• (The)Korea Educational Review
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• v.24 no.2
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• pp.81-114
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• 2018

This study was conducted to review the educational reform of the Moon Jae-In government, to analyze the its issues, and to suggest the tasks for the successful reform at the time since the government of Moon Jae-In was launched just over a year old. To attain the aim, we first examine the characteristics of the Moon Jae-In government, who emerged as a candlelight revolution, and what it means in terms of educational politics perspective. Under this background, this study examined the direction, contents, and implementation method of education reform policy of the Moon Jae-In government. And the study discussed what are the major issues raised in the direction and contents, implementation method of education reform, and what are the future challenges for resolving such issues. In conclusion, based on the discussions of the issues and tasks of the education policy, in order to implement the new educational system in the future, the Moon Jae-In government should take into consideration the discourses related to vision and direction, educational policy to embody them. The results of this study are expected to give an opportunity to examine the direction, content and implementation of policy in the early stage of the government.

• The Korean Journal of Health Service Management
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• v.12 no.3
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• pp.13-26
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• 2018

Objectives: This study investigated how Korean daily newspapers frame the present government's health insurance coverage expansion policy, Moon Jae-in Care. Methods: A contents analysis was conducted to construct news frames represented in the four Korean daily newspapers' editorials and columns on Moon Jae-in Care during from April 2017 to April 2018. News text was classified into three different layers of frames: expressive element, narrative structure, and implied values. Results: The analysis revealed that the frequency of narrative frames was as follows: health system improvement (20.8%), public burden (14.6%), opposition by doctors (14.6%), and populism (12.5%). The financial sustainability accounted for 41.7% of the value frame, followed by procedural legitimation (18.8%), and coverage expansion (16.7%). The results also revealed that reported frames were different among newspapers: Chosun Ilbo tended to report in a negative tone, while Hankyoreh shinmun and Kyunghyang shinmun used a positive tone. Conclusions: This finding suggests that there are salient framings in reports on Moon Jae-in Care. Based on the results, the government needs to present a detailed financing plan on Moon Jae-in Care in detail. I discussed another implication of media frames results.

• 한국생물공학회:학술대회논문집
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• 2005.10a
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• pp.662-662
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• 2005

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• v.23 no.1
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• pp.58-82
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• 2024

Former South Korean President Moon Jae-in implemented a project called the Peace Initiative, which prioritized a "peaceful and prosperous Korean Peninsula" as the core national agenda and involved using a peace-based frame instead of a unification approach to address inter-Korean relations from a different perspective. This initiative was evaluated in this study using a revised version of the pyramid model to assess the input-output-result process underlying the project and determine whether it generated results that differed from those achieved by the previous administration. To these ends, this research compared Moon's key presidential speeches with those of his predecessor, Park Geun-hye, as input, news commentaries and responses from major players as output, and the trend of perceptional and attitudinal changes in public opinion as results. Although Moon failed to accomplish significant policy effects on inter-Korean relations because of geopolitical challenges and the transfer of power to the conservative party, the analysis revealed that the input, output, and partial results of inter-Korean dialogue reflect some progress.

• Asia-Pacific Journal of Business
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• v.10 no.1
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• pp.87-103
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• 2019

In December 2017, the Moon Jae-in administration announced a major policy shift away from nuclear and coal, committing itself to the vision of creating a society where renewable sources account for 20% of its electricity generation by 2030. This energy transition involves not just a technical transition from conventional energy sources to renewable energy but also active participation of multiple stakeholders in the energy governance. While energy policy making has long been dominated by the central government in Korea with the aim of managing the supply for rapid industrialization and economic growth, the Moon administration aims to diffuse the central government's authority across various actors in society. Among those actors, this study focuses on the roles that local governments play in energy transition. Despite deepening local autonomy since 1995, Korean local governments have remained policy targets or recipients in the energy policy domain. This article discusses how such a traditional role has evolved under the new administration's energy transition policy and examines what challenges and limitations local governments face in creating a more decentralized energy governance system.

• 한국생물공학회:학술대회논문집
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• 2005.10a
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• pp.687-687
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• 2005

• Proceedings of the Korean Magnestics Society Conference
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• 1999.04a
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• pp.86-87
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• 1999

• Proceedings of the Korean Magnestics Society Conference
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• 1999.10a
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• pp.110-111
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• 1999

• Health Policy and Management
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• v.31 no.4
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• pp.387-398
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• 2021

Moon Jae-in Care can be seen as a 2.0 version of Roh Moo-Hyun Care. Just as Roh Care failed to achieve its coverage rate goal and 30% share of public beds, Moon Care also failed to achieve its expected goal. The reason is that it followed Roh Care's failed strategy. Failure to control non-covered services has led to a long way to achieve a 70% coverage rate and induced the expansion of voluntary indemnity insurance, resulting in increased public burden. The universal coverage of non-covered services caused an immediate backlash from doctors. And Moon government also failed to control the private insurance market. The expansion of publicly owned beds has not become realized and has not obtained public support. Above all, it failed to overcome the resistance of doctors and failed to obtain consent from budget power groups in the cabinet for public investment. It was also insufficient to win the support of civic groups. Communication with interested groups failed and the role of private health care providers was neglected. The next government should also continue to strengthen health care coverage, but it should prioritize preventing medical poor and create a consensus with both medical providers and consumers for the control of non-covered services. Ahead of the super-aged society, the establishment of linkage between medical services and long-term care and visiting health care or welfare services is an important task. All public and private provisions and resources should be utilized in the view of a comprehensive public health perspective, and public investment should be input in sectors where public medical institutions can perform more effective functions. The next government, which will be launched in 2022, should design a new paradigm for health care in the face of a period of transformation, such as the coming super-aged society in 2026 and the Fourth Industrial Revolution, and recognize that the capabilities of the health care system represent the nation's overall capacity.

• Korean Journal of Childcare and Education
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• v.13 no.5
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• pp.21-41
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• 2017

Objective: This study purposed to provide implications in regards to the Moon Jae-in Administration that launched in May 2017. Three sectors of childcare polices on administration of childcare centers were reviewed in terms of supporting the healthy development of young children. Methods: Medium and long-term childcare plans and the main policies of previous administrations since 2004 when the Childcare Act was completely reformed, as well as the 'Five-year policy for the Moon Jae-in administration of state affairs' that was announced on July, 2017, were reviewed in terms of publicness of childcare, regulations on operation of childcare services, and customized childcare programs for diverse needs. Results: It was proposed that the concept of publicness of childcare should be conservative when focusing on public childcare centers. The regulations on operating childcare services should focus on improving structural dimensions of childcare quality to keep the well-being of children a top priority. Furthermore, diverse programs should be designed and implemented to satisfy changes in childcare surroundings and the various needs of children and their families. Conclusion/Implications: The Moon Jae-in administration is expected to outline childcare policies and carry out tasks under the new paradigm. The healthy development of young children should be embodied as the final goal that forms the vision of childcare policies based on publicness, rationality, and diversity.