the ruling class who advocated the exclusion of heretical views. This also characterized King Gwanghaegun's reign during the Mid-Joseon Dynasty. In reality though, the ruling class held mixed opinions about Buddhism, and this influenced the Buddhist community in the Gwanghaegun Period. The military might of Japan demonstrated during the Japanese Invasion of Korea in 1592, led the ruling class to recognize Buddhism, and as a result, the status of Buddhism rose to a certain extent. Based on its elevated status and the aftermath of the Japanese Invasion of Korea, the Buddhist community engaged in social welfare activities inspired by the notion of requiting favors, and the Buddhist community gained recognition for providing relief services. As a result, the number of monks increased, and the economic situation improved as land ownership was granted to temples and monks. This is the means by which the Japanese Invasion of Korea influenced the Buddhist policies of the Gwanghaegun Period and changed the religious topography of Buddhism. During the reign of King Gwanghaegun, the ruling class regarded Buddhism as heretical, but offered posthumous titles to monks who engaged in meritorious services during the Japanese invasions of 1592~1598. Favorable and/or preferential treatment was also granted to some Buddhist monks. In addition, monks began to perform labor projects that demanded organizational and physical strength, such as those which related to national defense and architecture. However, throughout the Gwanghaegun Period, the monks were paid a certain amount of compensation for their labor, and the monks' responsibility for labor increased. This can be understood as a partial reconciliation with Buddhism or an acceptance of Buddhism rather than the suppression of Buddhism often presented by historians. As for policies which affected Buddhism, the Buddhist community showed signs of cooperation with the ruling class, the creation and reconstruction of temples, and the production of Buddhist art. Through close ties with the ruling class, Buddhism during the Gwanghaegun Period saw the Buddhist community actively responded policies that impacted Buddhism, and this allowed their religious orders to be maintained. In this way, it was also confirmed that the monk, Buhyu Seonsu (浮休 善修) and his disciple Byeogam Gakseong (碧巖 覺性), took up leadership roles in their Buddhist community. The Buddhist-aimed policies of Gwanghaegun were implemented against the backdrop of the Buddhist community, wherein the ruling class held mixed opinions regarding Buddhism. As such, both improvements and set backs for Buddhism could be observed during that time period. The ruling class actively utilized the organizational power of Buddhism for national defense and civil engineering after the Japanese invasions of 1592~1598. Out of gratitude, they implemented appropriate compensation for the Buddhists involved. The Buddhist community also responded to policies that affected them through exchanges with the ruling class. They succeeded in securing funds and support to repair and produce Buddhist temples and artworks. A thoughtful inspection of the policies towards and responses to Buddhism during the Gwanghaegun Period, shows that Buddhism actually enjoyed considerable organizational power and influence. This flies in the face of the general description of Joseon Buddhism as "Sungyueokbul (revering Confucianism and supressing Buddhism)."

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.37 no.3
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• pp.22-36
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• 2019

This research identified landscape characteristics of Chilitan(칠리탄) area, which had been managed by Son Giyang(1559~1617, p. Ohhan), in order to understand the political viewpoint and ideal landscapes, sought after by Confucian scholars in the 16~17th century. As the research method for the interpretation of each scene's spatial strucutres and meanings, paintings and poems in Chiltanjungsipyukgyeongdo(the Paintings of the 16 Scenes of Chiltanjung Area) were analyzed, which were followed by the on-site survey. Son lived hermit life with the nature after he decided to retire into the country for the chaotic political environment in the 4^th year of Gwanghaegun's reign. Admiring Eum Jareung(B.C. 39-41, p. Eumgwang)'s hermit life, he named a headstream to Chilitan, erected pavilion and made place for angling by the stream, as Eum did in the hermitage. However he worried the king and royal politics in spite of his hermit life, which showed his political viewpoint of Confucianism. In addition, every column of buildings in the garden was named in order to imply both thoughts of Neo-Confucianism and Idleness Naturalism, which highlight a moral training and being comfortable amid poverty and taking pleasure in and honest life style. The present landscape of wonlim could be back to 1936, where Unganru, Byeokripjae and Chiltanjung are surrounding Eupcheondang. Chines character, such as Jimamsuseok, Giam, Ohhansonsunseongjanggujiso and Jogi, are inscribed on the rocks in the landscape garden, from which placeness could be inferred. According to the record of the construction, pine, fir, paulownia, ginkgo, peach trees, bamboo and lotus were planted, and ginkgo, bamboo, crape myrtle, pine and chestnut tress are still living in the garden, which mean plants had been planted in the light of their practical values as well as symbolic meanings. The method for describing 16 scenes of Chiltanjung could be characterized to the structure of 「Place+Scene(a particural activity, event, or action), and these placeness could be analyzed by categorizing the scene to near, middle and far views. Each scene symbolically presents a hermit, noble man, Taoist ideology, homeland, or peacetime, which were adpoted to depict landscapes of Chiltanjung area as the Confucian utopia.

• Journal of the Korea Academia-Industrial cooperation Society
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• v.16 no.2
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• pp.1092-1100
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• 2015

This thesis is a part of a case study conducted in order to understand the trends of the 16th~17th century Cheongju region bigwigs, and has examined the life and academic stream of Seogye Deuk-Yoon LEE (1553-1630) focused on the previous study, "The Great Family Genealogy of Ikjaegong of the Gyeongju LEE Family". Seogye Deuk-Yoon LEE learned from his father Seomgye Jam LEE, and GiSEO, Ji-Hwa PARK from an early age, and based the basic orientation of his studies on one's moral and religious self one's moral and religious self'. This is how he became to emphasize "Sohak" (an introductory book of Confucianism for children), and he made an effort to realize the world of Neo-Confucianism by distributing the 'YEO's Hyangyak(Lue-shih-hsiang-yueeh : autonomic regulations of the district areas)' published on "Sohak". Furthermore, he made great effort in education of the Cheongju by regarding it as his own mission to teach young scholars, continuing on the footsteps of his father. Considering this, Seogye was not only a Confucian scholar that devoted himself to 'Sugi(moral training of himself', but was also a practical scholar that committed his sense of social responsibility in ' teaching' and 'governing the people, who greatly affected the academic world of the regional bigwigs of the Cheongju during the 17th century. Furthermore, Deuk-Yoon LEE was a member of the 'Nangseongpalhyeon(eight wise men of the Cheongju region) together with his disciple Deok-soo LEE, who performed a core role in establishing the 'Gihohakpa(Capital and Chungcheong province School)' and 'Hoseosarim(forest of scholars in Chungcheong province)' of the Cheongju region. As a main figure in establishing the Sinhang Confucian academy, he prepared the socio-economic basis for the 'Gihohakpa' to take place in the Cheongju, and by academically associating with Sagye Jang-Seng Kim without regarding their conflicting parties, he became the bridge in allowing his disciple, Deok-Soo LEE to associate with the academic stream and the 'Gihohakpa'. Through such roles, he allowed the relatively easy establishment of the 'Gihohakpa' and 'Hoseosarim', which continued to Jang-Seng KIM and Si-Yeol SONG, in order to prepare the basis and establish the strength of its basis in the Cheongju region from the late 17th century.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.31
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• pp.347-374
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• 2011

Along with Hujiwara Seika(藤原惺窩), Hayashi Razan(林羅山) is called the founder of the Japanese Confucianism in the Eto(江戶) era. And it is necessary for us to grasp that how Razan understand the theory of I-Ki(理氣論), then we can investigate the characteristics of his thought. In ordinary, people understand that the theory of I-Ki, as a completed view of the world, is integration of the structure of theory of the neo-Confucianism. So a certain thinker's ideological attitude is determined according to how people understand the theory. And then we can grasp the structure of his view of the world and human. Therefore, the purpose of this paper is to study how Razan had understanded the I(理) and Ki(氣). In spite of a scholar of Zhu Xi(朱熹), Razan didn't accept Zhu's view of I-Ki, he seem to lean toward the view of Wang Yangmings'(王陽明) in the his early learning days. But that doesn't mean he is a scholar of doctrine of Wang Yangming. When he meets the logical contradiction under the process of investigating the problem of Sein and Sollen, he just only to explain it with logic of Ki(氣) which is closed by mind. Meanwhile if we suppose I(理) is pure goodness and there is no things outside of I(理), if so Razan doubts about that where is the root of evil and he try to investigate the answer. In his latter years, Razan takes Zhu Xi's doctrine again get out of the mental attitude to the view of I-Ki(理氣). The outcome of precedent study about Razan points a fact that Razan needs a little more digging into the ieda of 'Fact and Sollen' which had been the reason of ideal confusion of him. But his ideal confusion is not the point of issue. Point is that Razan had understanded I-Ki(理氣) with monistic of Shim(心) in his early years. As a result, that bring about the outcome which exclude ontological thinking, and had come to grips with aspects of Sollen of all things in understanding of the doctrine of Zhu Xi. And I think that is the clue to understanding of Razan's learning.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.31
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• pp.33-52
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• 2011

This study intends to understand Kobong's thought, especially the problem of Self-cultivation. Kobong, along with Toegye(退溪), is a major figure to understand Confucian ideas of Chosun in the 16th century. There has been a lot of research centered on Kobong's Four-beginnings(四端) and Seven-emotions(七情), but not much on the Self-cultivation of Kobong. Confucianism is basically to seek after actualization of Perfect Virtue(仁) and the way to be a sage, through the pursuit of self-discipline(修己 明明德) and social practice(安人 新民). The problems of Confucianism might be summarized as follows: interest and appreciation for the source of existence(知天/事天); harmony in relationships and practices(愛人/愛物); both of the above together. Therefore, Self-cultivation is to change the self, the subject of one's life, through the relationship between man and heaven. Kobong and Toegye had debated for about eight years(1559-1566) over the problem of human nature, especially emotion(情), and virtue and vice(善惡) fundamental position of Toegye is that the difference between Four-beginnings(四端) and Seven-emotions(七情) can be understood as emotion with qualitative distinction. By contrast, Kobong sees the relationship between Four-beginnings(四端) and Seven-emotions(七情) as that of total and partial. Discussion on the Four-beginnings(四端) and Seven-emotions(七情) is not restricted within the problem of logical analysis of concepts or theoretical validity, but come to a conclusion with the problem of Self-cultivation(修養). In this sense, Kobong tried to follow Neo-Confucian theory of human nature and self-cultivation, on the assumption of Confucian self-discipline and social practice.