• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.52 no.2
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• pp.62-79
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• 2019

This study examined the background of Gyeongju Seochulji Pond (world heritage, historic site No. 138), a historic pond in Sam-guk-yu-sa (三國遺事), and its landscaping period when it served as the garden of the Pungcheon Lim clan (豊川 任氏) in the middle of the Joseon dynasty. For this study, a literature review of poetry, prose, and a personal anthology, and a field survey were conducted. Changes in the landscape were analyzed by comparing the landscape appearing in the literature of the Joseon period with past photographs. The results were as follows: First, even though the function and landscape at that time cannot be guessed as the objective ground from Silla to the early part of the Joseon dynasty is insufficient, it has been managed as a Byeolseo (別墅) garden as Pungcheon Lim's family resided in the area of Eastern-Namsan Mountain during the Joseon dynasty. At that time, Seochulji Pond was recognized as a historic place. It functioned as the garden of Pungcheon Lim's family as Lim Jeok (任勣, 1612~1672) built the Yiyodang pavilion (二樂堂). Second, in the literature, the Yiyodang pavilion has been called Gaekdang (客堂), Jeongsa (精舍), Byeolgak (別閣) and Byeolseo, etc. It can be seen as Nu and Jeong (樓亭), utilized for various uses. Because of this, the name Bingheoru Pavilion (憑虛樓) has mostly been in common use. Third, Seochulji Pond was positioned where the scenery is beautiful, with Gyeongju Mt. Namsan (Mt. Geumo) in the background and with a wide field and the Namcheon River flowing in the front. This was typical of Byeolseo gardens of the Joseon dynasty, combining human environments with natural environments. Fourth, the relationship with the Byeolseo garden disappeared as the head of Pungcheon Lim's family added a temple, lotus flowers, pine trees, and a bamboo forest as described in the old poetry and prose. Currently, the landscape does not appear to be significantly different from that as development has not occurred in the area of Seochulji Pond. Also, crape myrtle (Lagerstroemia indica), which now symbolizes the Seochulji Pond, was not identified in the old poetry or past photographs and is not old enough to confirm whether it was prominent at the time. Through this study, it is necessary to reconsider the spatial meanings of the gardens of the Joseon dynasty period and not to highlight the area of Seochulji Pond as a place in the legend. This is a cultural asset in the area of Eastern-Namsan Mountain and has an important meaning in terms of garden history.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.53 no.4
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• pp.150-169
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• 2020

Surveys of Buddhist ruins at Namsan in Gyeongju began in earnest during the Japanese colonial era, undertaken by Japanese scholars. These surveys of Buddhist remains in Namsan made during the colonial period should be seen as previous research which cannot be ignored in any in-depth study of Buddhist ruins in Gyeongju. Full-scale surveys of Buddhist ruins at Namsan began in the 1920s. Previous surveys conducted around the time of the Japanese annexation of Korea in 1910 are generally viewed as only representing preliminary investigations and, thus, have not received much attention. However, these early surveys are significant in that they led to the Buddhist ruins on Namsan becoming widely known in the 1910s and served as the foundations for later studies. The removal of the Seated Medicine Buddha from Samneung Valley in Gyeongju in 1915 and its subsequent exhibition at the Joseon Local Products Expo, which marked the fifth anniversary of the Japanese administration of Korea, was especially important in garnering attention for Namsan's wealth of Buddhist artifacts, as the statue was placed in the main hall of the art museum and attracted a great deal of interest from visitors. It is typically thought that this Seated Medicine Buddha was exhibited in 1915 because it was the most beautiful and well-preserved statue from Namsan. However, the removal of this statue was closely related to the proposed move of the Seokguram statue to Seoul around the time of Korea's annexation. The plan to move Seokguram to Seoul was primarily devised by Terauchi Masatake, and the plan, based on Ilseontongjo-ron ('日鮮同祖論'), a historical theory that prehistoric Korean and Japanese people were of the same blood, and Joseon Jeongcheasoeng-ron ('朝鮮停滯性論'), a historical theory arguing that development had stagnated in Korea, was intended to be a visual demonstration of a new era for Korea. This new era was to proceed under the rule of the Japanese Empire through the dissolution of Gyeongbokgung, the symbol of the Joseon Dynasty, which would be replaced with past glories as symbolized by the statue of Buddha. However, as the plan floundered, the replacement for Seokguram in Seoul ended up being none other than the Seated Medicine Buddha of Samneung Valley. Surveys of the Seated Medicine Buddha began in 1911, administered by Sekino Tadashi, but he likely learned of the statue's location from Moroga Hideo or Kodaira Ryozo, Japanese residents of Gyeongju. It is also probable that these Japanese residents received a request from the Japanese Government General of Korea to find a Buddha statue that was worthy of being displayed at exhibitions. In this way, we can say that the transfer of the Seated Medicine Buddha to Seoul was the result of close cooperation between the Government General, Sekino Tadashi, and Japanese residents of Gyeongju. This also had the effect of removing the magical veil which had shrouded the Buddhist ruins of Namsan. In other words, while the early surveys of Buddhist ruins on Namsan are significant, it is difficult to argue that the surveys were undertaken for purely academic purposes, as they were deeply related to the imperial ambitions of Governor-General Terauchi which encompassed the plans to move Seokguram to Seoul and the successful hosting of the 1915 Expo. It should also be pointed out that the failure of the plan to move Seokguram to Seoul and the preservation of the Seated Stone Buddha of Mireuggok at Namsan was in no small part due to resistance from Korean residents in Gyeongju. Although it is not described in detail in the paper, research is needed which shows that the Korean residents of Gyeongju were not simple bystanders, but agents of history.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.56 no.2
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• pp.12-26
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• 2023

Recently, 『Gyeongja(庚子)/Daetongryeok(大統曆)』(1600), a memorandum record of Yu Seong-ryong during the reign of King Seonjo(宣祖) of the Joseon Dynasty, was returned to Korea from Japan, and about 4,000 letters in cursive characters have been interpreted by Ro Seung-suk. The contents for 203 days written in the margin of 『Gyeongja(庚子)/Daetongryeok(大統曆)』 are mostly new, and are meaningful in understanding Yu's life and social association circumstances. There are daily routines of each day, contemporary figures, diseases and oriental medicine prescriptions. In particular, the combat record of Admiral Yi Sun-shin in 83 letters on the cover is very important to understand the situation in those days. It seems that the reason for writing the combat situations a year and a few months after Admiral Yi died in war was to honor his distinguished military service for a long time by King Seonjo's order according to the public opinion of the royal court. The record can be classified into two categories. First, Admiral Yi sighed when he heard about Yu's dismissal from the office in Gogeumdo, and was always alert with clear water on the boat after the Battle of Waekyo Castle. Second, he was killed by bullets shot by the enemy while directly encouraging battle, not listening to his men who tried to dissuade him from leading the naval battle at Noryang. This only contained contents of devoting his life desperately, which is an important proof of the theory of his death in war. It also contains nine methods for making liquor and another method that wasn't known to the public, and seems to include popular alcohol brewing methods or newly devised ones. In addition, there is a detail that Heo Jun, the author of 『Donguibogam』, introduced medicine to Yu, along with being unable to attend ancestral rites and relieving the poor written in red. There are also stories about Kang Hang(姜沆) returning to Korea after being captured by Japan and Lee Deok-hong(李德弘)'s son, who introduced Gugapseondo(龜甲船圖, the first picture of the Turtle Ship in Korea) to King Seonjo. In the light of the above, 『Gyeongja(庚子)/Daetongryeok(大統曆)』is an important historical record to empirically research not only figures related to Yu but also the circumstances of those days since it contains new facts that are not in the existing literature. In particular, the big accomplishment of this study is to correct the mistakenly known theory of Admiral Yi's suicide and to find out the new fact that Heo Jun provided medical information. In this respect, this book is expected to serve as a testament to the future study of the history and characters related to Yu in the mid-Joseon period.

• Economic and Environmental Geology
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• v.22 no.4
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• pp.303-314
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• 1989

The electrum-silver-sulfide mineralization of the Geojae island area was deposited in three stages (I, II, and carbonate) of quartz and calcite veins that crosscut Late Cretaceous volcanic rocks and granodiorite(83 m.y.). Stages I and II were terminated by the onset of fractunng and breCCIation events. Fluid inclusion data suggest that the gold-sulfide-bearing stages I and II each evolved from an initial high temperature( near $370^{\circ}C$) to a later low temperature(near $200^{\circ}C$). Each of those stages represented a separate mineralizing system which cooled prior to the onset of the next stage. The relationship between homogenization temperature and salinity in stages I and II suggests a complex history of boiling, cooling and dilution. Evidence of boiling indicates a pressure of < 100 bars, corresponding to a depth of 500 to 1,250m assummg hthostatlc and hydrostatic pressure regimes, respectively. Fluid inclusion and mineralogical evidence suggest that the electrum-silver mineralization was deposited at a temperature of $220-260^{\circ}C$ from ore fluids with salinities between 1.9 and 8.1 equivalent wt.% NaCl. Total sulfur concentration is estimated to be $10^{-3}$ to $10^{-4}$ molal. The estimated $fs_2$ and $fo_2$ range from $10^{-11.8}$ to $10^{-14}$ atm and $10^{-35}$ to $10^{-36}$ atm, respectively. The chemical conditions indicate that the dominant sulfur species in the ore forming fluids was a reduced form($H_2S$). Rapid cooling and dilution of ore-forming fluids by mixing with less-evolved meteoric waters led to gold-silver deposition through the breakdown of the bisulfide complex($Au(HS)_2$) as the activity of $H_2S$ decreased.

• KDI Journal of Economic Policy
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• v.30 no.1
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• pp.171-209
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• 2008

The Great Depression is one of the most important economic incidents in the twentieth century. A significant and long-lasting impact of this event is the rise of the government intervention to the economy. Under the catastrophic downturn of the economic condition worldwide, people required their government to play an active role for economic recovery, and this $mentalit{\acute{e}}$ prolonged even after the Second World War. Social science textbooks taught at Korean high schools mostly referred to the Great Depression for explaining the reason of government intervention in economy. However, the mainstream view commonly found in the textbooks provides a misleading theological interpretation. It argues that inherent flaws of the market economy causes over-production/under-consumption, and that this mismatch ends up with economic crisis. The chaotic situation was resolved by substitution of the governments for the market, and the New Deal was introduced as the monumental example ('laissez-faire economy ${\rightarrow}$over-production${\rightarrow}$the Great Depression${\rightarrow}$government intervention${\rightarrow}$economic recovery'). Based on economic historians' researches for past three decades, I argue that this mainstream view commits the fallacy of ex-post justification. Unlike what the mainstream view claims, the Great Depression was neither the result of the 'market failure', nor the recovery from the Great Depression but was due to successful government policies. For substantiating this claim, I suggest three points. First, blaming the weakness or instability of the market economy as the cause of the Great Depression is groundless. Unlike what the textbooks describe, the rise of the U.S. stock price during the 1920s cannot be said as a bubble, and there was no sign of under-consumption during the 1920s. On the contrary, a new consensus emerging from the 1980s among economic historians illustrates that the Great Depression was originated from 'the government failure' rather than from the 'market failure'. Policymakers of European countries tried to return to the gold standard regime before the First World War, but discrepancies between this policy and the reality made the world economy vulnerable. Second, the mainstream view identifies the New Deal as Keynesian interventionism and glorifies it for saving the U.S. economy from the crisis. However, this argument is not true. The New Deal was not Keynesian at all. What the U.S. government actually tried was not macroeconomic stabilization but price and quantity control. In addition, New Deal did not brought about economic recovery that people generally believe. Even after the New Deal, industrial production or employment level remained quite low until the late 1930s. Lastly, studies on individual New Deal policies show that they did not work as they were intended. For example, the National Industrial Recovery Act increased unemployment, and the Agricultural Adjustment Act expelled tenants from their land. Third, the mainstream view characterizes the economic order before the Great Depression as laissez-faire, and it tends to attribute all the vice during the Industrial Revolution era to the uncontrolled market economy. However, historical studies show that various economic and social problems of the Industrial Revolution period such as inequality problems, child labor, or environmental problems cannot be simply ascribed to the problems of the market economy. In conclusion, the remedy for all these problems in high school textbooks is not to use the Great Depression as an example showing the weakness of the market economy. The Great Depression should be introduced simply as a historical momentum that had initiated the growth of government intervention. This reform of high school textbooks is imperative for enhancing the right understanding of economy and history.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.53 no.4
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• pp.216-233
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• 2020

This study set out to review tomb culture in the Gyeongju region during the Bronze Age, and also examine the patterns of dolmens during their end phase. For these purposes, the study analyzed 18 tomb relics from the Bronze Age and nine from the early Iron Age. Gyeongju belongs to the Geomdan-ri cultural zone. Approximately 120 tombs from the Bronze Age have been excavated in the Gyeongju region. There are fewer tombs than dwellings in the region, which is a general characteristic of the Geomdan-ri cultural zone. Although the number of tombs is small, the detailed structure of the dead body is varied. During the Bronze Age, tombs in the Gyeongju region were characterized by more prolific construction of pit tombs, dolmens with boundaries, and stacked stone altars than were the cases in other areas. There is a great possibility that the pit tombs in the Gyeongju region were influenced by their counterparts in the northeastern parts of North Korea, given the spindle whorl artifacts buried at the Dongsan-ri sites. Dolmens with boundaries and stacked stone altars are usually distributed in the Songguk-ri cultural zone, and it is peculiar that instances of these are found in large numbers in the Gyeongju region as part of the Geomdanri cultural zone. Even in the early Iron Age, the building of dolmens with boundaries and stacked stone altars continued in the Gyeongju region under the influence of the Bronze Age. A new group of people moved into the area, and they crafted ring-rimmed pottery and built wooden coffin tombs. In the early Iron Age, new rituals performed in high places also appeared, and were likely to provide venues for memorial services for heavenly gods in town-center areas. The Hwacheon-ri Mt. 251-1 relic and the Jukdong-ri relic are ruins that exhibit the aspect of rituals performed in high places well. In these rituals performed in high places, a stacked stone altar was built with the same form as the dolmens with boundaries, and a similar rock to the cover stone of a dolmen was used. People continued to build and use dolmens with boundaries and stacked stone altars while sustaining the Bronze Age traditions, even into the early Iron Age, because the authority of dolmens was maintained. Some dolmens with boundaries and stacked stone altars, known as being Bronze Age in origin, would have continued to be used in ritual practices until the early Iron Age. Entering the latter half of the second century B.C., wooden coffin tombs began to propagate. This was the time when the southern provinces, including the Gyeongju region, were included in the East Asian network, with the spread of ironware culture and the arrival of artifacts from central China. Around this time, dolmen culture faded into history with a new era beginning in its place.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.56 no.3
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• pp.62-74
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• 2023

Much attention has been focused on the Baekpoman area due to the archaeological achievements of the past, but studies on prehistoric times when villages began to form is insufficient, and the Bronze Age village landscape was examined in order to supplement this. In the area of Baekpo Bay, the natural geographical limit connected to the inland was culturally confirmed by the distribution density of dolmens, and the generality of the Bronze Age settlement was confirmed with the Hwangsan-ri settlement. Bunto Village in Hwangsan-ri represents a farming-based village in the Baekpo Bay area, and the residential group and the tomb group are located on the same hill, and it is composed of three individual residential groups, and the village landscape had attached buildings used as warehouses and storage facilities. In the area of Baekpo Bay, it spread in the Tamjin River basin and the Yeongsan River basin where Songgukri culture and dolmen culture were integrated, and the density distribution of the villages was considered to correspond to the distribution density of dolmens. In order to examine the landscape of village distribution, the classification of Sochon-Jungchon-Daechon was applied, and it was classified as Sochon, a sub-unit constituting the village, in that the number of settlements constituting the village in the Bronze Age was mostly less than five. There are numerical differences between Jungchon and Daechon, and the distribution pattern does not necessarily coincide with the hierarchy. The three individual residential groups of Bunto Village in Hwangsan-ri are Jungchon composed of complex communities of blood relatives with each family community, and a stabilized village landscape was created in the Gusancheon area. In the area of Baekpo Bay, Bronze Age villages formed a landscape in which small villages were scattered around the rivers and formed a single-layered relationship. Dolmens (tombs) were formed between the villages and villages, and seem to have coexisted. Sochondeul is a family community based on agriculture, and it is believed that self-sufficient stabilized rural villages that live by acquiring various wild resources in rivers, mountains, and the sea formed a landscape.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.54 no.3
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• pp.126-149
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• 2021

The reign of King (later Emperor) Gojong of the Joseon dynasty (later the Korean Empire), which lasted from 1863 to 1907, was a period of turmoil caused by political and social instability at home and military incursions by foreign powers. It was also a period in which Joseon was proclaimed as the Korean Empire and, accordingly, the royal seals of the dynasty underwent a major change. Records show that some 135 seals were produced during the reign of Gojong. The present study of the makers and styles of the royal seals aims to reveal a wealth of information on the seals, which typically had handles in the shape of either a turtle or dragon. Among the seal makers of this era, Jeon Heung-gil was particularly highly regarded as a Golden Royal Seal Artisan (Geumbojang) because he was highly skilled at making both turtle and dragon handles. Kim Eun-seok, a master Jade Royal Seal Artisan (Okbojang), also excelled in the production of turtle and dragon handles for his jade seals. Another master Jade Royal Seal Artisan, Yi Jung-ryeo, is noteworthy because he developed a new style of jade royal seals, which eventually became the dominant style after 1890, when Kim Eun-seok was not active. Furthermore, after the 1890s, his style was also applied to the production of the gold royal seals and developed as the dominant style. Regarding the dragon handles adopted after the proclamation of the Korean Empire, both the golden and the jade royal seals were made in the same style by the same artisans in the service of the Joseon dynasty. They adopted the style of Chinese imperial seals when they began making seals with dragon handles for the Korean Empire, although the basic shapes of both handle and dragon were copied from those made during the Joseon period. As a ceremonial object symbolizing the authority and legitimacy of the royal or imperial family, the style of the royal seals was influenced mainly by changes in the political situation at home and abroad. As Gojong's reign was a period in which more royal seals were made than in the reign of any other ruler, the seals originating from his reign constitute a richer source of information about the efforts of the dynasty to preserve the tradition while effectively dealing with the changes of the new era.

• Journal of Public Diplomacy
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• v.3 no.2
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• pp.35-52
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• 2023

Korea has developed as an influential country over Asia and all over the world based on remarkable economic development. And the background of this development was possible due to the existence of those who sacrificed precious lives and contributed to the nation's existence in the past crisis. Every year, Korea holds an annual commemorative event with people of national merit, Korean War veterans, and their families, expressing gratitude for sacrifices and contributions at home and abroad, and providing economic support. The tragedy of the Korean War and the pro-democracy movement in Korea over the past half century will one day become a history of the distant past over time. As generations change and the purpose and method of exchange by region change, the tragic situation that occurred earlier and the way people sacrificed for the country are expected to be different from before. In particular, it is true that the number of Korean War veterans and their families is gradually decreasing as they are now old. In addition, due to the outbreak of global infectious diseases such as COVID-19, it is difficult to plan and conduct face to face events as well as before. Currently, Korea's digital technology is introducing various methods. 5G communication networks, smart-phones, tablet PCs, and smart devices that can experience virtual reality are already used in our real lives. Business meetings are held in a metaverse environment, and concerts by famous singers are held in an online environment. Artificial intelligence technology has also been introduced in the field of human resource recruitment and customer response services, improving the work efficiency of companies. And it seems that this technology can be used in the field of veterans. In particular, there is a metaverse technology that can vividly show the situation during the Korean War, and a way to digitalize the voices and facial expressions of currently surviving veterans to convey their memories and lessons to future generations in the long run. If this digital technology method is realized on an online platform to hold a veterans' celebration event, veterans and their families on the other side of the world will be able to participate in the event more conveniently.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.36
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• pp.137-167
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• 2018

As Gwangju Gwonbeon(meaning of a gisaeng call-office) was representative Gwonbeon in Honam area, it educated gugak(Korean traditional music) from the period of Japanese occupation to 1951, the year of foundation of Gwangju gugak center. As Gwangju Gwonbeon's later self, Gwangju gugak center was also an institution that local influentials interested in the education of gugak of Gwangju region cooperated and built. Therefore, Gwangju Gwonbeon should be considered when premodern and modern history of gugak in Gwangju is mentioned. However, the studies of Gwangju Gwonbeon as well as related studies are still thin. Previous researches related to Gwangju Gwonbeon are mostly focused on the operation and dance of Gwonbeon. However, Gwangju was a region where Pansori was invigorated. According to "Joseonmiinbogam", a record of gisaeng(Korean geisha) in 1918, gisaengs of Gwangju Gwonbeon were specialized in Pansori as compared with those of other regions. In addition, today, there are many master singers of Pansori heard by people, among persons who were educated and a lecturer in Gwangju Gwonbeon; therefore, their oral statement is important materials for understanding transmission of Pansori in Gwangju. Nevertheless, the relationship between Gwangju Gwonbeon and Pansori was not studied yet. Especially, oral statement of master singers of Pansori related to Gwangju Gwonbeon was collected partly, as a result, it is not recognized as valuable research materials. Foundation of Gwangju Gwonbeon and Gwangju gugak center became an important basis for education of Pansori as early private institute educating Korean classical musicians in Gwangju. And it is also meaningful as the trigger that gugak in Gwangju was begun in earnest. Therefore, the purpose of this study is reconstruct activities of master singers who worked in Gwangju Gwonbeon and Gwangju gugak center and is to examine transmission and value of Pansori in Gwangju from the period of Japanese occupation to 1973, collecting oral statement of master singers related to Gwangju Gwonbeon. Finally, this study might be helpful for expanding the interest in Pansori and activating related studies.