• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.13 no.9
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• pp.143-154
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• 2013

This study reviewed reorganization of bureaucrats in the beginning of Lee Myung bak's government from the perspective of the relationship between politicians and bureaucrats. In other words, it analyzed the reorganization of central office group of Korean government in 2008 as the relationship between calling to account by politicians and avoiding calling to account by bureaucrats. Conclusively, first, separation or abolition of a certain organization was resulted from calling to account by president (the ruling party). Second, merging organizations was done because president wanted strong control on that agency or he wanted to realize presidential election pledge (policy) through the agency. Third, if an organization was not changed even though it was selected as the target of abolition, it meant that the organization succeeded in defense. As seen from the above cases, it was found that politicians and bureaucrats played a kind of game for reorganization of government organizations. First of all, if politicians succeeded in calling to account, the bureaucratic organization was separated or abolished. If bureaucrats succeeded in self defense, the organization became expanded. Finally, if both parties were even, corresponding organizations would not have changes.

• Convergence Security Journal
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• v.19 no.4
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• pp.55-66
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• 2019

For the past 66 years, the Korea-U.S. alliance has been a typical asymmetric alliance in which the U.S. supports South Korea's security during the Cold War and South Korea gives some of its policy autonomy to the U.S. But Lee Myung-bak government military alliance the 'comprehensive strategic alliance' of the character, 'value of alliance', Park Geun-hye ' a global, 'Frontier of cooperation', the government.'reciprocal, comprehensive alliance' Moon Jae-in, the government and partnerships developed with ' euroui the development of national security strategy said. The purpose of this study is to explore ways to build a reciprocal and comprehensive Korea-U.S. alliance for the development of the Korea-U.S. alliance policy in order to ensure South Korea's policy autonomy following changes in the Trump administration's alliance policy. The results of the research show the need for Korea to participate in the U.S.-led 'India-Pacific Strategy' continue diplomatic efforts for the mutual economic benefits of the two countries and strengthen public diplomacy in order to build the Korea-U.S. alliance in a reciprocal and comprehensive manner.

• Current Industrial and Technological Trends in Aerospace
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• v.6 no.2
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• pp.3-10
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• 2008

Lee, Myung-bak Administration comprises the plan to foster the Universities as a world's research and development point, and to strengthen the Institute-Academia Collaboration for the knowledge based economy in the new plan of science and technology. In addition, by participating Universities into the medium-and long-term research business of government-supported institute, it is expected to strengthen the basic initiative research, revitalize the joint study conducted by the universities and government-supported institute, and to reshuffle the statutes to promote personnel exchanges between the universities and government-supported institute. Universities role as a principle of innovation in the field of Aerospace is getting its weight so that the necessity of the institute-academia collaboration is increasing. Types of the Institute-Academia Collaboration can be categorized into the Joint-Study, internships for the students in Masters and Ph. D. programs, Professor-Researcher Exchange, Joint Research Lab, and Joint Postgraduate Course, and those are the cases from the U.S., Brazil, Germany, France, Japan, and Korea. High mutual reliance on the research subject, mutual trust on the research capability, and abundant and flexible capabilities in sources are required to make a success in Institute-Academia Collaboration.

• Korean Journal of Construction Engineering and Management
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• v.11 no.1
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• pp.79-87
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• 2010

The purpose of this study is to find decisive factors affecting Share-styled Apartment house Lee Myung-bak announced for the homeless masses in February 2008. This policy tried to add up defects from Half-priced Apartment house enforced in 2007. Seoul is ranked as the highest PIR(Price Income Rate) city in the world, as far as the difficulties in getting own house is concerned. Korean government has announced a lot of policies to control the price of real-estate, especially housing bubble phenomenon, since the convalescence from IMF financial crisis. By making questionnaires to get an important factor and taking counsel with related specialists, this thesis found what kind of roles the objects including government, institutions and people should play or focus on.

• Informatization Policy
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• v.17 no.4
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• pp.23-43
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• 2010

Informatization in Korea has undergone significant changes. So far, most studies on informatization policies have been carried out just on the basis of their structural or functional backgrounds. However, actually, informatization policies have changed dynamically as a lot number of people and organizations have participated in their formulation and implementation. So, this study approaches them with an actor-network view that is distinct from but contains a chronological perspective, which other studies have overlooked so far. This approach allows us to have a clear picture of the changes in and to look into the characteristic of informatization policies from the Chun Doo Hwan government to the Lee Myung-bak government. Consequently, on the basis of the actor-network view, it is found that information and communication technologies, knowledge, and professionalism have dominated the characteristics and streams of informatization policies and brought about changes.

• KDI Journal of Economic Policy
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• v.35 no.2
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• pp.1-39
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• 2013

Considering the relationship between state-owned enterprise (SOE) CEOs and political circles, this study examines the performance impacts of CEO's succession type, board chair separation, and industry expertise and finance expertise of CEOs and outside directors. I propose the definition of political independence in SOE CEOs based on the independence in appearance that might affect general people's perception. It means that there are no relationships or circumstances that might affect SOE CEO's judgment, activity, and report. The definition is able to overcome the limitations of the prior research that could not discover the CEOs who were affiliated to political circles because the research just distinguished the CEOs following their pre-jobs. This study focused on the performance impacts of political independence impaired CEO as well as the CEO's impacts on the relationship between the performance and other corporate governance variables. I selected as dependent variables the average return on asset as operating income divided by total assets and the average customer satisfaction rate evaluated by Korean government during the first three years following the year of the events of explanatory variables. My theory and evidence from the various CEO's personal background and financial information from SOEs in Lee Myung-bak Administration and Rho Moo-hyun Administration suggest the following important things. First, the analysis based on whether or not a SOE CEO keeps political independence shows that a political independence impaired CEO made a significantly negative impact on customer satisfaction rate. Second, the separation between a board chair and a CEO in SOEs introduced by Korean Act on Management of Public Institutions made a significantly positive impact on customer satisfaction rate. However, the positive impact of the board chair separation was removed in a political independence impaired CEO's SOE. Third, outside director's industry expertise made a significantly positive impact on return on asset. However, the positive impact of the outside director's industry expertise was removed in a political independence impaired CEO's SOE. Fourth, the comparison between Lee Myung-bak Administration and Roh Moo-hyun Administration on the corporate governance and performance of SOEs shows that the ratio of political independence impaired CEO was significantly higher in Lee Administration and the ratio of outside director's industry expertise and finance expertise were respectively significantly higher in Roh Administration. Based on these results, I suggested a few policy alternatives for CEO's improved political independence and requirements for executive's expertise in SOEs.

• Korean Security Journal
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• no.35
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• pp.87-124
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• 2013

This paper studies changes in people's social security awareness during Lee Myung-Bak government, and based on the result, suggests future Park Geun-Hye government's social-security-related administration management plan. In specific, the changes in people's social security awareness in the period of 2008 ~ 2012 have been analyzed, and the result has been utilized to draw suggestions on the future social-security-related administration management plan The result is as the following: First, comprehensive social-security-related policy must be continuously pushed. In terms of the fact that social security is closely related to people's daily lives and life itself, every major component of social security cannot be overlooked. Therefore, comprehensive administration management and policies on each of those components are necessary. Second, social security policies must be reinforced enough for people to actually witness. In case of crime rate, 57.1% of people are pointing it as one of the main causes of social unrest; therefore, this national anxiety must be met with focusing awareness on the subject nation-widely and with thorough national defense preparedness. Third, mutual cooperation between social-security-related branches, and systematic management within the each branches are required. In order to systematically manage every aspect of social security, not only the big agencies - such as Ministry of Security and Public Administration, Ministry of National Defense, Prosecution Service, or National Police Agency -, but most of other parts of administration must cooperate as well. Fourth, consistency in social security policies is necessary. As Park Geun-Hye government's administrative slogans are, "secure and integrated society," "establishing a foundation for happy unification era," which are similar to that of previous administration, the administration should be consistent on its social-security-related politics, rather than differentiating themselves from the previous administration.

• Cartoon and Animation Studies
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• s.30
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• pp.87-112
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• 2013

The effort to make the peaceful mood between South and North Korea that had started from so-called 'Sunshine Policy' of the People's Government since 1998, lasted until Rho Mu-hyun government. On the other hand, Lee Myung-bak government changed the policy toward North Korea to more practical and principle-oriented one than the previous two governments. By the shift of the policies, the industry of animation of South and North Korea has been influenced so much. The purpose of his study is to point out the crisis of the status of the animation industry of the Korean Peninsula through the change of the policies, and to propose one method of the new paradigm to the next government in order to build a turning point of South and North Korea animation exchange. First, the paradigms toward North Korea through the past governments are compared. Second, the result and situation of animation industry of South and North Korea are analyzed. Finally, by examining deducted problems, the forward policy toward North Korea and, by extension, the improvement direction and practical tasks of South and North Korea animation exchange policy are considered.

• Strategy21
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• s.34
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• pp.128-148
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• 2014

In south Korea, the so-called 'conservative-liberal' rivalry over the assessment of the government's North Korean policies is seen to be impeding the road to right policy choices. For example, the liberals accused former President Lee Myung-bak's hardline policy of provoking Pyongyang and leading to a deterioration of inter-Korean relations, while the conservatives appreciated it for helping nurture mutually beneficial inter-Korean relations in the longer term by compelling North Korea to observe international norms. However, such debate over the vices and virtues of Seoul's North Korea policies is hardly meaningful as the measuring sticks used by the liberals and the conservatives are entirely different matters. The two major goals South Korea must pursue with its North Korean policies should be 'peaceful management of division' and 'change in North Korea'. The former is related to maintaining stability within South Korea and promoting co-prosperity with North Korea. For this, the nation needs to engage, encompass and assist the Pyongyang regime. The second goal is also necessary since South Korea, as a divided nation, must seek a unified Korea under the system of democracy and market economies by bringing change in North Korea. For this, South Korea needs powerful leverages with which it can persuade and coerce the North. This means that the nation is destined to simultaneously chase the above-mentioned two goals, while also both recognizing and negating the legitimacy of the North Korean regime. This situation necessitates Seoul to apply flexibility in reconciling with Pyongyang while applying firm principles to sever the vicious circle involving the North's military provocations. The May 25 Measures, which banned trade and economic cooperation with the North except those related to humanitarian assistance, were taken as sanctions against Pyongyang for sinking the South Korean corvette Chonan in March 2010. The Measures were taken by the Seoul government immediately after a multinational investigation team discovered evidence confirming that the South Korean naval ship had been torpedoed by a midget North Korean submarine. Naturally, the May 24 Measures have since then become a major stumbling block in inter-Korean exchange, prompting opposition politicians and concerned entrepreneurs to demand Seoul to unilaterally lift the Measures. Given the significant damages the Measures have inflicted on inter-Korean economic relations, removing them remains as homework for both Koreas. However, the Measures pertains to the 'principles on national security' the Seoul government must adhere to under all circumstances. This is why North Korea's apology and promises not to repeat similar provocations must come first. For now, South Korea has no alternative but to let North Korea solve the problems it has created. South Korea's role is to help the North do so.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare Studies
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• v.47 no.1
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• pp.291-315
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• 2016

This paper analyzed experientially political conducts of the political players on privitization of healthcare service and public healthcare sercive aftrer the democratization in order to determine the influence of democracy on the development of a welfare state. For this purpose, the contents of the major daily newspaper reports from 1993 to 2012 were analyzed. As a result of such analysis, it was found that the political parties did not drive the policy even after the democratization reflecting the demands of the people, political parties had a strong conservative stance and did not show a consistent ideological inclination in their policies. Second, even though the role of the civic movement in the public healthcare service issue became larger after the democratization, policy decisions were driven by the government in an authoritative manner. In addition, the degree of contribution by the civic movements to the development of public healthcare service did not offset the influence of the president and the finance ministry on the development of privatization. Third, both the development of public healthcare service and privatization progressed simultaneously under the Kim Dae Jung, Rho Mu Hyun and Lee Myung Bak administrations after the democratization and it is thus difficult to argue that the qualitative nature as a welfare state was changed after the democratization. However, the degree of development as a welfare state differed depending on the ideological inclination of the presidents, the capacity of the welfare ministry and the ministry that drove the privatization.