• The Korean Journal of Vision Science
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• v.20 no.4
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• pp.553-560
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• 2018

Purpose : To investigate a disposal method of disposing contact lenses and the recognition of environmental pollution by micro plastics which may be caused by the wrong disposal method of domestic contact lens wearers. Methods : Two hundred sixty one adults(124 males, 137 females, mean age $21.48{\pm}3.14years$) were participated in this study. They were given the questionnaire survey on contact lenses purchasing place, type of contact lenses, duration of wearing contact lenses, the disposal method of disposing contact lenses and the recognition of the occurrence of environmental pollution. Results : It appeared that eyeglass shop(50.0%) and contact lens shop(48.3%) were the main purchasing places, and the most common type of contact lenses were disposable lenses(38.5%) and daily wearing lenses(52.5%). On the duration of wearing contact lenses they answered more than 5 years(29.3%), less than 1 year (26.0%), less than 1 year to less than 3 years (26.0%), and on wearing a contact lens during a week they did 1-2 days (32.0%), 1 week (28.0%), 5-6 days (22.4%) and 3-4 days (17.6%). It was shown "no(78.3%)" and "yes(21.7%)" to the questionnaire of whether they received information or education about a disposal method at the place where the contact lens was purchased, and "no(87.5%)" and "yes(12.5%)" to the questionnaire of whether they received information or education from schools, public institutions or public media such as the internet. As for the disposal methods, landfill waste(45.6%), recycled garbage(29.6%), and drainage(16.8%) from the sink or toilet responded in order. Although men were more educated and informed about disposal than women (t=3.63189, p<0.00001), women were more aware of environmental pollution(t=2.44269, p=0.01605). Conclusion : In order to reduce the environmental pollution issue caused by the contact lens which does not decompose at the sewage treatment facility and become micro plastics, it is urgent to provide information about correct disposal methods after using contact lenses and to educate contact lens wearers.

• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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• v.144
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• pp.167-203
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• 2017

In this paper I will investigate the problems of the Ego of Kant, Husserl and $Yog{\bar{a}}c{\bar{a}}ra$ from the standpoint of $trisvabh{\bar{a}}va$ and the transformation of the basis of $Yog{\bar{a}}c{\bar{a}}ra$. Kant's Copernican revolution and Husserl's Phenomenological reduction are the keys to understanding their philosophies. We especially want to look into the comparison between the Ego of Kant, Husserl and $Yog{\bar{a}}c{\bar{a}}ra$. According to Kant, we need the transcendental Ego as absolute in order to unite consciousness. Kant criticizes traditional metaphysics which had argued that the metaphysicians regard the transcendental Ego as substance. If they regard the transcendental Ego as an empirical object, this attempt will be in vain, because they seek to know unknown things. Husserl's phenomenological reduction is properly understood as a method designed to transform a philosopher into a phenomenologist by virtue of the attainment of a certain perspective on the world phenomenon. We will find the field of the transcendental, absolute ego through phenomenological reduction. Transcendental, absolute ego constitutes our whole world and gives meaning to the world. $Yog{\bar{a}}c{\bar{a}}ra$ argues that what our ordinary consciousness (the sixth consciousness) regards subjectivity and objectivity as separate, or that self and the world is an imagination that $alaya-vij{\tilde{n}}ana$, the mind more profound than the ordinary consciousness, created. $Yog{\bar{a}}c{\bar{a}}ra^{\prime}s$ $alaya-vij{\tilde{n}}ana$ creates the whole objects and the consciousness (the sixth), so we must regard them as illusionary. $Yog{\bar{a}}c{\bar{a}}ra$ insists that there are three natures of mind and we attain the transformation of the basis in mind. Based on this point of view, Kant, Husserl and $Yog{\bar{a}}c{\bar{a}}ra$ want to transcend and overcome the limits of the ordinary consciousness, and then they want to find the absolute truth (everything) and want to be a men of freedom.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.53
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• pp.103-130
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• 2018

The Chilean female writer María Luisa Bombal (1910 - 1980)'s "El ${\acute{a}}rbol$" (The Tree) (1939) tells the process of Brigida's epiphany. Brigida first tried to gain her father's love and failed, and later her husband's love and failed, then tried to substitute that love from men with solace from a tree. At the end of the novel, the epiphany occurs when the tree is cut down. In the present work, I explain the meaning of Brigida's epiphany, by comparing this Chilean short story with the Korean female writer Kim Chaewon(1946 - )'s "Trick of Water: A Kiss with Nothing" (2015). In this Korean short story, Kim insists that a woman who tries to find comfort in life through love with a man is destined to fail. I also examine the errors of the female characters' behaviors in these two short stories that led them to their self-destruction, trying to modify their behaviors in order to be loved by a man and their tendency to consider the man as everything in their life, and not as a part of their life. In order to explain the fated failure of finding comfort in life in the love of a man, I analyze the fleeting characteristic of acquiring an object of desire using Jacques Lacan's "Theory of Desire" and "The Destruction of the Elevated Object into the Dignity of the Thing." Thus, I conclude that women need to acknowledge that comfort in life cannot be found in the love of a man and that they should stop confining themselves to this fictitious characteristic of the dignified object called man.

• Korean Journal of Community Nutrition
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• v.23 no.6
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• pp.475-487
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• 2018

Objectives: This study examined the consumption of Han-sik and its association with the years of residence in Korea and the socioeconomic status among Filipino immigrant women of the Filipino Women's Diet and Health Study (FiLWHEL). Methods: A total of 474 Filipino women married to Korean men were included in the analysis. Their dietary intake was assessed using a single-day 24-hour recall. The participants provided information on the demographics, socioeconomic, and health-related factors through face-to-face interviews. The generalized linear model and logistic regression model were used to examine the association between the socioeconomic status and consumption of Han-sik. Results: The mean age of the participants was 34.3 years old, and the average duration of residence in Korea was 8.2 years. Among 474 Filipino women, a total of 467 consumed Han-sik, with an average of 6.8 food items per day. The Han-sik foods that the participants consumed most frequently were rice, cabbage kimchi, mixed-grain rice, and fried eggs. The average ratio of Han-sik was 58.57%. The ratio of Han-sik showed no significant associations with the years of residence, years of living together with their husband, education levels, total annual family income, or linguistic competence of Korean. However, the ratio of Han-sik use was associated with cohabitation with parents-in-law; the odds ratio (95% confidence interval) was 2.41 (1.18-4.92, p-trend = 0.002) comparing the fourth quartile with the first quartile of the Han-sik ratio. Conclusions: Filipino immigrant women in the FiLWHEL study consumed a larger number of Han-sik than Philippine foods. In addition, cohabitation with their parents-in-law was associated with the consumption of Han-sik. Further epidemiologic studies will be needed to determine how the diet affects the health and wellbeing of immigrant women in Korea.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.51 no.4
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• pp.44-65
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• 2018

This study examined the costumes of the characters in the painting titled Hig yongru Banghwoedo, which was designated as National Treasure No. 1879 in September 2015, and is currently kept in the Dongguk University Museum. The painting depicts a social gathering of Joseon aristocrats held at the higyongru, or watch tower, of the Gwangjumok, a government office, in 1567. It is characterized by the delicate illustration of the government officials, the main characters of the gathering, and the hyangri, ajeon, najang, chorye, akgong, and yeogi, the lower-class employees of the office. In order to investigate the costumes they wore, diverse materials including literature, costume artifacts, and paintings were used as reference sources. The scope of the study was limited to the characters' headdress and gown, and the accessories attached to the former. The study of men's clothing revealed that officials wore a samo and a red dalryeong as basic attire. In addition, it is presumed that they wore a belt indicating their official rank in the hierarchy, and a pair of black shoes. Retired officials wore a heuklip wrapped in horsehair or silk fabric with a red jing-nyeong and a doah. The hyangri wore a heukjukbanglip on their head, as well as a white jing-nyeong and a belted doah. In the Goryeo period, the banglip was a type of official headdress worn by members of the aristocratic elite ranked immediately below the king, but in Joseon it was demoted as the official headgear of the hyangri class, which was confirmed through Higyongru Banghwoedo. The ajeon wore a heuklip on their head, and a white jing-nyeong and a doah at the waist. As a rule, the najang wore a chogun on the head, and a banbieui on cheolrik and chungmokdai, but the najang in Higyongru Banghwoedo are depicted wearing a chogun and a cheolrik without a banbieui. Also, the chorye wore a heuklip wrapped in hemp cloth with a red cheolrik, whereas the akgong wore a somoja and a red cheolrik. Female entertainers, both adults and children, are depicted in the painting as either serving the aristocrats, dancing, or playing a musical instrument, wearing their hair in a voluminous, round, high bun, and dressed in a red daiyo, a hwangjangsam with a straight or reclined collar, and a belt. Notably, the donggi, i.e. young gisaeng, are shown wearing their hair in two short braids, and ddressed in a red gown with a y-shaped collar, or po.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.47 no.1
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• pp.66-81
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• 2014

Burnt down during the Imjin War(壬辰倭亂) of 1592, Gyeongbokgung Palace(景福宮) remained in ruins until 1865, when in the second year of King Gojong's(高宗) reign, reconstruction work began. At the time, a royal protocol(uigwe, 儀軌) for the reconstruction was not produced. Instead, the Gyeongbokgung Palace Construction Diary(Gyeongbokgung yeonggeon ilgi, 景福宮營建日記) records the reconstruction process from June to September of 1865. The contents of this diary reveal that the stone used in the construction was obtained from Ganghwa(江華), the Yeongpung field(映楓亭) just beyond Dongdaemun, and Samcheongdong(三淸洞), among other sites. In addition, selected stone remaining from the original Gyeongbokgung Palace site - such as that from the palace astronomical observatory(ganuidae, 簡儀臺) - as reused, while a number of buildings and stonework from Gyeonghuigung Palace(慶熙宮) were moved to Gyeongbokgung Palace. As a result, a number of $17^{th}$ and $18^{th}$ century stonework are currently located at Gyeongbokgung Palace. The Gyeongbokgung Palace Construction Diary contains a record indicating that the bronze dragon(靑銅龍) excavated from the lotus pond at the palace's Gyeonghoeru Pavilion(慶會樓) was created by special technician byeolganyeok(別看役) Kim Jae-su(金在洙) in 1865 for the symbolic purpose of protecting the palace from fire. The diary also reveals that among Kim Jae-su and the other special technicians(byeolganyeok) tasked with the installation and oversight of the palace stonework was Lee Se-ok(李世玉) - aid to have created the haechi statue at Gwanghwamun Gate. This indicates that there were men of court painter(hwawon, 畵員) background among the construction special technicians(byeolganyeok). Moreover, the diary records the names of the stoneworkers(seokjang, 石匠) who worked under these special technicians to actually carve the stonework. These included Jang Seong-bok(張聖福), who participated in the creation of the Geunjeongjeon Hall(勤政殿); and Kim Jin-myeong(金振明), who took part in the construction of Gwanghwamun Gate(光化門). Based on these results, it is possible to identify a number of special iconographic features of the scale-covered animal form(insuhyeong, 鱗獸形) auspicious animal statues at Gyeongbokgung Palace. These include a protruding mouth and large nose, formalized ears, and a mane along the back. Comparing these iconographic features with those found in the stonework of Joseon tombs makes it clear that these palace statues were created in the latter half of the $19^{th}$ century - the period corresponding to Gojong's palace reconstruction. This study was able to confirm that this iconography was taken up by the Gyeongbokgung Palace construction special technicians(byeolganyeok) and stoneworkers(seokjang) as they worked on tomb stonework earlier in their careers.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.48 no.2
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• pp.120-141
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• 2015

This paper is a preliminary study of architectural characteristics of Jangdae (general's podium), which shows one of the technical changes in fortification of Joseon Dynasty. As a facility for commands of generals and training for officers and men, it was located inside a fortress. Although it is not certain when the first Jangdae was built, the number of them dramatically increased around 18th century. Since the top priority function of the Jangdae was the prospect, it was installed at the hilly spot with open architecture. In addition, the open structure of Eupseong fortress towers on the riverside banks could simultaneously offer the functions as viewing around and Jangdae. Since Jangdae was also a place for military drills and reviews of soldiers, a wide podium was positioned at the front to muster the soldiers. This feature was standardized in the space organization of Jangdae in Joseon, and a mere podium was installed unless the topographic restrictions allows enough space. On the other hand, as a place for a commander, the hierarchy of the Jangdae was revealed through a variety of architectural characteristics. The hierarchy was assigned to the commander's space through the altitude difference, and diverse ornaments were added to show a sense of class. The floor plan of the Jangdae building can be largely categorized into rectangle and square, and the typical sizes of the former are $5{\times}4$ Kans (traditional measuring unit between two columns) and $3{\times}2$ Kans. Out of these two types, buildings of $5{\times}4$ Kans were found in flat land and eupseong fortresses with large space, and the relatively smaller ones of $3{\times}2$ Kans in mountain fortresses. All buildings of square floor plan had $3{\times}3$ Kans style, and the center Kan was twice wider than the side Kan to make the central space wide. It seems that the purpose was to secure the interior space of the upper story because the center Kan accounts for the floor area of the upper story. Some Jangdae's had internal story to form overhead space. The multi-roofed tower style with eaves attached to the upper and lower story is found exclusively in Jangdae. The buildings shows the Onkanmulim style which extends Naejinju (inner column) of the lower story to be the Byeonju (outer column) of the upper story, and the log-framed floor in the upper floor was structured by inserting the Changbang (connecting beam) between the Naejinju's and joining the log frames. In addition, the towers in eupseong fortresses had log-framed floor in the upper floor by setting up the high Nuhaju (column underneath a roof) and joining Cheongbang to the upper part of the column while it cannot be regarded as multi-roofed because only the upper part has a roof.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.50 no.1
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• pp.78-117
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• 2017

Buddhism, which was subject to repression all over the early Joseon Dynasty, received a certain recognition from the state, because Buddhist monks had participated in the war of the Japanese invasion in 1592. On the other hand, however, one of the results was the destruction of many temples. In the late Joseon Dynasty, the Buddhist monks themselves acted as players of Pungmul(people's percussive band music) for the rebuilding of Buddhist temples. These so-called "the Buddhist monks' Pungmul" is the imitation of former clowns' Pungmul and farmers' one that sometimes request money or rice at houses of villages. In the late Joseon Dynasty, the activities of the Buddhist monks' Pungmul were held all over the country. Today, there are "Bitnae Nongak(farmers'percussive band music)" in Kyeongsangbuk-do, "Beokku-noli(the drum play) in the areas of Yeosu and Gangjin in Jeollanam-do, the song of the Buddhist monks' Pungmul for the people's house spirits in the Gyeonggi-do, Gangwon-do and Chungcheong-do, and Namsadang-pae(the nomadic entertaining groups composed of only men), as clear pictures of it. In these things related to Nongak or Nongak relevant affairs, the shapes of the Buddhist monks' Pungmul in the late Joseon Dynasty remain clear. On the other hand, today the Namsadang-pae, which was formed as a result of Buddhist monks' Pungmul in the late Joseon Dynasty, was left only in the Chungcheong-do and Gyeonggi-do, because the temple construction in the Gyeonggi-do was made especially many in the late Joseon Dynasty. During the late Joseon Dynasty, the Buddhist monks' Pungmul, which had long-lived and had taken place throughout the nation, had a great impact on Pungmul. There are the Buddhist elements, such as Gokkal(the Buddhist monk's peaked hat), paper flowers, the color band, the small drum, and Bara(small cymbals) are often found in the Pungmul of Korea. In the late period of the Joseon Dynasty, it is obviously important place in the Pungmul history of Korea. Research and studies on this subject should be made more in the future.

• Journal of Nutrition and Health
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• v.52 no.4
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• pp.369-382
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• 2019

Purpose: We evaluate the influence of the types of coffee beverage on obesity and abdominal obesity in Korean adults who were aged 19 years or over by using the 2013 ~ 2016 Korea National Health and Nutrition Examination Survey (KNHANES). Methods: Specific questions were asked about frequency of coffee intake, the type of coffee beverage, the addition of milk and/or sugar to coffee by using the food frequency questionnaire of the 2013 ~ 2016 KNHANES. Results: We found that coffee intake increased the prevalence of obesity and abdominal obesity. After multivariable adjustment, coffee consumption increased the risk of obesity by 1.30 (95% CI: 1.08 ~ 1.57) in the group that drank coffee twice a day, and 1.33 (95% CI: 1.11 ~ 1.60) in the people who drank coffee ${\geq}3$ times a day as compared to that of the non-coffee intake group. The risk of abdominal obesity increased to 1.27 (95% CI: 1.02 ~ 1.57) in the < 1 time/day coffee drinking group, 1.34 (95% CI: 1.08 ~ 1.66) in the 1 time/day coffee drinking group, 1.35 (95% CI: 1.09 ~ 1.67) in the 2 times/day coffee drinking group, and 1.40 (95% CI: 1.14 ~ 1.72) in the ${\geq}3$ times/day coffee drinking group as compared to that of the non-coffee drinking group. The influence of black coffee intake was different according to gender: males showed a high prevalence of abdominal obesity and females showed a high prevalence of obesity. Mixed coffee consumption increased the risk of obesity and abdominal obesity by more than 34% in men who consumed coffee more than 3 times a day and in women who consumed coffee more than 2 times per day. Conclusions: We found that coffee intake, regardless of the type of coffee, increased the prevalence of obesity and abdominal obesity. It is necessary to refrain from drinking coffee to prevent obesity.

• 한국노년학
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• v.28 no.4
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• pp.1041-1054
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• 2008

This study aimed to identify the severity and types of prostate symptom, to identify the relationship of prostate symptom, sleep quality and quality of life of the elderly in korea, so to provide basic data for developing nursing interventions for the elderly's prostate symptom management. This study used a descriptive correlational research design. The subjects of this study were 100 elderly men over 65yr in an urban city. Data were collected through personal interviews using questionnaires from September 2006 to March 2007. The IPPS, PSQI and SF-36-K were administered. The collected data were analyzed by descriptive statistics and Pearson's correlation. The major findings of this study were as follows: 1) 44% of the participants have moderate to severe Prostate symptom(IPSS>7). 2) Prostate symptom has positive relationship with sleep quality(r=.272, p=.006) and negative relationship with health related quality of life(r=-.197, p=.049). The results of this study indicate that prostate symptom is related to sleep quality and quality of life. So it is necessary to give information to the elderly about the effective coping method of prostate symptom and about the life style which have positive effect to prostate symptom.