• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.37
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• pp.33-60
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• 2018

This article is to present that the research on the Mudang Gut Chum should be within the context of the performance of Mudang Gut and examines its meanings and implications with focus on Seoul Mudang Gut Chum and Hwanghae-do Mudang Gut Chum. Seoul and Hwanghae-do Mudang Gut Chums do not exist in the form of simple dance or movement. They feature continuity while serving the function of revealing the existence of spirit and sometimes show the process of the spirit joining the Gut ritual, which means that the Mudang Gut Chum should not be understood as the dance itself only. Instead, care attention should be paid to the status of the tune of Gut where the dance is placed, relationship between the gut and the spirit, and the flow of narrativity. Also, the Mudang Gut Chum has a lot to do with the tune. Looking at the Mudang Gut Chum simply focusing on dancing steps, and the movement of feet and/or hands fails to gain an accurate understanding of the fundamentals of the Mudang Gut Chum. Closely connected to the tune, which is also associated with the grade of the spirit, the dance shows a variety of performances conducted by entering the Gut ritual of the spirit. In that respect, complex views on the Mudang Gut Chum are required. The same applies to the hereditary shaman Mudang Gut as well. The Korean Mudang Gut Chum has a slight difference between the Gangshinmu gut and the hereditary gut but is in basically the same aspect. The Gut Chum holds its meaning in the flow of gutgeori (tune or dance performed during exorcism, a shaman song) and delivers its own meaning in connection with the tune. It is definitely meaningful to focus on the individual movements of a dancing shaman but one should be able to derive the network of meanings that such movements have within the performance of the gutgeori, which means that intensive studies on the field performance and circumstances should be completed before studying the Mudang Gut Chum. In addition, the Mudang Gut Chum discloses the characteristics of the performance group. The Mudang Gut Chum exists in a complex manner. With respects to the status of the spirit, it shows the characteristics of the performance group. It represents the progress of Gut while closely connected with the tune. Therefore, the way of describing the Mudang Gut Chum should be far more than just simply keeping the dance notations. With this in mind, one should investigate and record the Mudang Gut Chum.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.20
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• pp.309-338
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• 2010

This article is about seeking for modern festival possibility of Mudang gut with noticing a festival essence of it. Several components and process of performing Maeul gut can be a festival. But the recent condition of gut pan obstructs becoming a festival. Above of all, distorted eyes on Mudang gut deny a festivity. Transition into seeking for private fortune and the duplicity of concealing a Mudang gut have weakened a festivity of Mudang gut. Maeul gut becomes a ceremony with unequal distribution of support fund and the support fund on intangible cultural assets. Therefore, we should consider Mudang gut as a game. People need to change their preception as a performance that people can actively take part in. Mudang gut need a active participants not bystanders. When people consider them selves as actors, Mudang gut will be a festival.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.18
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• pp.73-100
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• 2009

This article is considered how to utilize mime in the mudang gut. Actually, mime can't be the crux of mudang gut, and the only factors of mime is utilized. Therefore, the purpose of this article is to draw another nets of meanings in Mudang gut, not to study mime. First of all, I surveyed the constituent factors of mudang gut. One gutpan is combined with various factors. As a shamans(mudang), a musician, a jang gu player, a gongyangju(taking charge of food), a sibongja(helper for a shaman), and madangsoe (an under servant), they played their roles. The gut consists of equipment, food, clothes, music and dance. Next, I derived two nets of meaning out of considering a mudang gut performance of mudang (shaman). First, god in a general gutgeori appears expressing their existence by using mime with the music. Second, the following god appears expressing themselves using only mime without music. After showing who he is through action and facial expression, he continues to play a gut. Accordingly, mime of seoul gutpan plays a role to reveal the existence of god. Also, I divided the way of performing mudang gut into language performance and motions and then suggested that mime was mainly used in the motions. I surveyed a gutgeori using mime in the concrete. Through this, I suggested that the shaman used mime, when sending a deadman to the next world in a Jinogi gut. I suggested that mime was utilized repeatedly at the process of repelling the misfortune in a jaesu gut.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.38
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• pp.349-383
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• 2019

This discussion is focused on Donghaeanbyulsingut's 'gutchum-pan to pray'. 'Gutchum-pan to pray' is repeated in almost all of the geori in Byulsingut, so it is a crucial chum-pan that can never be disregarded in understanding Byulsingutchum. Meanwhile, it supposes that Donghaeanbyulsingut is grounded on the activity of producing 'praying (words) and dance (motions)' within its relationship with the structure of capitalistic society along with the context of traditional rituals. The motion that is newly generated as a response to the concrete expression of 'praying' conducted by a mudang (a shaman), that is, the expression coming from the inside associated with the praying is seen as gutchum. This dance is bound to be in competition and interest among shaman groups, and they tend to influence one another. If praying leads to dance, a mudang can gain profits from capital as well as the value of labor. When the mudang succeeds in forming a bigger bond of sympathy with her praying, the object of praying gets more eager to select byulbi and dances a heoteunchum (impromptu dance) more vigorously. This means that a mudang's ability to perform a ritual is associated with the object of praying's consumption. With his impromptu motions, the object of praying comes to go into 'the field of consumption' within the structure of capitalistic competition before he is aware of it. Behind the communication that praying leads to dance, a lot of things are associated with one another organically. 'Gutchum-pan to pray' is generated by the continuous movement of diversity and unity that the time has within the ritual of the mudang and the object of praying. It continues to create the future 'self' that is different from the present 'self', and it means that he expects variability from the present 'self' through 'gutchum-pan to pray'. The mudang also prays for him arranging the variability of the other (the object of praying) inside her labor. In a big picture, of course, the mudang expects the variability of herself, too, which is connected to the value of her labor. The variability that they expect forms a crucial axis that determines where the flow of time and space that the 'gutchum-pan to pray' has is directed to. The contents of praying are directly related with the villagers' lives, and what leads to dance is mostly related with their jobs. This implies that what the mudang experiences in her everyday consuming activity is directly associated with the villagers' activity for earning money. In other words, the contents of that praying change constantly according to the flow of capitalistic economy. Also, those striving to respond to it before anyone else also expect better life for them by substituting their self to the 'gutchum-pan to pray' eagerly. If so, who are the ones that generate 'gutchum-pan to pray'? This can be understood through relationship among mudangs, relationship between the mudang and villagers, and also relationship among villagers. Their relationships can never be free from the concepts like labor in capitalistic society, consumption and expenditure, or time; therefore, they come to compete with the other, the present self, or the better self within the diverse relationships. This gets to be expressed in any ways, words or motions. And the range that covers the creation of either group or individual 'gutchum-pan to pray' in the village is the village community. Outside the range, it is upsized to the competition of the village unit, so individual praying may become diminished more easily. Although mudangs pray in each geori, it does not mean all praying leads to dance. Within various relationships between mudangs and villagers, 'gutchum-pan to pray' comes to be generated, repeated, and extinct. As it is mitigated to more positive competition, it does not lead to gutchum any longer. In other words, repeating 'gutchum-pan to pray' previously created has turned the object of praying into the state different from the former. Also, the two groups both have experienced the last step of Byulsingut, and at that point, praying does no longer lead to dance. In other words, from the position of the shaman group, it is the finish of their labor time and ritual performance, and from the perspective of the villagers, it means the finish of consuming activity and participation in a ritual. The characteristics of 'gutchum-pan to pray' can be summarized as follows. First, it goes through the following process: competition in the village group → competition in the group → competition among individuals. Second, repeated praying does not lead to 'gutchum'. Third, in the cases of praying for each of the occupation groups, the mudang can induce a bond of sympathy from the objects of praying directly, and this lead to dance. Fourth, the group that fails in being included in the category of praying gets to be alienated from 'gutchum-pan to pray' repeatedly.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.36
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• pp.505-530
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• 2018

The purpose of this study is to examine the meaning of learning methods for education to transmit the items designated as intangible cultural heritages focusing on Seoul-gut. Recently, as the Act on the Preservation and Promotion of Intangible Cultural Heritages was promulgated, 'the archetype' instead of 'the prototype' has become highlighted as a crucial axis for transmission. Although there are some controversies over the definition of the archetype among scholars, it is now possible for transmitters to make use of transformations rather freely being freed from strict orientation to the prototype to follow some fixed frame. Examining learning methods used in education to transmit mudang-gut, one of the items designated as intangible cultural heritages, however, this author has found that the prototype is still emphasized or in the center of learning instead. Presenting learning methods employed for Hwanghaedopyeongsansonoreum-gut of a national intangible cultural heritage, Namijanggunsadang-gut of Seoul Special City's intangible cultural heritage, and Bonghwasandodang-gut as examples, this researcher intends to reveal the reality. In the recent situation that education centering around academies is being widely spread to transmit mudang-gut, setting forth the designation of some of the items as intangible cultural heritages, they are publishing articles on newspaper as an advertisement to encourage learning about mudang-gut. Responding to the advertisement, there are more and more shamans intending to learn mudang-gut coming to the society for preserving items designated as intangible cultural heritages. They can, of course, perform mudang-gut on their own but come to learn it as there is no fixed or definite system for it. Even though the concept of the archetype was introduced, as now it is possible to learn the fixed frame through learning about the prototype regarding the item of mudang-gut as an intangible cultural heritage, those involved in shamanism are coming to it more and more. As transmitting the prototype rather deteriorated the liveliness of gut, those involved in shamanism are coming to it to learn about gut thinking that it is where they can learn the basic frame and also acquire more detailed knowledge about shamanism. Therefore, it is needed for the item of mudang-gut designated as an intangible cultural heritage to accept the aspects of change and develop new methods of education to transmit intangible cultural heritages.

• Journal of Digital Convergence
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• v.12 no.3
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• pp.399-414
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• 2014

The Princess Bari, an epic song passed down orally among the korean shamans, describes the process of its heroine's becoming a shaman. The life of a shaman coincides with the image of Mother Goddess that created human beings in that her role was to connect the life here and hereafter in Korea. Princess Bari, an abandoned daughter, experiences the world of death, sacrifices herself completely for her parents, devotes to her husband and gives birth to seven sons. She is a Mother Goddess who embraces fecundity and fertility, creation and destruction, and life and death. Furthermore, she is a "warm-hearted Mother Goddess" who takes the deceased to their last journey with maternal care. The number "seven", known to be a very significant number in human lives and the world after death, symbolizes how princess Bari had to be born as the seventh girl of her parents, not as the fifth or the sixth.

• The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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• v.7 no.1
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• pp.496-501
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• 2021

The representation of shamanism or shaman in Korean cinema has changed according to eras. Since the 2000s, shamanism and shaman appear more frequently than before as the main subjects and characters in movies. The full-scale exploration of shamans usually takes places in documentary works, such as <'Mudang'>(2002), (2006) and (2011). Shamans are summoned in more various appearences in feature films. In this article, we will compare and analyze the representations of shamanism and shaman in recent Korean occult genre films. (2015), (2016), and (2017) are works that utilize new subjects and visual effect styles that were difficult to see in Korean horror films before. In these three films, the meaning of shaman and gut shows distinct differences from each others. Through the analysis of these films, we would like to explore the characteristics and possibilities of Korean occult films.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.22
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• pp.93-121
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• 2011

This article is concerned with the withdrawal of the compositional principle of Jinogigut which has been performed in Seoul and the identification of its meaning based on the withdrawal. Jinogigut is a world where a god is connected to humans in complicated manners, this world and the world of the dead coexist, and it is a process of demonstrating that the dead, who have stayed in the world of humans, enter the world of a god. Jinogigut shows the process of leading the dead to the world of the dead one after another. First, the god-centered street is continued, and the gut displays through which process a god will guide the dead to the world of the dead. Next, is a human-centered street, which exhibits the appearance of the dead heading to the world of the dead following the death angel, more in detail. Finally, a human-centered structure shows how humans enter the world of the dead. Through this repetition, it reveals that the dead take a seat in the world of the dead, at last. The organization of the later part of the world of the dead-oriented gut in Jinogigut, which is god-centered, continues to a human-centered gut through the meeting between a god and humans. and , which are continued, followed by , are ceremonial rituals that confirm the dead entering the world of the dead without any problem. Begareugi shows that the entering of the dead into the world of the dead was completed with perfection by cutting hemp cloth, and informs the living that the dead expressed gratitude for holding the ritual for him/her by appearing at the venue of the gut once again and that the dead settled into the world of death. , which finally holds ancestral rites to the god of ancestors who is seated in the world of the dead, reveals that the dead, who had been a human, has been transformed into the god of ancestors through Jinogigut. Jinogigut also performs the function of comforting a client (who is the family of the dead) of the gut, who has faced a sudden death in his/her family. What is the most important for consoling the client is to display that the dead has entered the world of the dead without any problem. Jinogigut shows this process through a three-layered structure. It exhibits how the dead would be moved to the world of gods, as well as the safe entering of the dead who followed Jeoseung-saja(envoy from the world of the dead) and who had appeared to this world from the world of the dead. Then, it demonstrates again the appearance of the dead entering the world of the dead following Barigongu; thus, it placates the heart of the client's family.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.23
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• pp.245-280
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• 2011

One of the major streams of modern play in Korea is the work of introducing Korea's traditional ritual-'gut' into a play. Such work, together with the stream of diversification of culture, has brought about the tendency to induce 'gut' into a play in a creative way. The research on ritual plays in Korea has been done in the direction of studying the ritual plays in the West centering on the work of theoretically inquiring into histrionic features inhering in 'gut' as a ritual. This research made an analysis of the receptive aspect of rituals and histrionic characteristics presented in Korea plays through "Sanssikgim" and "Ogu" on the basis of the theory of ritual plays established by Artaud. In an effort to understand the receptive aspect of rituals, this research analyzed what forms these Korean works are borrowing from "Ssikgim gut" and "Ogu gut" while analyzing these works differently from the viewpoint of Artaud regarding characteristics of ritual plays. Accordingly, this research made an analysis of the structure and characteristic of "gut" with the aim of understanding in what form "gut" is absorbed into Korean plays by looking at the theatric receptive forms of "gut." The ritual plays in Korea originated in "gut." Likewise, the theater of cruelty by Artaud was greatly influenced by the belly dance stemming from "mudang-gut" in Asia. Accordingly, there is considerably exposed something in common between the ritual play in Korea and Artaud's theater of cruelty. "Gut" in Korea, or ritual plays are a little different from Artaud's work which makes its audience feel unfamiliar in that 'gut' or ritual plays in Korea are pursuing ritualistic quality and playing quality simultaneously, but there exists a similarity between the two in that they both desired to have communication with audiences. This researcher strongly believes that for the time to come, when the receptive aspect of the modern play assuming ritualistic quality is developed using the medium of communication with audiences, purification and play therapy, its direction will be more noticeably exposed.