• Proceedings of the Korean Radioactive Waste Society Conference
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• 2005.06a
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• pp.56-66
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• 2005

In response to the increasing emphasis being placed on the importance of international cooperation as part of global efforts to cope with growing non proliferation, and security, concerns in the nuclear field, the Director General of the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA), Mohamed ElBaradei, appointed an international group of experts to consider possible multilateral approaches to the nuclear fuel cycle. The mandate of the Expert Group was three fold: ${\bullet}$ To identify and provide an analysis of issues and options relevant to multilateral approaches to the front and back ends of the nuclear fuel cycle; ${\bullet}$ To provide an overview of the policy, legal, security, economic, institutional and technological incentives and disincentives for cooperation in multilateral arrangements for the front and back ends of the nuclear fuel cycle; and ${\bullet}$ To provide a brief review of the historical and current experiences and analyses relating to multilateral fuel cycle arrangements relevant to the work of the Expert Group. The overall purpose was to assess MNAs in the framework of a double objective: strengthening the international nuclear non proliferation regime and making the peaceful uses of nuclear energy more economical and attractive. The Group identifies options for MNAs - options in terms of policy, institutional and legal factors - for those parts of the nuclear fuel cycle of greatest sensitivity from the point of view of proliferation risk. It also reflects the Groups deliberations on the corresponding benefits and disadvantages (pros and cons) of the various options and approaches. Although the Expert Group was able to agree to forward the resulting report to the Director General, it is important to note that the report does not reflect agreement by all of the experts on any of the options, nor a consensus assessment of their respective value. It is intended only to present options for MNAs, and to reflect on the range of considerations which could impact on the desirability and feasibility of those options.

• Strategy21
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• s.40
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• pp.162-189
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• 2016

This research deals with the PLAN's capabilities and its implication for regional security, and suggests some measures for maritime security cooperation among regional states. China has began to focus its national strategy more on 'rising as a new maritime power' since the 18th Party Convention in November 2012. Chinese new strategy aims at building a strong navy, contributing economic prosperity and national security, and thus elevating its prestige in international society. Most of all, building a strong navy is the foremost task at this time, and that is why the PLAN has the priority for military modernization. Chinese new maritime strategy could cause naval arms race in East Asia and aggravate maritime territorial disputes among concerned parties. It is the time for regional states to discuss some measures to build confidence, such as arms control of naval weapons, establishment of multilateral maritime security mechanism, and foundation of regional security regime, thus enhancing regional maritime cooperation.

• Analyses & Alternatives
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• v.1 no.1
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• pp.44-64
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• 2017

Russia's push in the Asia-Pacific region stems from its interests that have the national, regional and global dimensions. In their turn, the aims of this policy are civilizational, geopolitical, economic and prospective, with a long-term outlook. In the course of their achievement, cooperation with Northeast Asia's countries will play one of the key roles owing to the factors of geographic proximity, Northeast Asia's economic potential, risk hedging and a growing influence Northeast Asia exerts upon the global development. A new cooperation paradigm between Russia and the states of Northeast Asia should be based upon establishing and cementing self-reproducing ties. This is the central aim of Russian initiatives in relations, with Japan, the Republic of Korea, Democratic People's Republic of Korea, Mongolia and China. However, numerous obstacles ranging from Russia's absence in the regional free trade agreements and supply-production chains of value-added production to the permanent international instability generated by Pyongyang's missile-nuclear developments hamper the practical implementation of this task. Realizing the necessity to give an additional impetus to this new cooperative paradigm, Russia has to develop directions with an apparent consolidating effect. The most promising may be the establishment of a permanent security forum based upon Northeast Asia Peace and Security Mechanism chaired by the Russian Federation. The urgency of this measure and its expected support stem from the necessity to strengthen security in Northeast Asia, a task neither the US-led hub-and-spoke system nor ASE-AN-led multilateral dialogue venues have been able to resolve. The issues addressed at the security forum must include the unification of approaches to North Korean nuclear issue and producing a document specifying actions of the claimants on the disputed maritime territories in the "direct contact" situations. At the expert level, Russia has elaborated on the idea to establish such a forum outlining the spectrum of the key directions of cooperation. With the urgency in the establishment of this dialogue venue, its agenda has to be coordinated with the agendas of the existing security systems presented by the US alliances and the ASE-AN-led multilateral negotiations. The practical implementation of this initiative will strengthen security in Northeast Asia as its challenges will be resolved in the pre-emptive way based on coordinated approaches. Therefore, Russia as the Eurasian state will be one of the role players in the advent of the Asian century.

• Journal of International Area Studies (JIAS)
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• v.13 no.4
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• pp.129-154
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• 2010

In Post-soviet Space, particularly the Central Asian is a great turbulence region called the 'Eurasian Balkan', where diverse factors of conflict and dispute are existed. In Central Asia, a current regional security system is characterized by various multilateral cooperation relations among Central Asian nations and the world powers, such as NATO(PfP), OSCE, CIS, CSTO, CACO, SCO, CICA and so on. But nothing could obtain superiority as pan-regional security system. Unless internal problems and conflicts of the Central Asian nations be solved, security won't be assured in this region. Narrow-minded and blind realism will spread insecure region, make a lasting trouble spot in Eurasian continent. The purpose of this article is to explore significance for international relations of security system in the Central Asia. I examine general features of regional security environment formed after the Soviet Union's collapse, characteristics of multilateral cooperation related with Central Asian nations. Through consideration current situations I suggest prospects of security system in Central Asia.

• The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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• v.10 no.4
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• pp.457-465
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• 2024

In the 21st century, the global security environment has undergone rapid changes, presenting South Korea with complex security dilemmas. This study aims to explore a new national security strategy for South Korea through the implementation of 'Positive Peace.' Based on Johan Galtung's concept of 'Positive Peace,' the study proposes a comprehensive approach to build sustainable peace by redesigning the peace process on the Korean Peninsula, establishing a multilateral security cooperation framework in Northeast Asia, expanding global peace contributions, promoting domestic social integration, and spreading a culture of peace. To realize these goals, the study discusses the need to redefine the role of the military, reallocate defense budgets, introduce the concept of a peace dividend, promote the peaceful use of science and technology, and legislate for the realization of the right to peace. The implementation of a 'Positive Peace' strategy aims to transform South Korea into a leading nation in peace, contributing to the peace and stability of the Korean Peninsula, Northeast Asia, and the global community.

• Journal of Nuclear Fuel Cycle and Waste Technology(JNFCWT)
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• v.3 no.3
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• pp.167-176
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• 2005

Demand on the nuclear energy in East Asian countries has been grown rapidly to support economic development. After 9.11, nuclear security has become the world wide issue. In addition, unlike to other region, some countries are considering the introduction of nuclear power plants. To meet the challenges a new regional multilateral nuclear approach is proposed aiming at assurance of supply and non -proliferation. The new proposal is based on the principles of confidence building, volunteering, and incentives. The step wise approach is recommended to implement the multilateral system in East Asia.

• The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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• v.10 no.3
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• pp.25-29
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• 2024

After the Russia-Ukraine War, NATO broke away from the peacekeeping strategy that it had maintained and declared that it would strengthen the multilateral security consultative body, pursue strategic stability, expand armaments, cooperate security, and strengthen dialogue and cooperation in the Indo-Pacific region. Changes in NATO's strategy directly and indirectly affect Korea's security environment. Only by clearly analyzing this and establishing policies and strategies to respond to it can the threat be suppressed and national interests protected. NATO designates China and Russia as threats. By using cooperation and solidarity with NATO as an opportunity, we will be able to strengthen security cooperation and alliances, develop and expand the defense industry market, and expand opportunities to participate in the Ukraine reconstruction project.

• Korean Journal of Agricultural Science
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• v.27 no.2
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• pp.182-189
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• 2000

The issue of food security will become one of the most widely concerned area of public policy in North East Asia coming 21st century. Although those countries such as China, Japan, South and North Koreas and Mongolia places emphasis on the need to have stable and reliable capacity for food production, it will be highly possible for these regions to experience the shortage of food supply due to growing population, expanding urbanization and rapid industrialization within next decade. Since world food markets are characterized as unstable structure and dominated by large multinational firms, their reliances on importing staple food may create the aggravation of food shortage problem in emergency situations. One possible proposal for solving food security in north-east region might be movements toward multilateral food supply assurance agreements as a component of trade negotiations among these countries. As measures for cooperation for securing food supply in these regions, following principles would be suggested; 1) encouraging agricultural cooperation based on private business, 2) exchange of technical and human resources rather than material support, 3) developing mutual concern and benefits, 4) managing joint buffer stock for staple food.

• Analyses & Alternatives
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• v.7 no.1
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• pp.171-200
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• 2023

This research aims to analyze the external activities of local governments in South Korea from the perspective of the developing trends in city diplomacy, contrary to the conventional and narrow concept regarding local government's international exchange and cooperation as a public diplomacy. In detail, this research intends to illustrate the following: first, to differentiate South Korean local governments' growing commitment to international affairs from public diplomacy; second, to highlight the integration of public diplomacy with other forms of diplomacy within the framework of city diplomacy. This research argues that city diplomacy in South Korea has gradually shown the following three trends and characteristics. First, South Korean local governments have recognized the importance of participating in multilateral diplomacy via city networks to find compelling solutions to non-traditional and transnational security threats. They perceive this external activity as an opportunity for policy sharing and problem-solving with foreign partners. Second, local governments in South Korea have been fostering various ways to institutionalize their involvement in foreign affairs and organizations, such as amendments to related laws and the launching of task forces, to pursue so-called sustainable and systematic international exchange and cooperation. Lastly, South Korean local governments have constructed multiple channels and multilevel governance in the form of public-private partnerships to enhance policy expertise and cope with diverse agendas.

• Convergence Security Journal
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• v.18 no.3
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• pp.123-132
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• 2018

North Korea's cyber warfare capability is becoming a serious security threat to Korea because most of the operational systems of social infrastructure and advanced weapons system are all networked. Therefore, the purpose of this article is to examine what the Korean government should do to strengthen cyber security capabilities toward North Korea. For this purpose, this article analyzed North Korea's cyber attack cases against Korea by categorizing according to threat type and purpose. The research findings are as follows. It is necessary first, to have aggressive cyber protection and attack capabilities; second, to establish an integrated cyber security control tower that can be overseen by the national government; third, to need to legislate domestic cyber- related laws; fourth, to build a multilateral & regional cyber cooperation system. The implication of these findings are that it needs to be strengthened the cyber security capability from the cyber threats of North Korea by minimizing the damage during the peacetime period and for the complete warfare in case of emergency.