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STUDIES ON AVIAN VISCERAL LYMPHOMATOSIS I. THE INCREASED INCIDENSE AMONG CHICKEN FLOCKS AND PATHOLOGIC PICTURES (장기형임파종증(臟器型淋巴腫症)에 관(關)한 연구(硏究) 1. 계군(鷄群)에서의 임파종증(淋巴腫症)의 발생(發生) 및 병리학적소견(病理學的所見))

  • Kim, Uh Ho;Lim, Chang Hyeong
    • Korean Journal of Veterinary Research
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    • v.4 no.1
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    • pp.35-42
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    • 1964
  • 1). An nanlysis was made of 3,500 postmortem diagnoses for the three years 1961 through 1963 to determine whether there was any actual incidence of avian visceral lymphomntosis in the field. Chickens autopsied, which showed gross alterations were 7.6 percent or 266 cases. The diminished incidence of the disease in second and third years seemed due to decreased total numbers of chicken flocks year by year for the reason of difficult feed supply. 2). Because chickens autopsied in this study were not clearly known of their breeds and lines, no distinct data on the incidence in various breeds were made. Some exact breeds were in too small numbers to have any statistical significance. Inconceivably, no other types of avian leukosis than visceral lymphomatosis had been observed in any appreciable number in this analysis. 3). Pathologic analysis for affected organs was made grossly and microscopically. In the gross pictures, liver, spleen, kidney, ovary, and in some case, intestine principally showed lesions, but its manifestation was variable in different organs. In such organs, livers were affected more frequently, and spleens followed next. The organs were classified and arranged according to the gross alterations, and among their distribution one-half of livers were in diffuse variety; one-fourths in nodular; about one-sevenths in mixed; and granular variety followed next. In the spleen samples, two-thirds were in diffuse variety; one-fourths in nodular; and follicular only in three cases. Ovaries almost showed follicular lesions, the diffused were less than one-fifths of total specimens. Kidneys were occurred almost in diffuse variety. And intestine showed only nodular tomors. Microscopically, 42 cases of visceral lymphomatosis composed of 24 livers, 10 spleens, 3 kidneys, 3 intestines and 2 ovaries were examined. The tumor cells were lymphoid cells showing various component in size, shape and stainability. Mitotic figures were usually present. The proportion of the component cells were various in all cases and there were variations in the distribution of the tumor cells. The types of distribution were classified according to the standard proposed by Horiuchi as nodular, infiltrative and diffuse proliferation. In cases of visceral lymphomatosis of the livers and the spleens the types of infiltrative, nodular and diffuse proliferation could be classified. In the cases of the kidneys the types of diffuse and nodular proliferation were observed. In the cases of the intestines and the ovaries the types of infiltrative and diffuse proliferation were observed respectively.

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A Study on the Use of GIS-based Time Series Spatial Data for Streamflow Depletion Assessment (하천 건천화 평가를 위한 GIS 기반의 시계열 공간자료 활용에 관한 연구)

  • YOO, Jae-Hyun;KIM, Kye-Hyun;PARK, Yong-Gil;LEE, Gi-Hun;KIM, Seong-Joon;JUNG, Chung-Gil
    • Journal of the Korean Association of Geographic Information Studies
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    • v.21 no.4
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    • pp.50-63
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    • 2018
  • The rapid urbanization had led to a distortion of natural hydrological cycle system. The change in hydrological cycle structure is causing streamflow depletion, changing the existing use tendency of water resources. To manage such phenomena, a streamflow depletion impact assessment technology to forecast depletion is required. For performing such technology, it is indispensable to build GIS-based spatial data as fundamental data, but there is a shortage of related research. Therefore, this study was conducted to use the use of GIS-based time series spatial data for streamflow depletion assessment. For this study, GIS data over decades of changes on a national scale were constructed, targeting 6 streamflow depletion impact factors (weather, soil depth, forest density, road network, groundwater usage and landuse) and the data were used as the basic data for the operation of continuous hydrologic model. Focusing on these impact factors, the causes for streamflow depletion were analyzed depending on time series. Then, using distributed continuous hydrologic model based DrySAT, annual runoff of each streamflow depletion impact factor was measured and depletion assessment was conducted. As a result, the default value of annual runoff was measured at 977.9mm under the given weather condition without considering other factors. When considering the decrease in soil depth, the increase in forest density, road development, and groundwater usage, along with the change in land use and development, and annual runoff were measured at 1,003.5mm, 942.1mm, 961.9mm, 915.5mm, and 1003.7mm, respectively. The results showed that the major causes of the streaflow depletion were lowered soil depth to decrease the infiltration volume and surface runoff thereby decreasing streamflow; the increased forest density to decrease surface runoff; the increased road network to decrease the sub-surface flow; the increased groundwater use from undiscriminated development to decrease the baseflow; increased impervious areas to increase surface runoff. Also, each standard watershed depending on the grade of depletion was indicated, based on the definition of streamflow depletion and the range of grade. Considering the weather, the decrease in soil depth, the increase in forest density, road development, and groundwater usage, and the change in land use and development, the grade of depletion were 2.1, 2.2, 2.5, 2.3, 2.8, 2.2, respectively. Among the five streamflow depletion impact factors except rainfall condition, the change in groundwater usage showed the biggest influence on depletion, followed by the change in forest density, road construction, land use, and soil depth. In conclusion, it is anticipated that a national streamflow depletion assessment system to be develop in the future would provide customized depletion management and prevention plans based on the system assessment results regarding future data changes of the six streamflow depletion impact factors and the prospect of depletion progress.

A Study on the Tree Surgery Problem and Protection Measures in Monumental Old Trees (천연기념물 노거수 외과수술 문제점 및 보존 관리방안에 관한 연구)

  • Jung, Jong Soo
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.42 no.1
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    • pp.122-142
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    • 2009
  • This study explored all domestic and international theories for maintenance and health enhancement of an old and big tree, and carried out the anatomical survey of the operation part of the tree toward he current status of domestic surgery and the perception survey of an expert group, and drew out following conclusion through the process of suggesting its reform plan. First, as a result of analyzing the correlation of the 67 subject trees with their ages, growth status. surroundings, it revealed that they were closely related to positional characteristic, damage size, whereas were little related to materials by fillers. Second, the size of the affected part was the most frequent at the bough sheared part under $0.09m^2$, and the hollow size by position(part) was the biggest at 'root + stem' starting from the behind of the main root and stem As a result of analyzing the correlation, the same result was elicited at the group with low correlation. Third, the problem was serious in charging the fillers (especially urethane) in the big hollow or exposed root produced at the behind of the root and stem part, or surface-processing it. The benefit by charging the hollow part was analyzed as not so much. Fourth, the surface-processing of fillers currently used (artificial bark) is mainly 'epoxy+woven fabric+cork', but it is not flexible, so it has brought forth problems of frequent cracks and cracked surface at the joint part with the treetextured part. Fifth, the correlation with the external status of the operated part was very high with the closeness, surface condition, formation of adhesive tissue and internal survey result. Sixth, the most influential thing on flushing by the wrong management of an old and big tree was banking, and a wrong pruning was the source of the ground part damage. In pruning a small bough can easily recover itself from its damage as its formation of adhesive tissue when it is cut by a standard method. Seventh, the parameters affecting the times of related business handling of an old and big tree are 'the need of the conscious reform of the manager and related business'. Eighth, a reform plan in an institutional aspect can include the arrangement of the law and organization of the old and big tree management and preservation at an institutional aspect. This study for preparing a reform plan through the status survey of the designated old and big tree, has a limit inducing a reform plan based on the status survey through individual research, and a weak point suggesting grounds by any statistical data. This can be complemented by subsequent studies.

Study on the Genetic Variations of the Economic Traits by Backcrossing in Commercial Chickens (실용계군에 있어서 누진퇴교배에 의한 주요경제형질의 유전적 변이에 관한 연구)

  • 이종극;오봉국
    • Korean Journal of Poultry Science
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    • v.16 no.2
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    • pp.61-71
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    • 1989
  • The purposes of this study were to investigate the genetic variations by backcrossing in commercial chickens. Backcrossing was carried out successively back to parent stock (P.S). Heritabilities and genetic correlation coefficients were estimated to verify the genetic variations. The data obtained from a breeding programme with commercial chickens (I strain) were collected from 1955 to 1987 at Poultry Breeding Farm, Seoul National University. Data came from a total of 1230 female offspring. The results obtained are summarized as follows: 1. The general performance ($Mean\pmStandard deviation$) of each trait was $663.94\pm87.11$g for 8 weeks body weight, $1579.1\pm155.43$g for 20 weeks body weight, $2124.1\pm215.3$g for 40 weeks body weight, $2269.1\pm242.94$g for 60 weeks body weight, $168.43\pm12.94$ day for a9e at sexual maturity (SM), $214.52\pm29.82$ eggs , for total egg number to 60 weeks of age (TEN), $61.45\pm3.48$ g for average weight (AEW), $13180.7\pm1823.22$ g for total egg mass to 60 weeks of age(TEM). All traits, except 10 weeks body weight and AEW, were significant for the degrees of backcross (p<0.01). 2. The pooled estimates of heritabilities derived from the sire, dam and combined variance components were 0.47~0.52 for age at sexual maturity (SM), 0.07~0.37 for total egg number (TEN), 0.40~0.54 for average egg weight (AEW), 0.18~0.27 for total egg mass (TEM). High heritability estimates were found for SM and AEW. TEN and TEM were estimated to be a lowly heritable traits. Heritability estimates from dam components were higher than those from sire components. These differences might be due to non-additive genetic effect and maternal effect. 3. The estimates of heritabilities and standard errors derived from combined variance components for different degrees of backcross were $0.47\pm0.11$ (BCO), $0.42\pm0.16$ (BC1), $0.51\pm0.29$ (BC2) for TEN, $0.59\pm0.20$ (BCO), $0.43\pm0.17$ (BC1), $0.35\pm0.18$ (BC2) for AEW, $0.28\pm0.12$(BC0), $0.20\pm0.11$(BC1), $0.18\pm0.14$ (BC2) for TEM. Heritability estimates for AEW and TEM were decreased by backcrossing while those for SM and TEN remained constant. Since backcrossing contributes to increased homozygosity, the genetic variation of the traits (AEW and TEM) decreased . 4. The pooled estimates of genetic correlation coefficients were -0.55 between SM and TEN, 0.20 between SM and AEW, -0.29 between TEN and AEW, 0.82 between TEM and TEN, 0.31 between TEM and AEW, -0.42 between TEM and SM. The genetic correlation between TEM and TEN was higher than that between TEM and AEW, and it was suggested that egg mass was strongly affected by egg number. Also, age at sexual maturity(SM) contributes to egg mass(TEM). 5. When backcrossing was carried out successively, the genetic correlation between TEM and TEN increased (BC0:0.79, BC1:0.82, BC2:0.91) but those between TEM and SM decreased (BC0:-0.54, BC1:-0.36, BC2:-0.09) with successive backcrosses.

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Study on the Salt Tolerance of Rice and Other Crops in Reclaimed Soil Areas. -6. On the Effects of Increased N. P. K. Applications for Rice Plant in Reclaimed Salty Areas (간척지(干拓地)에서 수도(水稻) 및 기타작물(其他作物)의 내염성(耐鹽性)에 관(關)한 연구(硏究) -6. 염분간척지(鹽分干拓地)에서 수도(水稻)에 대한 N, P, K,의 증비효과에 관(關)하여)

  • Im, H.B.
    • Korean Journal of Soil Science and Fertilizer
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    • v.3 no.1
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    • pp.35-41
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    • 1970
  • The experiment was conducted at the salt concentration of 0.5% and 1% end of April, respectively, in low and high-salty and the non-salty areas of silt loam with the Nongkwang, rice variety. The factorial design with confounding blocks of 3 levels each of 10, 15 and 20 kg of N, 8, 12 and 16kg of phosphate and potash, respectively, per 10a was applied. 1. N applications increased by 1.5 and 2 times with the fixed amount of $P_2O_5$ and $K_2O$ (8kg/10a each) increased the proportion absorbed to the applications of N in both non salty and low-salty areas. It was observed that the absorption of Ca and Si was inhibited by either an increased treatment of N alone or combination with the other nutrients in the salty area. 2. In the non-salty area, an increased applications of standard amount of N, $P_2O_5$ and $K_2O$ respectively did not increased the yields. Doubling the application of $K_2O$ resulted in a decreased yield. 3. Applications of additional of 1.5 and 2 times the 10 kg of N per 10a increased the rice yields 12% and 21% respectively, in the low-salty area. An increased application of $P_2O_5$ and $K_2O$ failed to bring about an increased yield. 4. Increasing the application of N gave a significant increased in the yield of rice grain and 1.5 times of N applications were seemed profitable on the high-salty area. Although an increased applications $P_2O_5$ and $K_2O$ seemed to increase the yields of grain, no significant increase was observed. 5. An increased application of N increased the number of panicles up to 1.5 times the standard amount in the non-salty area, but no further increase resulted by doubling the application. The number of panicles was increased in proportion to the increased application of N in both low and high-salty areas. An increased application of $P_2O_5$ increase the number of panicles per unit area in each experimental plot while that of $K_2O$ had no effect but rather decreased the number. 6. The effect of an increased application of N decreased the weight of panicle in the non-salty area, but when the application was increased to 1.5 times or more an increased weight of panicle resulted in both salty areas. Doubling the application had approximately the same effect as 1.5 times the application. Increasing the applications of $P_2O_5$ and $K_2O$ had no effect on the panicle weight in the experimental plots. Increasing the applications of N, $P_2O_5$ and $K_2O$ did not effect the weight of 1,000 grains produced in the non-salty and salty areas. Increasing the application of N decreased the number of grains per panicle in the non-salty area but increased the number of grains per panicle in either salty areas. 7. The ratio of matured grains was highest in the low-salty area and the lowest in the high-salty area. An increased N applications decreased the ratio of matured grains in the non-salty area. No effect was observed in both low and high-salty areas. Increased the $P_2O_5$ and $K_2O$ application showed no effect on the ratio of matured grains in the experimental plots. 8. Increased applications of N, $P_2O_5$ and $K_2O$ was observed not to change the percentage of milling recovery in any experimental plots. Broken rice was increased equally by an increased application of N in the non-salty and salty areas but more remarkably so in the former. 9. Increased applications of N increased the straw production equally in the non-salty, low and high-salty areas. However, no increased production was observed from heavier applications of $P_2O_5$ and $K_2O$. Additional N applications reduced the rate of rough grain weight v.s. straw weight in the non-salty area but increased the ratios in both low and high-salty areas. Additional $P_2O_5$ and $K_2O$ had no effect with the ratio.

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Development of Tuna Purse Seine Fishery in Korea and the Countries Concerned (한국(韓國) 및 관련각국((關聯各國)의 다랑어 선망어업(旋網漁業) 발달과정(發達過程))

  • Hyun, Jong-Su;Lee, Byoung-Gee;Kim, Hyoung-Seok;Yae, Young-Hee
    • Journal of Fisheries and Marine Sciences Education
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    • v.4 no.1
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    • pp.30-46
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    • 1992
  • Korea's first exploratory tuna fishing was done with a used longliner in 1957. Then the commercial fishing has been made steady headway since the 1960's and grown up to one of major tuna fishing countries in 1970's. The tuna fishing aimed primarily at acquiring foreign currency, then tuna was exported directly from the overseas fishing base. Tuna, however, has been gradually favored by Koreans as high-proteined foods according to the growth of GNP since the 1970's. In 1980, the canned tuna began to be produced and sold at home. And so the demand of raw tuna for cannaries has steeply increased not only for home but also for abroad, and stimulated the development of tuna purse seine fishery. The author carried out a study on the development of tuna purse seine fishery in Korea and countries concerned-the United States and Japan-because it is recognized to be significant for the further development of this fishery. Just as purse seining was originated in the United States, so tuna purse seining was also pioneered by Californian fishermen in the west coastal waters of the United States (Eastern Pacific Ocean). They started to produce the canned tuna in the early 1900's, and the demand for raw tuna began to be increased rapidly. In those days, tuna was mostly caught by pole-and-line, but the catch amount was far away from the demand. To satisfy this demand, they began to try out fishing tuna by the use of purse seine which had been born in the eastern waters in the 1820's and applied to catch white fishes in the western waters of the United States in those days. Even though their trial was technically successful through severe trial and error, a new problem was raised on the management of tuna resource and the preservation of porpoise which was occassionally caught with tuna. Then the Inter-American Tropical Tuna Commission (IATTC) was established by countries neighboring to the United States in 1950 and they set up the Commission's Yellowfin Regulatory Area (CYRA) and regulated the annual quota for yellowfin. Then, American owners tried to send their seiners to the Western African waters to expand the fishing ground in 1967 and to the Centeral-Western Pacfic in 1974, and the fishing ground was widely expanded. The number of the United States' purse seiners amounted to about 150 in 1980, but the enthusiasm was gradually cooled thereafter and the number of seiner was decreased to 67 in 1986. The landing of tuna by purse seiners in the United States after 1980 maintains 200 thousands M/T or so with a little increase despite the decreasing of domestic seiners. This shows that the landing by foreign seiners are increasing, compared with the landing by domestic seiners are decreasing. In Japan, even though purse seining was introduced in 1880, they had fished tuna by longline and pole-and -line until the tuna purse seining was introduced from the United States again. In the 1960's, Japanese tuna seiners made the exploratory fishing in the South-western Pacific and West African waters with a limited success. In 1971, the government-funded research center "JARMRAC" conducted the exploratory fishing which extended to the Central American waters, the Asia-Pacific Region and the South-western Pacific. It had also much difficulties, till they improved the fishing gear adaptable to the new fishing condition in the South-western Pacific. Japanese government has begun to licence 32 single seiners and 7 group seiners since 1980 and their standard has lasted up to now. The catch in the Pacific Islands Region amounted to 160 thousands M/T in 1986. Korea's tuna purse seine fishery was originated in 1971 by Jedong Industrial Co., Ltd. with three used tuna purse seiners purchased from the United States, and they began to fish in the Eastern Pacific, but failed owing to the superannuation of vessel and the infancy of fishing technique. The second challenge was done by Dongwon Industrial Co., Ltd. in 1979, with one used seiner purchased from the United States, and started to fish in the Eastern Pacific. Even though the first trial was almost unsuccessful but they could obtain the noticeable success by removing the vessel to the South-western Pacific in 1980. This success stimulated the Korean entherprisers to take part in this fishery, and the number of Korean tuna purse seiners has been increased rapidly in accordance with the increased demand for raw tuna. The number of vessels actually at work amounted to 36 in 1990 and they operate in the South-western Pacific. The annual catch of tuna by purse seiners amounted to 170 thousands M/T in 1990 and ranked to one of the major tuna purse seining countries in the world.

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A Study on the Forest Land System in the YI Dynasty (이조시대(李朝時代)의 임지제도(林地制度)에 관(關)한 연구(硏究))

  • Lee, Mahn Woo
    • Journal of Korean Society of Forest Science
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    • v.22 no.1
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    • pp.19-48
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    • 1974
  • Land was originally communized by a community in the primitive society of Korea, and in the age of the ancient society SAM KUK-SILLA, KOKURYOE and PAEK JE-it was distributed under the principle of land-nationalization. But by the occupation of the lands which were permitted to transmit from generation to generation as Royal Grant Lands and newly cleared lands, the private occupation had already begun to be formed. Thus the private ownership of land originated by chiefs of the tribes had a trend to be gradually pervaded to the communal members. After the, SILLA Kingdom unified SAM KUK in 668 A.D., JEONG JEON System and KWAN RYO JEON System, which were the distribution systems of farmlands originated from the TANG Dynasty in China, were enforced to established the basis of an absolute monarchy. Even in this age the forest area was jointly controlled and commonly used by village communities because of the abundance of area and stocked volume, and the private ownership of the forest land was prohibited by law under the influence of the TANG Dynasty system. Toward the end of the SILLA Dynasty, however, as its centralism become weak, the tendency of the private occupancy of farmland by influential persons was expanded, and at the same time the occupancy of the forest land by the aristocrats and Buddhist temples began to come out. In the ensuing KORYO Dynasty (519 to 1391 A.D.) JEON SI KWA System under the principle of land-nationalization was strengthened and the privilege of tax collection was transferred to the bureaucrats and the aristocrats as a means of material compensation for them. Taking this opportunity the influential persons began to expand their lands for the tax collection on a large scale. Therefore, about in the middle of 11th century the farmlands and the forest lands were annexed not only around the vicinity of the capital but also in the border area by influential persons. Toward the end of the KORYO Dynasty the royal families, the bureaucrats and the local lords all possessed manors and occupied the forest lands on a large scale as a part of their farmlands. In the KORYO Dynasty, where national economic foundation was based upon the lands, the disorder of the land system threatened the fall of the Dynasty and so the land reform carried out by General YI SEONG-GYE had led to the creation of ensuing YI Dynasty. All systems of the YI Dynasty were substantially adopted from those of the KORYO Dynasty and thereby KWA JEON System was enforced under the principle of land-nationalization, while the occupancy or the forest land was strictly prohibited, except the national or royal uses, by the forbidden item in KYEONG JE YUK JEON SOK JEON, one of codes provided by the successive kings in the YI Dynasty. Thus the basis of the forest land system through the YI Dynasty had been established, while the private forest area possessed by influential persons since the previous KORYO Dynasty was preserved continuously under the influence of their authorities. Therefore, this principle of the prohibition was nothing but a legal fiction for the security of sovereign powers. Consequently the private occupancy of the forest area was gradually enlarged and finally toward the end of YI Dynasty the privately possessed forest lands were to be officially authorized. The forest administration systems in the YI Dynasty are summarized as follows: a) KEUM SAN and BONG SAN. Under the principle of land-nationalization by a powerful centralism KWA JEON System was established at the beginning of the YI Dynasty and its government expropriated all the forests and prohibited strictly the private occupation. In order to maintain the dignity of the royal capital, the forests surounding capital areas were instituted as KEUM SAN (the reserved forests) and the well-stocked natural forest lands were chosen throughout the nation by the government as BONG SAN(national forests for timber production), where the government nominated SAN JIK(forest rangers) and gave them duties to protect and afforest the forests. This forest reservation system exacted statute labors from the people of mountainious districts and yet their commons of the forest were restricted rigidly. This consequently aroused their strong aversion against such forest reservation, therefore those forest lands were radically spoiled by them. To settle this difficult problem successive kings emphasized the preservation of the forests repeatedly, and in KYEONG KUK DAI JOEN, the written constitution of the YI Dynasty, a regulation for the forest preservation was provided but the desired results could not be obtained. Subsequently the split of bureaucrats with incessant feuds among politicians and scholars weakened the centralism and moreover, the foreign invasions since 1592 made the national land devasted and the rural communities impoverished. It happned that many wandering peasants from rural areas moved into the deep forest lands, where they cultivated burnt fields recklessly in the reserved forest resulting in the severe damage of the national forests. And it was inevitable for the government to increase the number of BONG SAN in order to solve the problem of the timber shortage. The increase of its number accelerated illegal and reckless cutting inevitably by the people living mountainuos districts and so the government issued excessive laws and ordinances to reserve the forests. In the middle of the 18th century the severe feuds among the politicians being brought under control, the excessive laws and ordinances were put in good order and the political situation became temporarily stabilized. But in spite of those endeavors evil habitudes of forest devastation, which had been inveterate since the KORYO Dynasty, continued to become greater in degree. After the conclusion of "the Treaty of KANG WHA with Japan" in 1876 western administration system began to be adopted, and thereafter through the promulgation of the Forest Law in 1908 the Imperial Forests were separated from the National Forests and the modern forest ownership system was fixed. b) KANG MU JANG. After the reorganization of the military system, attaching importance to the Royal Guard Corps, the founder of the YI Dynasty, TAI JO (1392 to 1398 A.D.) instituted the royal preserves-KANG MU JANG-to attain the purposes for military training and royal hunting, prohibiting strictly private hunting, felling and clearing by the rural inhabitants. Moreover, the tyrant, YEON SAN (1495 to 1506 A.D.), expanded widely the preserves at random and strengthened its prohibition, so KANG MU JANG had become the focus of the public antipathy. Since the invasion of Japanese in 1592, however, the innovation of military training methods had to be made because of the changes of arms and tactics, and the royal preserves were laid aside consequently and finally they had become the private forests of influential persons since 17th century. c) Forests for official use. All the forests for official use occupied by government officies since the KORYO Dynasty were expropriated by the YI Dynasty in 1392, and afterwards the forests were allotted on a fixed standard area to the government officies in need of firewoods, and as the forest resources became exhausted due to the depredated forest yield, each office gradually enlarged the allotted area. In the 17th century the national land had been almost devastated by the Japanese invasion and therefore each office was in the difficulty with severe deficit in revenue, thereafter waste lands and forest lands were allotted to government offices inorder to promote the land clearing and the increase in the collections of taxes. And an abuse of wide occupation of the forests by them was derived and there appeared a cause of disorder in the forest land system. So a provision prohibiting to allot the forests newly official use was enacted in 1672, nevertheless the government offices were trying to enlarge their occupied area by encroaching the boundary and this abuse continued up to the end of the YI Dynasty. d) Private forests. The government, at the bigninning of the YI Dynasty, expropriated the forests all over the country under the principle of prohibition of private occupancy of forest lands except for the national uses, while it could not expropriate completely all of the forest lands privately occupied and inherited successively by bureaucrats, and even local governors could not control them because of their strong influences. Accordingly the King, TAI JONG (1401 to 1418 A.D.), legislated the prohibition of private forest occupancy in his code, KYEONG JE YUK JEON (1413), and furthermore he repeatedly emphasized to observe the law. But The private occupancy of forest lands was not yet ceased up at the age of the King, SE JO (1455 to 1468 A.D.), so he prescribed the provision in KYEONG KUK DAI JEON (1474), an immutable law as a written constitution in the YI Dynasty: "Anyone who privately occupy the forest land shall be inflicted 80 floggings" and he prohibited the private possession of forest area even by princes and princesses. But, it seemed to be almost impossible for only one provsion in a code to obstruct the historical growing tendecy of private forest occupancy, for example, the King, SEONG JONG (1470 to 1494 A.D.), himself granted the forests to his royal families in defiance of the prohibition and thereafter such precedents were successively expanded, and besides, taking advantage of these facts, the influential persons openly acquired their private forest lands. After tyrannical rule of the King, YEON SAN (1945 to 1506 A.D.), the political disorder due to the splits to bureaucrats with successional feuds and the usurpations of thrones accelerated the private forest occupancy in all parts of the country, thus the forbidden clause on the private forest occupancy in the law had become merely a legal fiction since the establishment of the Dynasty. As above mentioned, after the invasion of Japanese in 1592, the courts of princes (KUNG BANGG) fell into the financial difficulties, and successive kings transferred the right of tax collection from fisherys and saltfarms to each KUNG BANG and at the same time they allotted the forest areas in attempt to promote the clearing. Availing themselves of this opportunity, royal families and bureaucrats intended to occupy the forests on large scale. Besides a privilege of free selection of grave yard, which had been conventionalized from the era of the KORYO Dynasty, created an abuse of occuping too wide area for grave yards in any forest at their random, so the King, TAI JONG, restricted the area of grave yard and homestead of each family. Under the policy of suppresion of Buddhism in the YI Dynasty a privilege of taxexemption for Buddhist temples was deprived and temple forests had to follow the same course as private forests did. In the middle of 18th century the King, YEONG JO (1725 to 1776 A.D.), took an impartial policy for political parties and promoted the spirit of observing laws by putting royal orders and regulations in good order excessively issued before, thus the confused political situation was saved, meanwhile the government officially permittd the private forest ownership which substantially had already been permitted tacitly and at the same time the private afforestation areas around the grave yards was authorized as private forests at least within YONG HO (a boundary of grave yard). Consequently by the enforcement of above mentioned policies the forbidden clause of private forest ownership which had been a basic principle of forest system in the YI Dynasty entireely remained as only a historical document. Under the rule of the King, SUN JO (1801 to 1834 A.D.), the political situation again got into confusion and as the result of the exploitation from farmers by bureaucrats, the extremely impoverished rural communities created successively wandering peasants who cleared burnt fields and deforested recklessly. In this way the devastation of forests come to the peak regardless of being private forests or national forests, moreover, the influential persons extorted private forests or reserved forests and their expansion of grave yards became also excessive. In 1894 a regulation was issued that the extorted private forests shall be returned to the initial propriators and besides taking wide area of the grave yards was prohibited. And after a reform of the administrative structure following western style, a modern forest possession system was prepared in 1908 by the forest law including a regulation of the return system of forest land ownership. At this point a forbidden clause of private occupancy of forest land got abolished which had been kept even in fictitious state since the foundation of the YI Dynasty. e) Common forests. As above mentioned, the forest system in the YI Dynasty was on the ground of public ownership principle but there was a high restriction to the forest profits of farmers according to the progressive private possession of forest area. And the farmers realized the necessity of possessing common forest. They organized village associations, SONGE or KEUM SONGE, to take the ownerless forests remained around the village as the common forest in opposition to influential persons and on the other hand, they prepared the self-punishment system for the common management of their forests. They made a contribution to the forest protection by preserving the common forests in the late YI Dynasty. It is generally known that the absolute monarchy expr opriates the widespread common forests all over the country in the process of chainging from thefeudal society to the capitalistic one. At this turning point in Korea, Japanese colonialists made public that the ratio of national and private forest lands was 8 to 2 in the late YI Dynasty, but this was merely a distorted statistics with the intention of rationalizing of their dispossession of forests from Korean owners, and they took advantage of dead forbidden clause on the private occupancy of forests for their colonization. They were pretending as if all forests had been in ownerless state, but, in truth, almost all the forest lands in the late YI Dynasty except national forests were in the state of private ownership or private occupancy regardless of their lawfulness.

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A Study for Improvement of Nursing Service Administration (병원 간호행정 개선을 위한 연구)

  • 박정호
    • Journal of Korean Academy of Nursing
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    • v.3 no.1
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    • pp.13-40
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    • 1972
  • Much has teed changed in the field of hospital administration in the It wake of the rapid development of sciences, techniques ana systematic hospital management. However, we still have a long way to go in organization, in the quality of hospital employees and hospital equipment and facilities, and in financial support in order to achieve proper hospital management. The above factors greatly effect the ability of hospitals to fulfill their obligation in patient care and nursing services. The purpose of this study is to determine the optimal methods of standardization and quality nursing so as to improve present nursing services through investigations and analyses of various problems concerning nursing administration. This study has been undertaken during the six month period from October 1971 to March 1972. The 41 comprehensive hospitals have been selected iron amongst the 139 in the whole country. These have been categorized according-to the specific purposes of their establishment, such as 7 university hospitals, 18 national or public hospitals, 12 religious hospitals and 4 enterprise ones. The following conclusions have been acquired thus far from information obtained through interviews with nursing directors who are in charge of the nursing administration in each hospital, and further investigations concerning the purposes of establishment, the organization, personnel arrangements, working conditions, practices of service, and budgets of the nursing service department. 1. The nursing administration along with its activities in this country has been uncritical1y adopted from that of the developed countries. It is necessary for us to re-establish a new medical and nursing system which is adequate for our social environments through continuous study and research. 2. The survey shows that the 7 university hospitals were chiefly concerned with education, medical care and research; the 18 national or public hospitals with medical care, public health and charity work; the 2 religious hospitals with medical care, charity and missionary works; and the 4 enterprise hospitals with public health, medical care and charity works. In general, the main purposes of the hospitals were those of charity organizations in the pursuit of medical care, education and public benefits. 3. The survey shows that in general hospital facilities rate 64 per cent and medical care 60 per-cent against a 100 per cent optimum basis in accordance with the medical treatment law and approved criteria for training hospitals. In these respects, university hospitals have achieved the highest standards, followed by religious ones, enterprise ones, and national or public ones in that order. 4. The ages of nursing directors range from 30 to 50. The level of education achieved by most of the directors is that of graduation from a nursing technical high school and a three year nursing junior college; a very few have graduated from college or have taken graduate courses. 5. As for the career tenure of nurses in the hospitals: one-third of the nurses, or 38 per cent, have worked less than one year; those in the category of one year to two represent 24 pet cent. This means that a total of 62 per cent of the career nurses have been practicing their profession for less than two years. Career nurses with over 5 years experience number only 16 per cent: therefore the efficiency of nursing services has been rated very low. 6. As for the standard of education of the nurses: 62 per cent of them have taken a three year course of nursing in junior colleges, and 22 per cent in nursing technical high schools. College graduate nurses come up to only 15 per cent; and those with graduate course only 0.4 per cent. This indicates that most of the nurses are front nursing technical high schools and three year nursing junior colleges. Accordingly, it is advisable that nursing services be divided according to their functions, such as professional, technical nurses and nurse's aides. 7. The survey also shows that the purpose of nursing service administration in the hospitals has been regulated in writing in 74 per cent of the hospitals and not regulated in writing in 26 per cent of the hospitals. The general purposes of nursing are as follows: patient care, assistance in medical care and education. The main purpose of these nursing services is to establish proper operational and personnel management which focus on in-service education. 8. The nursing service departments belong to the medical departments in almost 60 per cent of the hospitals. Even though the nursing service department is formally separated, about 24 per cent of the hospitals regard it as a functional unit in the medical department. Only 5 per cent of the hospitals keep the department as a separate one. To the contrary, approximately 12 per cent of the hospitals have not established a nursing service department at all but surbodinate it to the other department. In this respect, it is required that a new hospital organization be made to acknowledge the independent function of the nursing department. In 76 per cent of the hospitals they have advisory committees under the nursing department, such as a dormitory self·regulating committee, an in-service education committee and a nursing procedure and policy committee. 9. Personnel arrangement and working conditions of nurses 1) The ratio of nurses to patients is as follows: In university hospitals, 1 to 2.9 for hospitalized patients and 1 to 4.0 for out-patients; in religious hospitals, 1 to 2.3 for hospitalized patients and 1 to 5.4 for out-patients. Grouped together this indicates that one nurse covers 2.2 hospitalized patients and 4.3 out-patients on a daily basis. The current medical treatment law stipulates that one nurse should care for 2.5 hospitalized patients or 30.0 out-patients. Therefore the statistics indicate that nursing services are being peformed with an insufficient number of nurses to cover out-patients. The current law concerns the minimum number of nurses and disregards the required number of nurses for operation rooms, recovery rooms, delivery rooms, new-born baby rooms, central supply rooms and emergency rooms. Accordingly, tile medical treatment law has been requested to be amended. 2) The ratio of doctors to nurses: In university hospitals, the ratio is 1 to 1.1; in national of public hospitals, 1 to 0.8; in religious hospitals 1 to 0.5; and in private hospitals 1 to 0.7. The average ratio is 1 to 0.8; generally the ideal ratio is 3 to 1. Since the number of doctors working in hospitals has been recently increasing, the nursing services have consequently teen overloaded, sacrificing the services to the patients. 3) The ratio of nurses to clerical staff is 1 to 0.4. However, the ideal ratio is 5 to 1, that is, 1 to 0.2. This means that clerical personnel far outnumber the nursing staff. 4) The ratio of nurses to nurse's-aides; The average 2.5 to 1 indicates that most of the nursing service are delegated to nurse's-aides owing to the shortage of registered nurses. This is the main cause of the deterioration in the quality of nursing services. It is a real problem in the guest for better nursing services that certain hospitals employ a disproportionate number of nurse's-aides in order to meet financial requirements. 5) As for the working conditions, most of hospitals employ a three-shift day with 8 hours of duty each. However, certain hospitals still use two shifts a day. 6) As for the working environment, most of the hospitals lack welfare and hygienic facilities. 7) The salary basis is the highest in the private university hospitals, with enterprise hospitals next and religious hospitals and national or public ones lowest. 8) Method of employment is made through paper screening, and further that the appointment of nurses is conditional upon the favorable opinion of the nursing directors. 9) The unemployment ratio for one year in 1971 averaged 29 per cent. The reasons for unemployment indicate that the highest is because of marriage up to 40 per cent, and next is because of overseas employment. This high unemployment ratio further causes the deterioration of efficiency in nursing services and supplementary activities. The hospital authorities concerned should take this matter into a jeep consideration in order to reduce unemployment. 10) The importance of in-service education is well recognized and established. 1% has been noted that on the-job nurses. training has been most active, with nursing directors taking charge of the orientation programs of newly employed nurses. However, it is most necessary that a comprehensive study be made of instructors, contents and methods of education with a separate section for in-service education. 10. Nursing services'activities 1) Division of services and job descriptions are urgently required. 81 per rent of the hospitals keep written regulations of services in accordance with nursing service manuals. 19 per cent of the hospitals do not keep written regulations. Most of hospitals delegate to the nursing directors or certain supervisors the power of stipulating service regulations. In 21 per cent of the total hospitals they have policy committees, standardization committees and advisory committees to proceed with the stipulation of regulations. 2) Approximately 81 per cent of the hospitals have service channels in which directors, supervisors, head nurses and staff nurses perform their appropriate services according to the service plans and make up the service reports. In approximately 19 per cent of the hospitals the staff perform their nursing services without utilizing the above channels. 3) In the performance of nursing services, a ward manual is considered the most important one to be utilized in about 32 percent of hospitals. 25 per cent of hospitals indicate they use a kardex; 17 per cent use ward-rounding, and others take advantage of work sheets or coordination with other departments through conferences. 4) In about 78 per cent of hospitals they have records which indicate the status of personnel, and in 22 per cent they have not. 5) It has been advised that morale among nurses may be increased, ensuring more efficient services, by their being able to exchange opinions and views with each other. 6) The satisfactory performance of nursing services rely on the following factors to the degree indicated: approximately 32 per cent to the systematic nursing activities and services; 27 per cent to the head nurses ability for nursing diagnosis; 22 per cent to an effective supervisory system; 16 per cent to the hospital facilities and proper supply, and 3 per cent to effective in·service education. This means that nurses, supervisors, head nurses and directors play the most important roles in the performance of nursing services. 11. About 87 per cent of the hospitals do not have separate budgets for their nursing departments, and only 13 per cent of the hospitals have separate budgets. It is recommended that the planning and execution of the nursing administration be delegated to the pertinent administrators in order to bring about improved proved performances and activities in nursing services.

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A Study on Snack Intake Behavior by the Stress Level of High School Students in Jeonnam Area (전남지역 고등학생의 스트레스 수준에 따른 간식 섭취 행태 연구)

  • Park, Hye Sook;Jung, Lan Hee
    • Journal of Korean Home Economics Education Association
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    • v.30 no.4
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    • pp.141-164
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    • 2018
  • The purpose of this study was to investigate the stress perception, dietary habits, lifestyle and snack intake behaviors of students to help dietary education of high school students in Jeonnam area. The data were collected from high school students in Jeonnam area and 503 questionnaires were used for analysis. The main results of this study are as follows. First, the mean scores of high school students' perception of stress were 2.92 points for male students and 3.07 points for female students, and female students were statistically significantly higher than male students(p<.01). Stress perceptions showed significant differences in school stress(p<.001) and family stress(p<.05) according to gender, and female students gained more stressed than male students. Second, the dietary habits and lifestyle characteristics of high school students by gender showed significant difference between male students and female students at the one meal time(p<.001), the amount of meal(p<.05), the tendency of eating habits(p<.001), the salty taste of food(p<.05), the exercise frequency per week(p<.001) and the exercise time per day(p<.001), respectively. One meal time was shorter for male students than for female students, and the amount of meals was more suitable amount for female students than male students. Also, male students ate more regularly than female students and female students preferred more stimulating foods than male students. Male students ate slightly bland salty taste, and female students ate standard salty taste. The exercise frequency per week and the exercise time per day were more in male students than in female students. Third, the snack intake characteristics of high school students by gender showed significantly different between male students and female students at the cost of snack per day(p<.01), the time to eat snacks(p<.01) and the favorite snacks(p<.001), respectively. The cost of snack per day was higher for female students than for male students in case of less than 4,000 won. The time for eating snack showed that 'Irregularly' was high for male students and 'In the evening after lunch' was high for female students. The favorite snacks were cookies, candies and chocolates for male and female students. Forth, the dietary habits and lifestyle characteristics of high school students by stress level showed significantly different at the frequency of daily meals(p<.05), the tendency of eating habits(p<.01) and the salty taste of food(p<.05), respectively. The frequency of daily meals was more than four times in case of the 'High stress' and 'Low stress' groups. The tendency of eating habit was low in regular meal rate in 'High stress' group. Fifth, the snack intake characteristics of high school students by stress level showed significantly different in the frequency of snacks per day(p<.05) and the favorite taste of snacks(p<.05). In case of the frequency of daily snack intake, 'More than 4 times' was highest in 'High stress' group and 'Low stress' group. The favorite taste of snacks showed that the spicy taste was highest in the 'High stress' group and the 'Low stress' group.

Environmental Changes after Timber Harvesting in (Mt.) Paekunsan (백운산(白雲山) 성숙활엽수림(成熟闊葉樹林) 개벌수확지(皆伐收穫地)에서 벌출직후(伐出直後)의 환경변화(環境變化))

  • Park, Jae-Hyeon
    • Journal of Korean Society of Forest Science
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    • v.84 no.4
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    • pp.465-478
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    • 1995
  • The objective of this study was to investigate the impacts of large-scale timber harvesting on the environment of a mature hardwood forest. To achieve the objective, the effects of harvesting on forest environmental factors were analyzed quantitatively using the field data measured in the study sites of Seoul National University Research Forests [(Mt.) Paekunsan] for two years(1993-1994) following timber harvesting. The field data include information on vegetation, soil mesofauna, physicochemical characteristics of soil, surface water runoff, water quality in the stream, and hillslope erosion. For comparison, field data for each environmental factor were collected in forest areas disturbed by logging and undisturbed, separately. The results of this study were as follows : The diversity of vegetational species increased in the harvested sites. However, the similarity index value of species between harvested and non-harvested sites was close to each other. Soil bulk density and soil hardness were increased after timber harvesting, respectively. The level of organic matter, total-N, avail $P_2O_5$, CEC($K^+$, $Na^+$, $Ca^{{+}{+}}$, $Mg^{{+}{+}}$) in the harvested area were found decreased. While the population of Colembola spp., and Acari spp. among soil mesofauna in harvested sites increased by two to seven times compared to those of non-harvested sites during the first year, the rates of increment decreased in the second year. However, those members of soil mesofauna in harvested sites were still higher than those of non-harvested sites in the second year. The results of statistical analysis using the stepwise regression method indicated that the diversity of soil mesofauna were significantly affected by soil moisture, soil bulk density, $Mg^{{+}{+}}$, CEC, and soil temperature at soil depth of 5(0~10)cm in the order of importance. The amount of surface water runoff on harvested sites was larger than that of non-harvested sites by 28% in the first year and 24.5% in the second year after timber harvesting. The level of BOD, COD, and pH in the stream water on the harvested sites reached at the level of the domestic use for drinking in the first and second year after timber harvesting. Such heavy metals as Cd, Pb, Cu, and organic P were not found. Moreover, the level of eight factors of domestic use for drinking water designated by the Ministry of Health and Welfare of Korea were within the level of the first class in the quality of drinking water standard. The study also showed that the amount of hillslope erosion in harvested sites was 4.77 ton/ha/yr in the first year after timber harvesting. In the second year, the amount decreased rapidly to 1.0 ton/ha/yr. The impact of logging on hillslope erosion in the harvested sites was larger than that in non-harvested sites by seven times in the first year and two times in the second year. The above results indicate that the large-scale timber harvesting cause significant changes in the environmental factors. However, the results are based on only two-year field observation. We should take more field observation and analyses to increase understandings on the impacts of timber harvesting on environmental changes. With the understandings, we might be able to improve the technology of timber harvesting operations to reduce the environmental impacts of large-scale timber harvesting.

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