• 대한한의학원전학회지
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• 제27권4호
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• pp.29-38
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• 2014

Objectives : In ministerial-fire theory(相火論) of Zhu Dan-Xi(朱丹溪), the meanings of monarch-fire(君火) and ministerial-fire(相火) described in papers published nowadays are not the same. Therefore, it is necessary to rebuild a clear concept. Methods : To understand the relationships among 'heaven(天)'-'human(人)' and 'name(名)'-'position(位)', the core concept of the ministerial-fire theory(相火論) of Zhu Dan-Xi(朱丹溪), I examined the relationships between 'heaven(天)' and 'human(人)' in Neo-Confucianism(性理學) of Song(宋) Dynasty and reviewed the notes of Wang Bing(王冰) which were quoted by Zhu Dan-Xi(朱丹溪) to set the concept of monarch-fire(君火) and ministerial-fire(相火). I studied relevant texts. Results : In ministerial-fire theory(相火論) of Zhu Dan-Xi(朱丹溪), monarch-fire(君火) is perceived as being from greed(人欲) that can cause hyperactivity(妄動) of ministerial-fire(相火), whereas ministerial-fire(相火) is perceived as being able to control monarch-fire(君火) by following the orders from heaven. This point of view is different from the past which recognized monarch-fire (君火) as the owner and ministerial-fire(相火) as the servant. Conclusions : Zhu Dan-Xi(朱丹溪) received the ideological impact of Neo-Confucianism, and accepted the notes of Wang Bing, recognized monarch-fire(君火) as 'name(名)' and ministerial-fire(相火) as 'position(位)', so he voiced the ministerial-fire theory(相火論) that perceived monarch-fire(君火) as fire(火) of the five processes(五行) of human body that came from greed, ministerial-fire(相火) as being in a position to hear the order from the 'heaven(天)' to control monarch-fire(君火). But the concept of ministerial-fire(相火) which he set connoted a confusing meaning of 'nature(性)' and 'way(道)' of Neo-Confucianism. In the later process to solve the problem, life-gate theory(命門學說) was raised, and many researchers had tried to remove the meaning of hyperactivity from the ministerial-fire(相火).

• 한국한의학연구원논문집
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• 제10권2호
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• pp.37-49
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• 2004

In the existing Medical Literatures in Korea and China, there is neither the same book name nor same contents of the Medical Book named ${\ulcorner}$Yoryak(要略)${\lrcorner}$, but in viewing of the different name as written as ${\ulcorner}$GyoinYoryak(敎人要略)${\lrcorner}$, it is considered that written as an unpublished manuscript-book for the purpose of Medical Education in the latter period of Chosun Dynasty. While the author, Songgyesanin(松溪散人) is even anonymous as yet, it is regarded that he was much familiar with medical science as a secluded ascetic aiming for Taoism-like Life In ${\ulcorner}$Yoryak${\lrcorner}$, the contents of Taoism Literature named as ${\ulcorner}$OjangYukbudo(五臟六腑圖)${\lrcorner}$ which was regarded that had been actually initiated since ${\ulcorner}$Euibangyoochui(醫方類聚)${\lrcorner}$ is being quoted thereat, also it attempts to combine with ${\ulcorner}$DonguiBogam(東醫寶鑑)${\lrcorner}$, the typical Medical Literature of Chosun Dynasty. With reference to Cause of Disease, since Chin Moo-Taek(陳無擇) asserted 'Theory of Three-Causes(三因說)' in his Book ${\ulcorner}$Samin Keukilbyungjeung Bangron(三因極一病證方論)${\lrcorner}$, it effects many influences to the coming generation, However, on coming up to ${\ulcorner}$Yoryak${\lrcorner}$, the medical science book of Chosun Dynasty, the 'Theory of Two-Causes(二因說)' which consisted of 'Internal Causes by Seven Emotions' and 'Exterior Causes by Six Harmful Surroundings' is also being asserted. In accordance with this Theory, it refers to the 'Seven Emotions(七情)' as the fundamental factor to possibly weaken the viscera and entrails, and also regards that the Exterior Harmful Surroundings invade to body when the viscera and entrails are under weakened condition. Therefore, since Cause of Disease naming as 'Cause Theory at Neither Interior Nor Exterior' is not tolerable in such Diagnostic System, it is daringly advocating the 'Two Causes Theory', getting free from the viewpoint of 'Three Causes Theory' that Chin Moo-Taek has ever maintained.

• 한국콘텐츠학회논문지
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• 제20권12호
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• pp.582-592
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• 2020

본 연구의 목적은 한강의 소설 「채식주의자」에 등장하는 인물의 심리 역동과 체계 속에서의 관계 패턴을 위니컷의 대상관계이론을 적용하여 분석하고자 한다. '채식주의자'는 이미 다양한 각도로 분석되고 재해석된 바 있으나 대상관계이론을 적용하여 살펴본다면 가족 체계 안에서의 인물 심리 분석과 부부 관계 역동, 세대간에 걸친 필연적 역사를 이해할 수 있다. 먼저 채식주의자 인물의 대사 속에서 표현되는 각 인물의 성격과 심리역동을 탐색하고 대상관계이론과 개념으로 부부관계를 분석할 것이다. 실제 임상 사례가 아닌 소설 속 인물을 이론에 근거하여 심리 분석 및 탐색하는 과정은 추후 임상 장면에서 상담자가 내담자들의 삶의 스토리를 재해석하는데 근거 자료로 사용될 수 있을 것이다. 더불어 실제 사례만이 아니라 예술을 활용하여 인물 및 관계 분석을 함으로써 윤리적이고 실천적인 임상 교육을 실현할 수 있을 것이다. 문화적으로 다양한 인물 분석을 통한 의미 탐색이 누적될 때 임상 실천의 장 또한 함께 확장된다고 제언하고자 한다.

• 대한한의학원전학회지
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• 제9권
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• pp.432-552
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• 1996

The influence of the four noted physicians of Geum-Won era(金元代) on the completion of the medicine in the Chosun dynasty(朝鮮朝) can be summarized as follows. 1. The four noted physicians of Geum-Won era were Yoo-Wan-So(劉完素), Jang-Jong-Jung(張從正), Lee-Go(李杲), Ju-Jin-Heung(朱震亨). 2. Yoo-Wan-So(劉完索) made his theory on the basic of Nae-Kyung("內經") and Sane-Han-Lon("傷寒論"), his idea of medicine was characterized in his books, for exemple, application of O-Oon-Yuk-Ki(五運六氣), Ju-Wha theory(主火論) and hang-hae-seng-je theory(亢害承制論). from his theory and method of study, many deviations of oriental medicine occurred. He made an effort for study of Nae-Kyung, which had been depressed for many years, on the contrary of the way old study that Nae-Kyung had been only explained or revised, he applied the theory of Nae-Kyung to clinical care. The theory of Yuk-Gi-Byung-Gi(六氣病機) and On-Yeul-Byung(溫熱病) had much influenced on his students and posterities, not to mention Jang-Ja-Wha and Ju-Jin-Heung, who were among the four noted physicians therefore he became the father of Yuk-Gi(六氣) and On-Yeul(溫熱) schools. 3. Jang-Jong-Jung(張從正) emulated Yoo-Wan-So as a model, and followed his Yuk-Gi-Chi-Byung(六氣致病) theory, but he insisted on the use of the chiaphoretic, the emetic and the paregoric to get rid of the causes, specially he insisted on the use of the paregoric, so they called him Gong-Ha-Pa(攻下派). He insisted on the theory that if we would strenthen ourselves we should use food, id get rid of cause, should use the paregoric, emetic and diaphoretic. Jang-Jong-Jung'S Gang-Sim-Wha(降心火) theory, which he improved Yoo-Wan-So's Han-Ryang(寒凉) theory influenced to originate Ju-Jin-Heung'S Ja-Eum-Gang-Wha(滋陰降火) theory. 4. Lee-Go(李杲) insisted on the theory that Bi-Wi(脾胃) played a loading role in the physiological function and pathological change, and that the internal disease was originated by the need of Gi(氣) came from the disorder of digestive organs, and that the causes of internal disease were the irregular meal, the overwork, and mental shock. Lee-Go made an effort for study about the struggle of Jung-Sa(正邪) and in the theory of the prescription he asserted the method of Seung-Yang-Bo-Gi(升陽補氣), but he also used the method of Go-Han-Gang-Wha(苦寒降火). 5. The authors of Eui-Hak-Jung-Jun("醫學正傳"), Eui-Hak-Ib-Moon("醫學入門"), and Man-Byung-Whoi-Choon("萬病回春") analyzed the medical theory of the four noted physicians and added their own experiences. They helped organizing existing complicated theories of the four noted physicians imported in our country, and affected the formation of medical science in the Choson dynasty largely. Eui-Hak-Jung-Jun("醫學正傳") was written by Woo-Dan(虞槫), in this book, he quoted the theories of Yoo-Wan-So, Jang-Jong-Jung, Lee-Go, Ju-Jin-Heung, especially, Ju-Jin-Heung was respected by him, it affected the writing of Eui-Lim-Choal-Yo("醫林撮要"). Eui-Hak-ib-Moon("醫學入門"), written by Lee-Chun(李杲), followed the medical science of Lee-Go and ju-jin-heung from the four noted physicians of Geum-Won era. Its characteristics of Taoism, idea of caring of health, and organization affected Dong-Eui-Bo-Kham("東醫寶鑑"). Gong-Jung-Hyun(龔延賢) wrote Man-Byung-Whoi-Choon("萬病回春") using the best part of the theories of Yoo-Wan-So, Jang-Jong-Jung, Lee-Go, Ju-Jin-Heung, this book affected Dong-Eui-Soo-Se-Bo-Won("東醫壽世保元") partly. 6. our medical science was developed from the experience of the treatment of disease obtained from human life, these medical knowledge was arranged and organized in Hyang-Yak-Jib-Sung-Bang("鄕藥集成方"), medical books imported from China was organized in Eui-Bang-Yoo-Chwi("醫方類聚"), which formed the base of medical development in the Chosun dynasty. 7. Eui-Lim-Choal-Yo("醫林撮要") was written by Jung-Kyung-Sun(鄭敬先) and revised by Yang-Yui-Soo(楊禮壽). It was written on the base of Woo-Dan's Eui-Jung-Jun, which compiled the medical science of the four noted physicians of Geum-Won era. It contained confusing theories of the four noted physicians of Geum-Won era and organized medical books of Myung era, therefore it completed the basic form of Byun-Geung-Non-Chi (辨證論治) influenced the writing of Dong-Eui-Bo-Kham("東醫寶鑑"). 8. Dong-Eui-Bo-Kham("東醫寶鑑") was written on the base of basic theory of Eum-Yang-O-Haeng(陰陽五行) and the theory of respondence of heaven and man(天人相應說) in Nae-Kyung. It contained several theories and knowledge, such as the theory of Essence(精), vitalforce(氣), and spirit(神) of Taoism, medical science of geum-won era, our original medical knowledge and experience. It had established the basic organization of our medical science and completed the Byun-Geung-Non-Chi (辨證論治). Dong-Eui-Bo-Kham developed medical science from simple medical treatment to protective medical science by caring of health. And it also discussed human cultivation and Huh-Joon's(許浚) own view of human life through the book. Dong-Eui-Bo-Kham adopted most part of Lee-Go(李杲) and Ju-Jin-Heung's(朱震亨) theory and new theory of "The kidney is the basis of apriority. The spleen is the basis of posterior", so it emphasized the role of spleen and kidney(脾腎) for Jang-Boo-Byung-Gi(臟腑病機). It contained Ju-Jin-Heung's theory of the cause and treatment of disease by colour or fatness of man(black or white, fat or thin). It also contained Ju-Jin-Heung's theory of "phlegm break out fever, fever break out palsy"(痰生熱 熱生風) and the theory of Sang-Wha(相火論). Dong-Eui-Bo-Kham contained Lee-Go's theory of Wha-Yu-Won-Bool-Yang-Lib (火與元氣不兩立論) quoted the theory of Bi-Wi(脾胃論) and the theory of Nae-Oi-Sang-Byun(內外傷辨). For the use of medicine, it followed the theory by Lee-Go. lt used Yoo-Wan-So'S theory of Oh-Gi-Kwa-Keug-Gae-Wi-Yul-Byung(五志過極皆爲熱病) for the treatment of hurt-spirit(傷神) because fever was considered as the cause of disease. It also used Jang-Jons-Jung's theory of Saeng-Keug-Je-Seung(生克制勝) for the treatment of mental disease. 9. Lee-je-ma's Dong-Eui-Soo-Se-Bo-Won("東醫壽世保元") adopted medical theories of Song-Won-Myung era and analyzed these theories using the physical constitutional theory of Sa-Sang-In(四象人). It added Dong-Mu's main idea to complete the theory and clinics of Sa-Sang-Eui-Hak(四象醫學). Lee-Je-Ma didn't quote the four noted physicians of Geum-Won era to discuss that the physical constitutional theory of disease and medicine from Tae-Eum-In(太陰人), So-Yang-In(少陽人), So-Eum-In(少陰人), and Tae-Yang-In(太陽人) was invented from their theories.

• 한국수학사학회지
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• 제21권2호
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• pp.135-152
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• 2008

본 연구는 학생들의 수학을 공부하는 이유와 수학 교과목에 대한 평소 생각, 수학을 일상생활에 활용하는 응용 태도, 수학 교과서에 대한 학생들의 반응 등을 조사 분석하여 수학 공부를 해야 하는 이유를 바르게 인식시켜 수학 공부에 대한 동기를 높이고자 한다. 우리가 생활하고 있는 주변에서 수학적인 이론의 기본 지식들이 어떠한 방법으로 사용되고 있는지 실례를 들어서 분석하고 활용한다. 수학공부를 해야 하는 이유를 크게 세 가지로 나누어 첫째는 수학적인 지식을 통하여 삶의 지혜를 얻기 위한 학문으로서의 수학, 둘째는 실용능력배양을 위한 도구과목으로서의 수학, 셋째는 문화인으로서 갖춰야할 교양과 오락으로서 즐길 줄 아는 수학에 대한 쓰임새를 알게 하여 친생활적인 과목이 되도록 한다. 이런 과정의 결과로부터 효과적인 수학 교육 방안을 마련하여 보고자 한다.

• 한국사회복지학
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• 제64권2호
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• pp.85-109
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• 2012

본 연구는 50대 레즈비언의 생애사연구로서, 연구참여자가 '지식의 주체'라는 페미니스트 인식론적 입장으로부터 '레즈비언 정체성'과 '레즈비언의 삶'에 관한 지식을 생산하고자 하였다. 구술자는 동성애 섹슈얼리티가 본질적이고 태생적인 것이 아니라 "만들어진 것"이라는 생애사적 관점을 견지했으며, 구술자가 들려준 생애이야기는 동성애에 할당된 사회적 의미를 체현하고 '순응하는 몸'인 동시에 억압과 차별을 인식하고 타개하고자 실천하는 '저항하는 몸'에 관한 것이었다. 이 생애이야기에는 섹스-젠더-섹슈얼리티의 자연화된 고리를 끊어낼 만큼 고통스러웠던 화상과 '불완전한 몸'이라는 자의식으로부터 상처받은 삶의 굴곡뿐만 아니라, 이를 넘어 타자에게 진정으로 공감하고 위로하는 "복받은 몸"으로 의미를 재구성하는 놀라운 탄력성까지 오롯이 담겨져 있었다. 이렇게 연구참여자를 비정상과 병리 등의 의미가 부착된 이분법적 구분의 '성적 소수자'가 아니라, 사회적 불평등과 억압에서도 자신의 삶을 탄력적으로 살아가며 일상의 실천으로 변화를 만들어내는 주체적인 행위자로서 이해하는 것은 사회복지 이론과 실천에서 전혀 다른 전망을 요구한다. "젠더와 섹슈얼리티를 어떻게 배치해할 것인가?"에 대한 전환적인 모색은 새로운 시대에 당면한 사회복지학이 제시해야 하는 중대한 전망이며, 이는 '성적 소수자'에게만 할당된 이슈가 아니라, 사회의 권력관계와 위계구조를 조직하고 억압과 불평등을 영속화하는 섹슈얼리티와 이에 연동하는 젠더에 관한 '우리 모두'의 아젠다인 것이다.

• 한국의사학회지
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• 제17권1호
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• pp.105-118
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• 2004

The four precious results are beard below after thorough study of Jeoneul(錢乙)'s descended piece and main citation reference from Song(宋) era. 1. Jeoneul(錢乙)'s historical period seems that he finished his life in the age of 82, from Cheonseong(天聖) 10years(Year 1032) to Jeonghwa(政和) 3years(Year 1113) in North Song(北宋) era. However, it also seems that his life terminated Seonhwa(宣和)元年in 1119. The title of "Soayakjeungjikgyeol(小兒藥證直訣)" was reflected in "Sagojeonseo(四庫全書)" as "Soayakjeungjikgyeol(小兒藥證直訣)", however according to various of previous descended references and citations indicate that "Soayakjeungjikgyeol(小兒藥證直訣)" is more appropriate than "Soayakjeungjikgyeol(小兒藥證直訣)". Furthermore, the name, Yeomhyochung(閻孝忠), who edited the reference "Soayakjeungjikgyeol(小兒藥證直訣)" was appeared as Yeomgyechung(閻孝忠) in many different old references. Thus, even though, Sagogoan(四庫館) and Juhakhae(周學海) looked as Yeomgyechung(閻孝忠), but it seems Yeomhyochung(閻孝忠) in "Songsa(宋史)" Yemunji(藝文志) is more authentic than others. 2. When first edition of "Soayakjeungjikgyeol(小兒藥證直訣)" was published, Yeomhyochung(閻孝忠)'s the first book of "Yeomssisoabangnon(閻氏小兒方論)" and the first chapter of Yugi's "Jeonjungyangjeon(錢仲陽傳)" were attached in one book. Not long after of the first edition, Donggeup(董汲)'s first book of "Soabanjinbigeupbangnon(小兒斑疹備急方論)" and Jeoneul(錢乙)'s additional attachment was added in prescription reference. Among these references which were published in Song era, the original copy which Jinsegeol(陳世傑) published in Chung era in Ganghi(康熙) 58years (Year 1719) was remained and the first edition that Yangsugyeong(楊守敬) collected in Japan was published in "(lbonbangseoji(日本訪書志)" called Seonhwabon(宣和本). 3. Ungjonglip(熊宗立)'s "LyujeungjuseokJeonssisoabanggyeol(類證注釋錢氏小兒方訣)", Seolgi(薛己)'s "Gyojeongjeonssisoayakjeungjikgyeol(校正錢氏小兒藥證直訣)" Muyeongjeon-Chuijinbon(武英殿聚珍本) were followed Yangsugyeong(楊守敬)'s called Seonhwabon(宣和本) theory, in addition Yubang(劉昉)'s "Yuyusinseo(幼幼新書)" and "Soayakjeungjikgyeol(小兒藥證直訣)" quoted from Chosun "Euibangyuchui(醫方類聚)" also followed Yangsugyeong(楊守敬)'s called Seonhwabon(宣和本) theory. On the other hand, Jinsegeol(陳世傑)'s Gisudangbon(起秀堂本) and reprinted Juhakhaebon(周學海本) belong to parts of Songbokganbon(宋復刊本). 4. In major references and citation materials descended from "Soayakjeungjikgyeol(小兒藥證直訣)", Yubang(劉昉)'s "Yuyusinseo(幼幼新書)" and "Soauisaengchongaminonbang(小兒衛生總微論方)" were cited in Song era and some related parts in "Yeongnakdaejeon(永樂大典)", "Soayakjeungjikgyeol(小兒藥證直訣)" related sections, Ungjonglip(熊宗立)'s reedited and annotated part of "Lyujeungjuseokjeonssisoabanggyeol(類證注釋錢氏小兒方訣)", Seolgi(薛己)'s proof reading and annotated "Gyojujeonssisoayakjeungjingyeol(校注錢氏小兒藥證直訣)", "Euibangyuchui(醫方類聚)"'s quotation. In Chung(淸)era, Jinsegeol(陳世傑)'s re-published reference, Gisudangbon(起秀堂本), which was simply printed in Song and proof read and republished Juhakhaebon(周學海本), Muyeongjeonchuijinbon(武英殿聚珍本) compiled from "Yeongnakdaejeon(永樂大典)", Yangsugyeong(楊守敬)'s "Jeonssisoayakjeungjikgyeol(錢氏小兒藥證直訣)" mentioned in "Ilbonbangseoji(日本訪書志)", Jangsui's annotation, "Soayakjeungjikgyeoljeonjeong(小兒藥證直訣箋正)" and Simgeumo(沈金鰲)'s "Yuguaseokmi(幼科釋謎)" which was applied Jeoneul(錢乙)'s theory and prescription.

• 한국철학논집
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• 제50호
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• pp.113-138
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• 2016

본 연구는 퇴계 이황(退溪 李滉, 1501~1570)의 만년 학설인 이도설(理到說)에 대한 우담 정시한(愚潭 丁時翰, 1625~1707)의 견해를 살펴봄으로써 퇴계 이도설에 대한 후대 학자들의 수용과 계승 및 발전의 양상을 이해하는 토대를 마련하는 데 그 목적이 있다. 퇴계 이후 이도설은 '물리도심(物理到心)'으로 이해되었고, 갈암 이현일(葛庵 李玄逸, 1627~1704)은 이를 무위의 본체인 '리(理)'에 '저기서부터 여기로 이른다'는 방향성과 운동성을 부여하였다고 비판하였다. 반면 우담은 '물리도심'을 긍정하였고, 이를 '리'의 온전한 체(體)를 부여받아 만물의 용(用)을 아울러 갖춘 '심(心)'이 만물을 통섭하는 것으로 이해하였다. 그는 기존에 구축한 '리의 용(用)'에 대한 정치한 해석에 기반하여 '이도(理到)'를 '물아위일(物我爲一)'로 확장하였다. 이때의 '물아위일'은 단순한 융회관통의 차원이 아닌 '물리'가 질서정연해져 '심' 속에 누가 되지 않는 경지가 된다. 우담의 견해는 '이도(理到)'의 서술어에 해당하는 '도(到)' 자체에 대한 문제점을 극복하고자 이를 '진(盡)'으로 대체하여 이도설이 가지고 있는 구조적 한계를 극복하려 한 갈암과는 그 양상이 사뭇 다르다. 우담은 보다 본체론적인 측면에서 해석을 시도한 것이다. 우담의 견해는 퇴계가 구축한 '리' 중심의 성리학 체계를 이해하는 데 있어 하나의 유용한 틀이 될 수 있다. 이는 우담의 리체용론이 퇴계학파의 사상 형성과 그 양상을 확인하는 데 중요한 이론으로 작용할 수 있다는 점을 시사한다.

• 대한상한금궤의학회지
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• 제6권1호
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• pp.1-25
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• 2014

Objective : The purpose of this study is exploring value of Shanghanlun six diagnostic system as Narrative Medicine by analyzing cases. Methods : In the article, we examined the theory of narrative medicine and current studies. And then key elements of narrative medicine was defined. On the basis of these, two medical cases were analyzed by reordering in accordance with time sequences and causality for confirming narrative factors. Results : The narrative approach to analyzing cases shows us that different diseases could be the result of same pathological patterns based on Shanghanlun. This tells us following four aspects. [1] Shanghanlun is the causes-oriented records and the text includes narrative factors. [2] Shanghanlun six diagnostic system is a process of constructing plot of medical case history through the clinical interpretation of contextual meaning of patient's life. [3] In the process of diagnosis, Schemata and script are engaged in assuming and confirming six patterns diseases. [4] The subjective factors of an individual can be applied universally through the provision of Shanghanlun. Conclusions : Narrative factors of Shanghanlun six diagnostic system suggest the possibility and value of Shanghan Medicine as Narrative Medicine in terms of Medical Humanities, essence of medical diagnosis and therapeutic action.

• 건축역사연구
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• 제19권2호
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• pp.67-83
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• 2010

The purpose of this research is to rethink Alvar Aalto's architecture on the basis of the aesthetic concept of play. This attempt is valid because he had asserted the importance of play in his design. But more fundamentally, his critical view of the instrumentalised rationalism implied the idea that a human being is "Man the Player" as well as "Man the Thinker", of which theory was elaborated in Johan Huizinga's Homo Ludens (1938). Premised on it, this paper investigated the evolution of the play idea in aesthetics and located Aalto's concept within the map. Summing up, his play was an intuitively grasped desire opposed to a rational requirement, which leads to a dialectical synthesis. This schema is similar to that of Schiller, in which Spiel reconciles the reason and the sense. However, Aalto's play could be differentiated into the "astonishingly rational" and "a jest", each of which roughly corresponds to the Spieltrieb (play impulse) and the sinnliche Trieb (sensuous impulse) in Schiller's thinking. On the other hand, Aalto's architecture illustrates play that could be interpreted as the overflow of surplus energy. This play is the very concept that can bridge the gap in the form-function formula of modern architecture. Aalto's play idea seemed to basically originate from his personality but its value must be confirmed by the Finnish litterateur Yrjo Hirn as Aalto mentioned in his statements (1953 & 1972). It appears that Aalto's play concept was materialised in architecture through his typical design language, such as the undulating wall, the aperspective space, the imitation of nature and the collage of heterogenous elements. However, we should be careful not to reductively analyse the application of play in practise. As Huizinga's comprehensive theory suggests, the play element exists in any cultural areas including any architectural activities. In conclusion, this paper argues that Alvar Aalto the Homo Ludens presented the possibility of critical rationalism in modern architecture by imbuing dry modernism with "the life enhancing charm" of "the art of play".