• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.14 no.12
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• pp.674-682
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• 2014

The personality in Marx's philosophy can be defined as an 'activity on the basis of social relations'. This concept suggests two significant implications to the difference of sexual identity between the sexes. First, according to Marx's philosophy the personality is partially influenced by the ideology. Freud's theory of Oedipus is founded on the patriarchal culture including the ideology. Freud's concept of personality ignores that aspect. That's why Freud's theory of Oedipus complex can be criticized. This is because of his ignorance of the affecting power of male chauvinism in patriarchal society. Second, more importantly and definitely, the difference of activity, especially labor, that is, male's social labor and female's private labor, has influenced the difference of the personality of both sexes.

• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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• v.126
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• pp.53-78
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• 2013

It is generally accepted that the political philosophy of Merleau-Ponty is called western Marxism or existential phenomenological humanism. I would like to examine and orientate his political theory in detail in terms of embodiment. In what follows, I criticize its own conception of subjectivity as a philosophical basis of traditional politics from perspective of Merleau-Ponty's bodily phenomenology. In turn, alternatively I discuss Merleau-Ponty's basic idea of subjectivity. By drawing on his unique clarification of it, I approach and appreciate politics through the flesh. With the result of it, the embodiment of violence which is the permanent problem of politics is explained and disclosed distinctively. In conclusion, I might suggest what could be implicit in Merleau-Ponty's politics of flesh for Korean contemporary political issue i. I hope you relearn how to see political life in this paper.

• SUVANNABHUMI
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• v.12 no.1
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• pp.157-175
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• 2020

This paper presents the work of Southeast Asian scholar Ramon Guillermo. Using sophisticated computer-aided methods, Guillermo approaches a range of topics in the wide fields of social sciences and the humanities. A creative writer as well as an activist, Guillermo grounds his studies in nationalism and Marxism. Particularly interested in Indonesian and Philippine society and culture, Guillermo engages with the writings of labor leaders Tan Malaka and Lope K. Santos, translations of Marx's Capital into Bahasa and Filipino, and studies as well the discursive and historical connections between the Communist Parties of both countries. The paper aims to introduce the innovations of Guillermo's studies, particularly in the fields of cultural studies and translation studies. The type of cultural studies Guillermo practices is empirical, taking inspiration from innovations done in the digital humanities. Guillermo is most opposed to trendy, fashion-seeking approaches that are not grounded on history. He reserves particular ire for "hip" postcolonialism, and instead praises studies that are founded on politics and materialism. In translation studies, Guillermo goes beyond the mere cataloguing of mistakes. For him, it is the mistakes and "perversities" of a translation that is interesting and illuminating. Guillermo himself is a translator, and the paper ends with a brief discussion of his production in this field.

• Analyses & Alternatives
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• v.4 no.1
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• pp.39-61
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• 2020

The Chinese Communist Party's 'with-Chinese-characteristics' discourse proclaims its superiority in reflecting people's genuine needs without poisonous partisan politics, as in Western democracies. The Party's Consultative Democracy is key to this superiority. To evaluate Consultative Democracy in Contemporary China from a perspective of popular sovereignty, which is the essential purpose of every kinds of democracy, this research looks into Consultative Democracy from two dimensions: theoretical dimension and institutional dimension. Theoretically, CCP's Consultative Democracy seeks its theoretical sources from their traditional thought as well as from Marxism, and especially emphasizes CCP's leadership to fulfill the consultation results. And through the analysis of various field investigations, we find that there are some prominent problems in grass-roots society's institutional mechanism for Consultative Democracy, such as insufficient connection between institutional innovation and existing legal system, inefficient consultation, insufficient representation of consultative subjects and weak motive force for sustainable development. By legitimizing certain groups or individuals as representatives in their consultative process, CCP can be de-legitimize by containing, dividing or denouncing others so that critics can be co-opted, neutralized or isolated. The CCP's consultative and representational processes are different from taking policy inputs as dialogue or negotiation as in democracies, it is a dynamic, largely one-way process of enforcement and direction with a clear political agenda: maintaining Party hegemony.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.17 no.8
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• pp.130-143
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• 2017

This study examines the theoretical framework of "B" local union, which conducts "class-oriented" labor movements in contemporary Japan. "Class-oriented" labor movements are active, while they have been residual on the margins of Japanese society and the country's labor movement situation. This research examines a theoretical framework for "class-oriented" labor movements and investigates Williams' "structure of feeling." First, the "structure of feeling" concept is examined. Second, the study compares several theories on the working class of Marxism and alternative subjects of "linguistic turn." Third, this study redefines the "structure of feeling" in terms of the case of "B" local union. The results show that "collective workers-individualize workers" and "workers-non-workers" of "B" local union establish their own labor movements on the material or immaterial space and consider their "structure of feeling" as the "negotiation and contradiction on the class-orientation." Consequently, this study offers a model of their "structure of feeling."

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.52
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• pp.31-52
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• 2018

The purpose of this thesis was to re-examine the utopian socialism of George Sand. In brief, her socialism is Christian socialism. She was heavily influenced by Leroux and Ramennais who insisted on Christian socialism at the time. This was socialism that differed from other utopian socialists of the time such as Saint Simon and Fourier. In addition, the socialism of Sand was similar to communism that was popular at the time. We can see in many writings portraying Sand as a Communist. Her novels were also written to spread her communicative ideas. However, the Communism of Sand is different from that of Marx. In this thesis, her novels, her letters, and her political pamphlets will be analyzed in comparison with Marxism in three ways. 1. If Marx's communism justified violence, her ideology is based on nonviolence. 2. Sand's Communism asserts equality for workers and capitalists. She says that if it is not the equality for all, we are not qualified to argue. 3. Finally, her Communism is based entirely on Christian values, love and solidarity.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.42
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• pp.23-45
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• 2021

In the 1980's, Lee Geun-sam wrote critiques that analyzed North Korea's performing arts and ideology. In the critiques, he posits the following characteristics of North Korea's performing arts. First, the works are designed in such a way to befit the purpose of the authorities' policy. Second, the works embrace political ideology whose purpose concerns class struggle. During the critique process, Lee Geun-sam compares the "freedom" of the performing arts activities in South Korea and the "regulatory" aspect of North Korea's performing arts activities and reveals implicitly the superiority of South Korea's system. In addition, Lee Geun-sam criticizes the political ideology of North Korea's performing arts and objects to viewing the concept of ideology from a Marxist viewpoint. According to Lee Geun-sam, an ideology is explained as an idea system representing an artist's conscious/unconscious worldview. Also, he contends that arts should distance itself from political ideology.

• Journal of English Language & Literature
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• v.55 no.5
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• pp.907-936
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• 2009

Quite arguably, W. E. B. Du Bois is the first figure in the history of black nationalism who engaged most persistently and systematically with the dominant ideology of racism and white supremacy. It is not too much to say that, by contending with the Eurocentric but taken-for-granted concept of the 'Negro' in the turn of the century, Du bois has laid the theoretical and ideological cornerstone of postcolonialism today. But his concept of race varied over time and was even contradictory in the same writings. The early Du Bois defined race as something historically made rather than biologically given and determined. Yet he didn't utterly deny the significance of physical traits and skin color in constructing racial identity. His notion of the 'Negro' was not unambiguous, either. While drawing on the 'soul' of 'black folk' to undermine the Eurocentric dichotomy of white/mind and black/body, Du Bois argued that there is some kind of 'spiritual' differences between whites and blacks, differences that are essentially inherent and hereditary in the 'Negro.' Such essentialist notion of race and the 'Negro' was on the wane in the later Du Bois, especially after his encounter with Marxism. He came to think of race merely as a discourse of racism that can be subverted and even appropriated for anti-racist practices. Following the Marxist assumption that 'the color line' is a class conflict on the international level, Du Bois contended that the 'Negro' is an outcome of slavery which is in turn a subsystem of Western capitalism. He also argued that, since the 'Negro' is not a biological essence but a sociocultural formation, the identity of the 'Negro' can and must be reconstructed according to historical change. For Du Bois, therefore, the resistance against colonialism and capitalism became a resistance against racism. This is why his Pan-African movement shifted its gear from the American program in the initial phase to a truly 'Afrocentric' and socialist one.

• Journal of English Language & Literature
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• v.55 no.5
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• pp.767-792
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• 2009

The two fields, economics of art and literature, tend to be put together as part of cultural economic studies; yet the former has been widely popular as compared to the latter. Economics of art has been known as part of social science which studies art economically. Similarly, economics of literature is likely to be an interdisciplinary study of literature and economics. Literature is suggested usually to reflect the economic base of a society as a form of its superstructure in view of classical Marxism; so, it is interesting to see social, economic activities, such as individual values and social institutions, income, price and opportunity cost, in a particular way of analyzing economic ideas in literature. Capital seems to have an innate property of self-expansion in literature; this property thus features actual economic life since in capitalism money is the universal value between persons and literary works. Specifically, the field of economics of literature starts with such ideas: economics of literature is part of cultural economics; and economics of literature deals with the economic value of literature. Putting interdisciplinary fields of literature and economics together, this study is to examine the economic value of literature in which Karl Marx talked about commodities with exchange value, use value, and fetishism. The exchange value is commercial worth, the actual exchange value of a publication; yet, the use value is innate worth, the aesthetic use value of literature. With commodity fetishism, profit seems not as the outcome of a social relation, but of a work- "reification" as the would-be Marxists suggest. As a commodity, the literary work appears to be able to animate life and power in reality. As a result, this paper asserts that social, economical activities in literature as we may apply to the study of economics of literature increase its economic value, implying commercial and innate worth, as the capital in the marketplace.

• Journal of Korea Entertainment Industry Association
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• v.15 no.3
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• pp.75-88
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• 2021

The film won the Golden Palm Award at the Cannes Film Festival, and received the Academy Award for a non-English-speaking film in February 2020, respectively. It has received a monumental evaluation in the world film history. Overall, this film is about class conflict, and critics evaluate the theme of the film as "badly twisted class gap" and "anger from class." The film expresses an intrinsic conflict embodied in culture as a "tragedy in which no bad person appears," rather than the dichotomous composition of the classical class struggle from Marxism. In other words, this can be seen as expressing the substrated class relationship of the modern society that Pierre Bourdieu had argued. This film has been focused as a controversial target under Korea society with excess of ideology. Politics used to adopt the keyword, 'parasite', for political disputes not only in culture contents world. Paradoxically socialism China did not allow to release film 'Parasite.' On the other hand, Lee O-Yong argues that the movie "Parasite" does not look at social phenomena through a dichotomous perspective, but is viewed through a "double perspective" and evaluates that it does not lose eyes looking at humans through tension. This view is based upon 'Vital Capitalism'. Lee. O-Yong looks at the movie "Parasite" from the perspective of "Vital Capitalism". The theory of Vital Capitalism does not seek to find the root of historical development in class struggle conflicts, but rather figuring out history and society pays attention onto the intrinsic characteristics of life, Topophilia, Neophilia, and Biophilia. Lee Eo-ryeong argues that the development of civilization theory evolved from the stage of Hobbes' Darwinism or predatism to the stage of host vs. parasite of Michel Serres, and onto the stage of Margulis's 'Win-Win (inter-dependence)'. In this paper, after overview of vital capital concept and preceeding research, re-interpretations were tried onto scenes based upon fields from habitus, culture capital. This exploration looks for a alternative for excess of ideology in Korea society.