• Title/Summary/Keyword: Lineage2

Search Result 309, Processing Time 0.026 seconds

Reconstruction of the Origin of the Gudle (구들의 기원지(起源地) 재고(再考))

  • Oh, Seunghwan
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
    • /
    • v.54 no.1
    • /
    • pp.100-119
    • /
    • 2021
  • This paper has been written to verify the existing theory that districts occurred independently in various parts of the world, including the Korean Peninsula. Song Giho (2006) claims that the origin of the Gudle, is an example of polygenism that occurred in various areas in the world, including the Korean peninsula. This argument has been corroborated by a large number of researchers. However, it is difficult to understand the lineage of Gudle and its process of development, if a theory of polygenism is continued to be taken into account. The place which is targetet by this theory is the North-West area of the Korean peninsula, south of Primorsky Krai, and in the northern area of Zabaikal-Mongolia. This means that these areas developed independently because they were far from each other and had no direct cultural relationship. However, the structure of Gudle, shape, and assemblages of earthenware it cannot be explained by polygenism, as they are the same in every place. Furthermore, it is also questionable as to the timing and region of emergence of the culture in East Asia over a limited time frame of 3-2 BC. Gudle are formed by furnaces with roofs and walls, Gorae, which saves heat, and it has smoke ventilation that draws smoke out. Therefore, the Gudle is not a structure that anyone can make without advanced technical understanding. So far, the only facility with furnaces and smoke ventilation that appear before the Gudle is Buttumak. Thus, the Gudle is likely to have been invented in the place where Buttumak were used. The area as known for the origin of Gudle was observed to verify the existence of the Buttumak's structure, but none of these facilities were found. The Gudle suddenly appeared within a new culture that had never existed before. That means that none of the three places had the conditions under which the Gudle could be invented, so it must have been introduced from outside. In conclusion, the three places that I mentioned above are not the origin of Gudle. So, the origin of Gudle has to be found elsewhere.

Intratypic Variants of HPV-16 E6jE7 Oncogene Isolated from Sexually High-Risk Women in Busan. (부산지역 유흥업소 종사여성으로부터 분리된 HPV16형의 발암유전자(E6/E7) 돌연변이 유형 분석)

  • Min, Sang-Kee;Kim, Sung-Soon;Choi, Byeong-Sun;Jang, Dai-Ho;Lee, Mee-Ok;Choi, Seung-Hwa;Kim, Nam-Ho;Park, Yon-Koung;Jeong, Yeong-A;Kim, Seong-Joon;Bin, Jae-Hun;Park, Ho-Kuk
    • Journal of Life Science
    • /
    • v.19 no.6
    • /
    • pp.765-769
    • /
    • 2009
  • Recent studies have reported that the distribution of HPV-16 sequence variation differs geographically, and more specifically that HPV-16 E6/E7 intratypic variants might carry a high risk for development of ICC (invasive cervical cancer) and CIN (cervical intraepithelial neoplasia) in a given population. To investigate the genetic diversities of HPV-16 E6/E7 oncogene by region, we collected nineteen HPV-16 isolates from sexually high-risk women in Busan, and analyzed the HPV-16 E6/E7 coding regions (nt 34 to 880) with HPV-16 E6/E7 specific PCR amplification. At the nucleotide levet eleven variants of the E6 genes and nine variants of the E7 genes were identified as follows: E6 T178G (n=l1), E6 T178A (n=l), E6 T350G (n=3), E6 A442C (n=2), E6 AI04T, E6 All1G, E6 C116T, E6 G145T, E6 T183G, E6 C335T, E6 G522C and E7 A647G (n=12), E7 A645C, E7 A777C, E7 G663A, E7 T732C, E7 T760C, E7 A775T, E7 T789C and E7 T795G, respectively. At the amino acid levet the isolated HPV-16 E6 and E7 genes showed eleven E6 variants: E6 D25E (n=12), E6 L83V (n=4), E6 E113D (n=2), E6 MIL, E6 Q3R, E6 P5S, E6 Q14H, E6 D25N, E6 127R, E6 H78Y, E6 C140S and three E7 variants: N29S (n=12), L28F, T72S. HPV16 E6 L83V, the dominant variant in the Caucasian population, showed relatively low frequencies in our study population. We elucidated that the dominant HPV-16 E6/E7 variants were HPV-16 E6 D25E (63.2%) and HPV-16 E7 N29S (63.2%), which were phylogenetically included in Asian lineage. Further study is needed to evaluate the risk of cervical cancer related HPV-16 E6/E7 intratypic variants in the Korean population.

The Establishment of Seongjusa Temple and the Production of Iron Buddhas (성주사 창건과 철불 조성 연구)

  • Kang Kunwoo
    • MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
    • /
    • v.104
    • /
    • pp.10-39
    • /
    • 2023
  • Seongjusa Temple was founded in Boryeong in Chungcheongnam-do Province by Monk Muyeom (800-888), better known as Nanghye Hwasang. After returning from studying in China, Muyeom stayed in the Silla capital city of Gyeongju for a period. He later settled in a temple that was managed by the descendants of Kim In-mun (629-694). He then restored a burned-out temple and opened it in 847 as a Seon (Zen) temple named Seongjusa. It prospered and grew to become a large-scale temple with several halls within its domains. The influence of Seongjusa in the region can be seen in the Historical Record of Seongjusa Temple on Sungamsan Mountain, which relates that there were seventy-three rooms within the domains of the temple. What is most notable in the record is that the temple is referred to as "栴檀林九間," which means either "a structure with nine rooms built with Chinese juniper wood" or "a place that houses Chinese juniper wood and has nine rooms." Regardless of the interpretation, Seongjusa Temple had a large amount of juniper wood. Around this time, the term "juniper" referred to the olibanum tree (Boswellia sacra) native to the islands of Java and Sumatra in Southeast Asia. It is presumed that at some point after the death of Jang Bogo, the maritime forces that controlled the southwestern coast of Korea may have acquired a large amount of Southeast Asian olibanum wood and offered it to Seongjusa Temple. During the reign of King Munseong, Kim Yang (808-857) patronized Seongjusa Temple and its head monk Muyeom, who enjoyed a lofty reputation in the region. He sought to strengthen his own position as a member of the royal lineage of King Muyeol and create a bridge between the royal family and Seongjusan Buddhist sect. The court of King Wonseong designated Seongjusa Temple as a regional base for the support of royal authority in an area where anti-royal sentiment remained strong. Monk Muyeom is believed to have created an iron Buddha to protect the temple, enlighten the people, and promote regional stability. Given that the Seongjusa community had expanded to include more than 2,000 followers, the iron Buddha at Seongjusa Temple would have been perceived as an image that rallied the local residents. It is assumed that there were two iron Buddhas at Seongjusa Temple. The surviving parts of these Buddhas and the size of their pedestals suggest that they were respectively enshrined in the Geumdang Main Hall and the Samcheonbuljeon Hall of Three Thousand Buddhas. It is presumed that the first iron Buddha in Geumdang was a large statue over two meters in height and the second one was medium-sized with the height over one meter. The Historical Record of Seongjusa Temple on Sungamsan Mountain contains the phrase "改創選法堂五層重閣" which indicates that a multistoried Geumdang was newly built to enshrine a large Buddha sculpture like the first iron Buddha when Seongjusa Temple was founded. Also, according to the Stele of Seongjusa Temple and the surviving finger fragments, the first Buddha was making the fear-not and wish-granting (abhayavarada) mudras. The main Buddha of Seongjusa Temple is possibly Nosana Buddha, just like the main Buddhas at the contemporaneous temples Silsangsa, Borimsa, and Samhwasa. Given that Monk Muyeom studied Hwaeom teachings in his early years and received royal patronage upon his return, it is believed that the retro tendencies of the Hwaeom school, centered on the royal family of the Silla Dynasty, were reflected in Seongjusa temple.

EVALUATION OF OSTEOGENIC ACTIVITY AND MINERALIZATION OF CULTURED HUMAN PERIOSTEAL-DERIVED CELLS (배양된 인간 골막기원세포의 조골활성 및 골기질 형성의 평가)

  • Park, Bong-Wook;Byun, June-Ho;Lee, Sung-Gyoon;Hah, Young-Sool;Kim, Deok-Ryong;Cho, Yeong-Cheol;Sung, Iel-Yong;Kim, Jong-Ryoul
    • Maxillofacial Plastic and Reconstructive Surgery
    • /
    • v.28 no.6
    • /
    • pp.511-519
    • /
    • 2006
  • Autogenous bone grafts have been considered the gold standard for maxillofacial bony defects. However, this procedure could entail a complicated surgical procedure as well as potential donor site morbidity. Possibly the best solution for bone-defect regeneration is a tissue engineering approach, i.e. the use of a combination of a suitable scaffold with osteogenic cells. A major source of osteogenic cells is the bone marrow. Bone marrow-derived mesenchymal stem cells are multipotent and have the ability to differentiate into osteoblastic, chondrocytic, and adipocytic lineage cells. However, the isolation of cells from bone marrow has someproblems when used in clinical setting. Bone marrow aspiration is sometimes potentially more invasive and painful procedure and carries of a risk of morbidity and infection. A minimally invasive, easily accessible alternative would be cells derived from periosteum. The periosteum also contains multipotent cells that have the potential to differentiate into osteoblasts and chondrocytes. In the present study, we evaluated the osteogenic activity and mineralization of cultured human periosteal-derived cells. Periosteal explants were harvested from mandibule during surgical extraction of lower impacted third molar. The periosteal cells were cultured in the osteogenic inductive medium consisting of DMEM supplemented with 10% fetal calf serum, 50g/ml L-ascorbic acid 2-phosphate, 10 nmol dexamethasone and 10 mM -glycerophosphate for 42 days. Periosteal-derived cells showed positive alkaline phosphatase (ALP) staining during 42 days of culture period. The formation of ALP stain showed its maximal manifestation at day 14 of culture period, then decreased in intensity during the culture period. ALP mRNA expression increased up to day 14 with a decrease thereafter. Osteocalcin mRNA expression appeared at day 7 in culture, after that its expression continuously increased in a time-dependent manner up to the entire duration of culture. Von Kossa-positive mineralization nodules were first present at day 14 in culture followed by an increased number of positive nodules during the entire duration of the culture period. In conclusion, our study showed that cultured human periosteal-derived cells differentiated into active osteoblastic cells that were involved in synthesis of bone matrix and the subsequent mineralization of the matrix. As the periosteal-derived cells, easily harvested from intraoral procedure such as surgical extraction of impacted third molar, has the excellent potential of osteogenic capacity, tissue-engineered bone using periosteal-derived cells could be the best choice in reconstruction of maxillofacial bony defects.

The Structure of the Theory of Three Natures from the Hermeneutic Perspective of "the Three Turns of the Dharma Cakra" ('3전법륜설'의 해석학적 지평으로 본 삼성설의 구조)

  • Kim, Jae-gweon
    • Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
    • /
    • v.117
    • /
    • pp.35-55
    • /
    • 2011
  • This article purports to clarify the doctrinal characteristics of the $Yog{\bar{a}}c{\bar{a}}ra$ school's hermeneutic interpretations of the "theory of the three turns of the Dharma Cakra" in the Saṃdbinirmocana-sūtra through early Indian $Yog{\bar{a}}c{\bar{a}}ra$ treatises such as the $Yog{\bar{a}}c{\bar{a}}rabb{\bar{u}}mi-vy{\bar{a}}kby{\bar{a}}$ and the. $Vy{\bar{a}}khy{\bar{a}}yukti$. It will probe how these interpretations apply co the theory of two truths or that of three natures($trisvabh{\bar{a}}va$) among the main doctrines of the $Yog{\bar{a}}c{\bar{a}}ra$ school. Especially, the peculiar characteristic of the "theory of the three turns of the Dharma Cakra" is such chat the thought of ${\acute{s}}{\bar{u}}nyat{\bar{a}}$ in the lineage of $Praj{\bar{n}}{\bar{a}}p{\bar{a}}ramita-s{\bar{u}}tras$ is regarded as incomplete, as the early school of Madhyamaka represented by $N{\bar{a}}g{\bar{a}}rjuna$ is conceived of as belonging to the second period of turn. Speaking of the further details of the "theory of the three turns of the Dharma Cakra", the $Yog{\bar{a}}c{\bar{a}}ra$ school subdivides the realm of saṃvṛti satya in $N{\bar{a}}g{\bar{a}}rjuna^{\prime}s$ theory of two truths; that is, it divides the saṃvṛti into merely linguistic existence and actual existence, and the thus-created structure of the theory of three natures on the basis of ocher-dependent nature(paratantra-$svabh{\bar{a}}va$) makes it possible to establish the doctrinal system of the thought of ${\acute{s}}{\bar{u}}nyat{\bar{a}}$ that is not subject to "nihilism or ${\acute{s}}{\bar{u}}nyat{\bar{a}}$ attached to evil." In effect, the above hermeneutic interpretation of the "theory of the three turns of the Dharma Cakra" is inherited into the structure of the $abh{\bar{u}}taparikalpa$ in the $Madhy{\bar{a}}nta-vibh{\bar{a}}ga$ so that, as seen in the commentary of Sthiramati, it is ascertained to apply to later doctrines through its secure establishment. To summarize its characteristics succinctly, firstly the $abh{\bar{u}}taparikalpa$ newly established as a saṃvṛti-satya is set up as the other-dependent nature, which is seen to have been set up particularly in order to sublate both the $Sarv{\bar{a}}stiv{\bar{a}}da^{\prime}s$ realist "view of being" and the Madhyamaka's "view of ${\acute{s}}{\bar{u}}nyat{\bar{a}}$" that impairs the ocher-dependent nature as a samvṛti-satya. In other words, according to the five kinds of views suggested in Sthiramati's commentary, the three natures are seen to be presented as the fundamental truth in order to unify all the doctrinal systems available ever since the beginning of Buddhism. Then, the theory of three natures is established principally on the basis of the $abh{\bar{u}}taparikalpa$, while the two truths of the $Yog{\bar{a}}c{\bar{a}}ra$ school are clearly ascertained to have been embedded in the structure of the $abh{\bar{u}}taparikalpa$. In fact, this might be understood to reflect the unique ontological view of reality or truth in the $Yog{\bar{a}}c{\bar{a}}ra$ School.

A Study on the Vascular Flora and its Management Plan at The Forest Genetic Resource Reserve of Mt. Munsu (Gimpo) (문수산(김포) 산림유전자원보호구역 관속식물상 변화 및 관리방안)

  • Yun, Ho Geun;Lee, Ah young;An, Jong Bin;Hwang, Tae Young;Lee, Jong Won
    • Korean Journal of Plant Resources
    • /
    • v.34 no.4
    • /
    • pp.311-338
    • /
    • 2021
  • This study was investigated to find out the distribution of vascular flora and remarkable plants and its factors and management plan in the forest genetic resource reserve of Mt. Munsu, located in the DMZ and DMZ border area in Gimpo, Gyeonggi-do province. The survey was carried out 17 times from April 2019 to October 2020. First of all, in the forest genetic resource reserve of the Mt. Munsu, a total of 444 taxa in 95 families, 276 genera, 395 species, 13 subspecies, 33 varieties and 3 forms. This result was found to be about 9.09% of the total 4,881 taxa of vascular plants in Korea. In addition, endemic plants were classified as 6 taxa. Floristic special and rare plants were identified as 39 taxa and 3 taxa, respectively. Lastly, the invasive alien plants that appeared in Mt. Munsu of the forest genetic resource reserve were observed in 58 taxa. Moreover, the naturalization rate was 13.1% and the urbanization index was calculated to be 18.0%. As a result of comparing the vascular flora at the forest genetic resource reserve on Mt. Munsu identified in this study with previous studies, it was found the number of taxa was decreased compared to the previous studies, despite the fact that the recent survey section was wider and more varies routes were investigated. In particular, it was confirmed that the number of rare and endemic plants decreased significantly, and the number of invasive plants greatly spread to forest roads and hiking trails. Therefore, it is considered that the forest rest year system should be introduced for the conservation and management of native plants in the forest genetic resource reserve.

A study on names of weapons in martial arts book, Unhae in Joseon Dynasty (조선시대 무예서 언해에 나타난 무기명 고찰)

  • Kwak, Nak-hyun;Lee, Hyun-Ju
    • (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
    • /
    • no.57
    • /
    • pp.263-299
    • /
    • 2014
  • This study aims to look into weapons names mentioned in "Unhae", a book of traditional martial arts annotated into Korean. Comprehensive conclusions drawn from this are as follow. First, the annotated martial arts book is compiled to the order of Muyejaebo of year 1598, Muyejaebobunyuksokjib(A annotated attachment to Mooyejebo) of year 1610, Moojesinbo of year 1759, and Muyedobotongji of year 1790. Second, in the martial arts book are a total of 24 weapons with 4 types of spears, swords, bare hands & poles, and horseback weapons. Weapon names of ?Unhae? taken into detailed analysis, spears are 5 types of Jangchang (long spears), Jukjangchang (long spears made of bamboo), Keechang (flagged spears), Dgangpa (skewered spears), and Nangseon (forked spears). Swords are 10 types of Ssangsoodo (two-handed swords), Yedo (pointed swords), Waegum (Japanese swords), Waegumkyojun (Japanese battle swords), Jedokgum (Admiral's swords), Bongukgum (native swords), Ssanggum (coupled swords), Woldo (moon swords), Hyupdo (narrow swords), Deungpae (swords made of rattan). Bare hands & poles are 3 types of Gwonbeop (fists), 7070 Gonbang (clubs), and Pyeon-gon (flailed clubs). Horseback weapons are 6 types of flagged spears, MasangSsanggum (coupled horseback spears), MasangWoldo (horseback moon swords), MasangPyeon-gon (horseback flailed clubs), Kyukgoo (striking poles), and Masangjae (horse postures). Third, spears of the martial arts book, "Unhae" had the function as long weapons and were used for military drills of the infantry. Swords had the function as short weapons, and were used for military drills of the infantry. Bare hands & poles had the function as short weapons and were used for military drills of the infantry. Horseback weapons composed of short and long weapons were used for military drills of the cavalry. In addition to these, Kyukgoo (striking poles), and Masangjae (horse postures) were martial arts to which entertaining elements were added. Fourth, the difference in its compiling is that Mooyejebo and A annotated attachment to Mooyejebo place both Chinese characters and Korean annotation in the context together with introduction of weapons while Moojedobo Tongji explains weapons in Chinese and compiles a separate copy of Korean annotation that explains mainly postures in each lineage of martial arts for soldiers to acquire practical skills.

Overcoming taxonomic challenges in DNA barcoding for improvement of identification and preservation of clariid catfish species

  • Piangjai Chalermwong;Thitipong Panthum;Pish Wattanadilokcahtkun;Nattakan Ariyaraphong;Thanyapat Thong;Phanitada Srikampa;Worapong Singchat;Syed Farhan Ahmad;Kantika Noito;Ryan Rasoarahona;Artem Lisachov;Hina Ali;Ekaphan Kraichak;Narongrit Muangmai;Satid Chatchaiphan6;Kednapat Sriphairoj;Sittichai Hatachote;Aingorn Chaiyes;Chatchawan Jantasuriyarat;Visarut Chailertlit;Warong Suksavate;Jumaporn Sonongbua;Witsanu Srimai;Sunchai Payungporn;Kyudong Han;Agostinho Antunes;Prapansak Srisapoome;Akihiko Koga;Prateep Duengkae;Yoichi Matsuda;Uthairat Na-Nakorn;Kornsorn Srikulnath
    • Genomics & Informatics
    • /
    • v.21 no.3
    • /
    • pp.39.1-39.15
    • /
    • 2023
  • DNA barcoding without assessing reliability and validity causes taxonomic errors of species identification, which is responsible for disruptions of their conservation and aquaculture industry. Although DNA barcoding facilitates molecular identification and phylogenetic analysis of species, its availability in clariid catfish lineage remains uncertain. In this study, DNA barcoding was developed and validated for clariid catfish. 2,970 barcode sequences from mitochondrial cytochrome c oxidase I (COI) and cytochrome b (Cytb) genes and D-loop sequences were analyzed for 37 clariid catfish species. The highest intraspecific nearest neighbor distances were 85.47%, 98.03%, and 89.10% for COI, Cytb, and D-loop sequences, respectively. This suggests that the Cytb gene is the most appropriate for identifying clariid catfish and can serve as a standard region for DNA barcoding. A positive barcoding gap between interspecific and intraspecific sequence divergence was observed in the Cytb dataset but not in the COI and D-loop datasets. Intraspecific variation was typically less than 4.4%, whereas interspecific variation was generally more than 66.9%. However, a species complex was detected in walking catfish and significant intraspecific sequence divergence was observed in North African catfish. These findings suggest the need to focus on developing a DNA barcoding system for classifying clariid catfish properly and to validate its efficacy for a wider range of clariid catfish. With an enriched database of multiple sequences from a target species and its genus, species identification can be more accurate and biodiversity assessment of the species can be facilitated.

Studies on the Directivity of Gokjungkyeong(Kyung Overlapped with Gok) which was specified in Byeokgye-ri, Yangpyeong-gun and the Hwaseo Lee, Hang-ro's Management in Byeokwon Garden (양평 벽계리에 설정된 곡중경(曲中景)의 지향성과 화서(華西) 이항로(李恒老)의 벽원(蘗園) 경영)

  • Jung, Woo-Jin;Rho, Jae-Hyun
    • Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
    • /
    • v.34 no.3
    • /
    • pp.78-97
    • /
    • 2016
  • The objectives of this study are to examine the context of the establishment of Suhoe Gugok, Byeokgye Gugok Vally, and Nosan Palkyung, which have been established in Seojong-myeon of Yangpyeong-gun, by literature review and site investigations, and to determine the sceneries of Byeokgye scenic site as enjoyed and managed during the period of Hwaseo Lee, Hang-ro(華西 李恒老). The results of the study are as follows. First, Byeokgye Gugok Vally(黃蘗九曲) and Nosan Palkyung(蘆山八景), which have been established after the period of Hwaseo and theorized to have been established around key scenic areas associated with Hwaseo's activities, the analysis results showed that they were collecting sceneries of modern times. The extensive overlap between Byeokgye Gugok Vally and concentrated scenic elements of Suhoe Gugok(水回九曲), and the artificial configuration from the end point of Suhoe Gugok to the beginning point of Nosan Palkyung, reveal the pattern of space conflict and hegemony between Byeokgyes of Suip-ri and Nomun-ri. This is likely to be caused by the conflict between the historicity of the group that enjoyed Byeokgye prior to Hwaso's period and the strong territoriality of the space filled with the image of Hwaseo. Second, Byeokgye Gugok Vally was the secondary spatial system created by selecting the most scenic sites in Suip-ri while expanding the area of Nosan Palkyung. After establishment of Byeokgye Gugok Vally, the spatial identity of the entire Byeokgyecheon area was effectively established. This was a "Hwaseo-oriented" move, including the complete exclusion of the scenic sites from the pre-Hwaseo period such as Cheongseo Gujang and Suhoe Gugok's Letters Carved on the Rock. Consequently, the entire Byeokgyecheon area was reorganized into a cultural scenic site with Heoseo's influence. Third, Fifth, creations of Gugok(九曲) to determine the lineage of the Hwaseo School from Juja(朱子) to Yulgok(栗谷) to Uam(尤庵) to Hwaseo is likely to be an opportunity of birth and external motivation of the establishment of new Gugok Palkyung. In other words, Nosan Palkyung and Byeokgye Gugok Vally are likely to have been created as a reaction to the change of the center of the Hwaseo School to Okgyedong, and with strategic orientation based on the motivation and needs such as creation of the connecting space between Mui Gugok, Gosan Gugok, and Okgye Gugok, and the elevation of Hwaseo's status. Fourth, from the Hwaseo's Li-centric point of view, all revered sites in Beokwon(蘗園) that he managed existed as the spatial creative work to experience the existence of "li" through the objects in the landscape and the boundary of the spirit of emptiness of the aesthetic self. This clearly shows how Byeokgye Gugok Vally or Nosan Palkyung must be defined, and furthermore, appreciated and approached, prior to discussing it as the space associated with Hwaseo. Fifth, Nosan Palkyung was composed of cultural scenic landscapes of Gokjungkyung(曲中景) with eight scenic sites where Hwaseo gave his teachings and spend time around, in the Byeokgye of Nomun-ri area of Byeokgye Gugok Vally. The sceneries is, however, collected by depending on Hwaseo's Letters Carved on the Rock and poetry. Consequently, an inner exuberance of Nosan Palkyung is satisfied beside Byeokgye Gugok Vally, but its conceptual adequacy leaves room for questions.