In order to investigate if the employment of housewives may affect the nutritional status of their family members, an analysis was made for the data of 2001 Korea National Health and Nutrition survey. Housewives aged 20 or over were divided into two groups of the working (W, 44.3%) and the non-working (NW, 55.7%), and household income levels were divided into 4 groups of low, middle, high, and high above according to the minimum cost of living in the year of 2001. Nutrient intakes were assessed by using dietary recommended intakes for Koreans of 2005. Working housewives showed similar levels to those of non-working housewives in most nutrients intakes except energy and vitamin C. However their families excluding housewives of W, than those of NW, took less protein, calcium, iron, potassium, vitamin A, thiamin, riboflavin, niacin, and vitamin C when assessed as % of recommended intakes and took more sodium. Such differences were very strong in children and adolescents, and in the middle income households. More % of the families of W than those of NW consumed nutrients below the estimated average requirements. Percents of hypertension classified by both systolic and diastolic blood pressure were higher in adult family members of W than in those of NW. This tendency seemed to be more significant in the family members aged 30 to 49. Both obesity and under-weight rates of school children ($7{\sim}12\;yrs$) in W were higher than those in NW. The above resuIts suggested that employment of housewives could have negative influences on the nutritional status of their family members, especially of their children and in the middle income class.
This study analyses the effects of the major educational policies, focusing on the private tutoring prohibition policy(PTPP), on the intergenerational class mobility(ICM) by using Korea Labor and Income Panel Study(KLIPS) 1st-12th surveys. Because private tutoring(shadow education) can be effective for academic achievement of children of above middle classes that spend most private tutoring expenditure and have more information on education, the private tutoring prohibition policy can increase the intergenerational mobility. This study confirms this possibility. Even when the overlapping effect of the middle school equalization polity is controlled for, there is still high effect of the PTPP. We think that we still need to examine the level of intergenerational mobility with PTPP cohort with that of later cohorts in the future. We also emphasize the compositive effect of the several consistent policies such as middle school and high school equalization polices and the PTPP and length and continuity of the policies for the higher mobility.
Since there is nothing in the literature regarding how Koreans value their children, this is an exploratory study attempting to (1) generate ideas as to why women of child- bearing age want children and (2) discover aspects of the interaction between the value of children and the fertility behavior according to socio-economic class and level of education. Fifty women from the Yonhee A Citizen′s Apartment and 50 women from the slum area surrounding the Yonhee Apartment were interviewed by the investigator during the period of October 10 to October 25, 1972. All of the women interviewed were under 35 years of age and had more than one child. The questionnaire consisted of questions regarding the general characteristics of the respondents, the status of current family planning practice, the number of induced abortions and the reasons for wanting children. An open ended question followed by a forced choice question was the method used to determine the reasons for wanting children. The results of the study were as follows: 1. Half of all the respondents were between 30 and 34 years of age. 2. Four percent of the respondents had no schooling, 51 percent had graduated from primary school, and 45 percent were educated beyond middle school. 3. The most important reasons tot wanting children given by the respondents were categorized as follows: (1) carrying on the family name, (2) old age security, (3) value of life, (4) fun of rearing children, (5) avoidance of loneliness, (6) responsibility of women. 4. The number of consistent answers between the open ended and forced choice questions regarding reasons for wanting children was significantly different. Only 30 women among the total respondents gave consistent answers. Carrying on the family name was the category in which there was the highest rate of consistency. 5. The reasons for wanting children were not significantly different for age, educational level, and number of living children for all of the respondents. 6. In response to the question "If you want to have only one child, which sex , would you prefer\ulcorner" 96 percent of the respondents said they would select a son. 7. Major suggestions for further study were to differentiate. (1) between reasons women want children and reasons women have children and (2) between reasons men want children and reasons women want children.
Journal of the korean academy of Pediatric Dentistry
/
v.34
no.4
/
pp.599-612
/
2007
The present study was designed to compare the morphological and structural differences of craniofacial structures among 146 children with Class I and Class III malocclusions. The results below were obtained from the study. 1. Sphenoethmoidal synchondrosis continues to grow later in Class III. 2. Anteroposterior length of the nasomaxillary complex was significantly shorter in Class III, but the height of the nasomaxillary complex was similar. 3. Mandibular length and mandibular body length were longer in Class III, but had no statistical significance. Lower anterior facial height was shorter in Class III, but had no statistical significance. 4. Dentoalveolar height was similar between Class I and Class III. 5. In Class I, anterior cranial base took part in the anteroposterior length of the nasomaxillary complex and the mandible. 6. In Class III, anterior cranial base and middle cranial base had higher correlation with the mandible with aging. These results suggest that there exist a little differences between Class I and Class III malocclusions at age $7{\sim}11$, but growth patterns are mostly similar. Therefore it is necessary to correct Class III malocclusions at an early age before skeletal differences appear.
This dissertation is to help understanding about the emergence of active children's clothes in the latter part of the 18th century in England. In previous ages children had not been look-ed upon as children, but as incomplete and in-ferior men and women, the costume of children had not been distinguishable from that of their elders. The early eighteenth-century chil-d could not play in comfort because they dressed like their parents. But in the third quarther of the eighteenth century children became free from their con-comfortable and became active. English chil-dren's clothes was prevailing even in Europe as well. In the background of this liberation, there were many enlightened ideas, such as philosophers of enlightenment, doctors, writers, educators. Among these John Locke and Jean Jacque Rousseau criticized openly about rampant fashion which was distorting the body by corset and hoop. Rousseau was the one who wrote$\boxDr$Emile$\boxUl$and played the most important role to free children from an old fashioned idea, and emphasized to bring up children by the natural process of mental and physical development as human beings are a part of nature. Fashion reflects politic, economic, social, ideology, culture of the days and these factor function to create fashion which shows“Time Spirit”.Children's clothes, like those of their parents, follow the fashion, but with a difference, the form of which varies with the attitude to the child. Thus this dissertation was to study in relation with the background of the times in the latter part of 18th century in England and Rousseau's Naturalism in connection with the emergence of active children's clothes. The result is that diffusion of the idea of freedom and equality, the growth of bourgeoisie, the development of clothing and tex-tile industry have influenced to the emergence of active children's clothes. Also a great deal of middle and high class parents devoted to their children's education and was influenced by Rousseau's Naturalism. Specially the bourgeoisie who made their fortune by their own effort were eager to educate their achievement and business by their children through education. This factor influenced to the children's clothes as well.
In order to compare the pattern sizes of toddlers' brands, the apparel size #95 and #100, #110 were surveyed, while upper body lengths, bust circumferences and waists, hip circumferences, shoulder length, sleeve length, neck circumferences of toddlers' underwears were examined. As a result, it was found that upper body lengths, chest circumferences and lower body lengths of toddlers' underwears differed more or by $2.0cm{\sim}3.0cm$ among brands than other sizes. In case of underwear size #95, the average upper body length was 32.8cm; the upper body size of "c" brand was longest or 33.5cm, while that of "e" brand was shortest or 32.0cm. In case of size #80, the average upper body length was 36.0cm; the upper body size of "a" brand was longest or 37.0cm, while that of "e" brand was shortest of 35.0cm. Such findings may be attributable to the fact that the main customers of "a" and "b" brands whose pattern sizes are larger are middle or lower class people who tend to buy larger toddlers' apparels than their children's actual body sizes. In contrast, "e" brand seems to target the upper class who prefers the apparels almost fitting their children's actual body sizes.
In order to compare the sizes of infants;brands, the apparel size #70 and #80, #90 were surveyed, while upper body lengths, bust circumferences and waists, hip circumferences, shoulder length, sleeve length, neck circumferences of infants' underwears were examined. As a result, it was found that upper body lengths, chest circumferences and lower body lengths of infants' underwears differed more or by $2.0{\sim}3.0cm$ among brands than other sizes. In case of underwear size #70, the average upper body length was 32.8cm; the upper body size of "c" brand was longest or 33.5cm, while that of "e" brand was shortest or 32.0cm. In case of size #80, the average upper body length was 36.0cm; the upper body size of "a" brand was longest or 37.0cm, while that of "e" brand was shortest of 35.0cm. Such findings may be attributable to the fact that the main customers of "a" and "b" brands whose pattern sizes are larger are middle or lower class people who tend to buy larger infants' apparels than their children's actual body sizes. In contrast, "e" brand seems to target the upper class who prefers the apparels almost fitting their children's actual body sizes.
The urban modernity that became an irresistible model for elites in Asia in the decades before and after 1900 was far from being gender-neutral. It represented an exceptional peak of patriarchy in its exclusion of respectable middle class women from the work force, from ownership and control of property and from politics. Marriage was indissoluble and the wife's role in the male-headed nuclear family was to care for and educate the abundant children she produced. Puritan religious values underlined the perils for women of falling outside this pattern of dependence on the male. Though upheld as modern and civilized, this ideal was in particularly striking contrast with the pre-colonial Southeast Asian pattern of economic autonomy and balance between women and men, and the relative ease of female-initiated divorce. Although attractive to many western-educated Southeast Asian men, including religious reformers determined to 'save' and domesticate women, urban respectability of this type was a poor fit for women accustomed to dominant roles in commerce and marketing, and at least equal ones in production. Southeast Asian relative failure in the high colonial era to adapt to the modern market economy may also have a gendered explanation. We should not be surprised that patriarchy and puritanism became more important in Southeast Asia as it urbanized in the late 20th Century, since this was echoing the European experience a century earlier. The question remains how far Southeast Asia could retain its relatively balanced gender pattern in face of its eventual rapid urbanization and commercial development.
The purpose of this study is to examine the effects of early full-time nonparental care during infancy/toddlerhood on children's socioemotional behaviors during the preschool period. Subjects for this study were 105 three- to five-year-olds from middle-class families in the U. S. A. Children were assigned to one of three groups according to their early care history. Children's social interactions with peers and caregivers during indoor free-play sessions in day care centers were observed for 20 minutes. The head teachers rated the children's social and emotional behaviors on two questionnaires. Mothers completed the Attachment Q-sort for attachment assessment for the preschoolers. In addition, mothers were asked to fill out a questionnaire on their parenting practices. Children who had received full-time nonparental care during infancy and/or toddlerhood were rated by their teachers as being more intellectually competent than children who did not receive full-time nonparental care during first three years of life. They were, however, rated by teachers and were observed by the researcher as being more aggressive than children with no full-time nonparental care. These children were observed to engage in less wandering/onlooking behaviors than children who had not had any full-time nonparental care. Children's attachment security scores and dependency scores did not differ as a function of early nonparental care histories. When the effects of early care patterns, sex of child, and current attachment security to mothers on aggressive behaviors of the preschoolers were examined by a hierarchical regression model, then any "pure" effects of nonparental care and of attachment security on child aggression were minimal after controlling for family background, child care center quality, and maternal childrearing practices. Strong buffering factors for the preschool children (family characteristics, parenting styles, and high quality nonparental care) mediated a possible risk factor of early nonparental care and promoted optimal outcomes for the children.
The purpose of this study is to survey Korean mother's child-rearing methods and to see what influence each layed on children's school achievement. To obtain data, a questionaire was given to 607 boys and girls, who were selected from both public and private middle schools in Seoul. The student were consisted of two distinct groups, namely superior and inferior. Five top students from each class were categorized as the superior group and five bottom ones from each class were categorized as the inferior group. The questionaire was consisted of 7 items, namely, the needing method, feeding period, weaning time, mothers general attitudes about crying, sleeping arrangement and whether mothers workers or not. Summary of this study is as follows ; 1. As far as babies were breast-fed, there was no significant between the superior group and the interior group no matter what feeding period and weaning time were. 2. When the babies were fed by milk or both by milk and breast, the most favorable weaning time for intellectual development seemed to be between 6 and 9 months after birth. 3. The mother's general attitudes to babies crying and the sleeping arrangement have definite influence on the children's school achievement. It was shown that if mothers hugged babies as soon as they cried the babies tended to be superior, but the mothers of inferior group had tendency to let alone, until the babies stopped crying or hug after finishing their urgent works. Then the superior group was allowed to sleep alone in his own bed in the mother's room. On the contrary, the inferior group was kept in their mother bed or that of other family's without being given his own bed. 4. Whether mother had a job or not did not had any influence on children's school achievement. 5. Korean mothers have tendency to hug their babies as soon as when they find them cry and feed them with breast milk. The study also shows that the mothers rearing attitudes has certain influencial effect upon the children's school achievement.
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