• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.43
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• pp.7-50
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• 2016

In the capitalized Joseon Dynasty under the Japanese colonial rule, most Gisaengs (female entertainers) were waiting for men who would save them from financial distress, but others chose to seize the opportunity imposed by the modern times and capitalization to transform their lives. Socialist Jung Chil-sung was one of those who utilized such opportunity to transform themselves through political awakening. The political awakening of Chung Chil-sung was the result of two factors-the historical occasion of the March $1^{st}$ movement and her personal labor experience as Gisaeng. The March $1^{st}$ movement was not only a colossal political incident externally manifested in nationalism and but also an occasion which educed the microscopic anger of a woman named Chung Chil-sung. In the early capitalist society, women with jobs were forced to play not only vocational tasks but also to subject themselves to emotional roles of being obedient and generous. In other words, those early career women suffered feelings such as anger, shame and humiliation, when they were defenselessly exposed to gender hierarchy and gender power in the public sphere. As shown in the case of Chung Chil-sung, these emotions led to a certain political awakening. The political awakening through the labor experience and emotional problems was the fact that helped Chung Chil-sung have a concrete and realistic understanding about the issue of women's economic dependence unlike other female socialists. But, although socialism was relatively the most appropriate language to explain Chung Chil-sung's experience, what she experienced contained several elements that cannot be explained by the elite socialist language. Therefore, her life paradoxically proved the need of lower-class women's lives to be divided and registered as a new emotion and to be politically visualized.

• Proceedings of the IEEK Conference
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• 2002.07a
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• pp.117-120
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• 2002

A single DSP implementation of 3D sound movement is described. With the use of a realtime 3D acoustic image localization algorithm, an efficient approach is devised for synthesizing the 3D sound movement by interpolating only two parameters of "delay" and "gain". Based on this algorithm, the realtime 3D sound synthesis is performed by a commercially available 16-bit fixed-point DSP with computational labor of 65 MIPS and memory space of 9.6k words, which demonstrates that the algorithm call be used even for the mobile applications.

• Land and Housing Review
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• v.13 no.1
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• pp.39-54
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• 2022

Using the 1st to 13th rounds of occupational history data of the Korea Employment Information Service's Youth Panel (YP2007), this study explores the trends and characteristics of the youth labor market in Seoul. We further empirically investigated the job duration and wage determinants of youth employed in Seoul. The results confirm that workers who have a higher income and a higher consistency with their majors are less likely to leave. In addition, we find that workers in full-time, householders, or labor unions have a higher income if they are men and work in large companies. In particular, compared to the reference group (appropriate academic background, appropriate skill), mismatches in the lack of education and skill showed a wage increase effect of 4.9% and 5.5%, respectively. For the major consistency, the wage of the matched major group is 3.8% higher than the non-matched major group.

• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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• no.41
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• pp.175-212
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• 2014

In 2001 a large amount of labor record have been donated from Jeontaeil Labor Archive-Institute to SungKongHoe University(SKHU). Institute of Labor History in SKHU was established in the wake of the installation of the labor archive. Development of oral archive raised the awareness of the various relationships between the use and production of labor record. Interviewees of oral testimony expressed dissatisfaction and the role of the researchers was not sufficiently exhibited. Examining the main cases of Korea union movement history, we can find contradictions between the use and production of labor record clearly. Interval of interpretation and memory was too big between the parties of 'democratic' union movement in the 1970s. While among the parties who took part in Guro Alliance Strike of 1985, there is a group that remains in the "winner" in history on the one hand, but "loser" on the other without any reasonable criterion. Active intervention of the record users(researchers) is very limited. Among citizens or workers how will be resolved such "struggle of memory" in due process can not be seen. This is one of the reasons why labor archive is not rooted in the region. In this paper, I present a methodological alternatives for the production and use of records through the construction of participatory labor archive. Further, the reconstituted contents of the "documenting locality" strategy by complementing the theoretical part of the method of participation. The study of local and locality requires a "scale" dimension that will make up the identity recognition space, a memory and identity, a social relationship rather than the dimension of the physical space. Alternative "documenting locality" strategy will be able to contribute to solve the problems that occur between the production and use of the recording in labor archive.

• Korean Journal of Labor Studies
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• v.23 no.1
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• pp.1-45
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• 2017

The aim of this study is to analyze the process of the struggle and bargaining for the change of the employment position of the irregular (in-house subcontracted) workers being at work in the Hyundai Motor Company (HMC) plants into the status of the regular employee of the company, and evaluate the results and limitation of the irregular workers' movement. Since the unionization of irregular workers in 2003, they have carried on the struggle against and the bargaining with the HMC, over the past 10 years and more, making claims for abolishing 'illegal temporary agency work' and for converting their positions into the regular ones. The HMC have gradually altered a confrontational stance against the workers' claim at the early stage, into the bargaining relationship with irregular workers' union. Eventually, the collective agreement on the 'special hiring' of about six thousands irregular workers by the HMC was reached in 2016. We attempt to analyze in depth the overall process by dividing three phases of the movement, according to the criteria of the relationship between the alliance and conflict system, and the cycle of protests of irregular workers. Furthermore, we try to trace the long and winding path of the movement, focusing on the cooperation/conflict relationship within the movement's alliance system, the confrontation/bargaining relationship between the movement and the conflict system, and the critical roles played by mediators (or third parties) between two systems. In the conclusion of the paper, we evaluate the results and limitation of the irregular workers' movement upon the basis of the following points; the convergence of the workers' demands into the prime goal of 'becoming HMC's regular employee,' the breakaway of regular workers' union from the movement's alliance system, and a virtual extinction of irregular workers' union after the final labor-management agreement of 2016.

• Issues in Feminism
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• v.11 no.2
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• pp.49-83
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• 2011

This article explores the characteristics of care and care labor which is core keyword of the welfare state and the way of institutionalization of care labor, focusing specially on differences among women. Caring is defined by the expression of morality and labor accompanied by concrete action. But, care labor in the welfare state is defined by "activities involved in caring for the ill, elderly, handicapped and dependent", and I think, that definition is more useful than the narrow one for policy institutionalization. But the latter definition intentionally separates the domestic work from care work. Care labor is considered to be different from the market labor in terms of motivations, but there are some limits in standardization and commercialization of the traits of emotional and moral engagement. Thus, requiring of emotional motivation as one of the job descriptions is not realistic. Welfare state is institutionalizing women's unpaid care work in family through de-familization, and its policy tools are cash benefits and services for care-related, which influence to the female wage worker and fulltime housewife, care receiver and care giver, and polarization of women's class in a very different way. Cash benefits enhances the division of gender labor, polarizes the care laborer and weakens of expansion the care as decent job. The movement of feminist welfare state have a vision of universal service expansion and need the policy list for de-gendering of care labor.

• Journal of Environmental Policy
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• v.9 no.2
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• pp.57-81
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• 2010

Recently, labor unions' active participation in social issues is drawing people's attention as their concerns are expanding from the conventional wage raise and employment to others such as the environment and poverty eradication. This derives from the notion that a trade union with bargaining power is also an economic agent responsible and able to take a positive role in social issues. This paper explains through a micro economic analysis model that labor union movements can also contribute to social issues such as the global environment. Based on the international oligopoly trade theory, the study analyzes the principal-agent model whereby firms and labor unions pursue their strategic choices based on their interest and influence the implementation of regulatory policies on pollution emission. The analysis confirmed that labor unions' bargaining power and international cooperation are influential in alleviating global pollution emission and in improving social welfare. This conclusion could be presented as a basis for arguing for and requesting the participation and cooperation of labor unions to solve environmental problems discussed at WILL 2006.

• Korea Journal of Hospital Management
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• v.20 no.4
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• pp.62-71
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• 2015

The purpose of this study is to investigate the intra CSR for the sustainable hospital management. The company was proactive stance on CSR carried out in the environmental field as a preemptive countermeasures movement of citizens and government regulations. CSR, while performing for employees, is recognized as a problem within the enterprise, it was reluctant to respond to the performance and results published. This study aims to determine whether the effect is substantially reflect If you want to include in the process of demonstrating the impact of CSR within the organization to make decisions in labor union composed of employees of internal stakeholders as a parameter. In particular, research in the field of performing a public function such situations, hospitals are lacking. Internal CSR performance of the general hospital (professional) in this study was found to have mad that the generally positive effect on improving labor productivity within the organization. In particular, its performance was more positive than in the virtuous cycle that meets the expectations and internal performance improvements improve equity executives expect employees to be borne if your blood and your liver collaborative decision-making behavior. Therefore, the internal CSR awareness by investing in sustainable management of the partnership is expected to achieve improved financial performance and labor productivity by performing more active at the same time.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.57
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• pp.69-83
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• 2012

This paper attempts to explore the development of the media labor movement and its tasks. Due to the unique characteristics of information delivered by media, the media labor movement under the authoritarian regime was oppressed and regulated by the government. As democratization has proceeded, the state's oppression and regulation of media has been weakened. However, media workers should wage the struggle for union recognition and independence of editorship simultaneously. Because media unions as labor market organizations also seek for job security and wage increase, we need to understand both political dimension and economic dimension of union activities in media industry. While state's control over media has been diminished in the late 1900s, competition in media industry has been intensified. As small number of media corporations monopolizes the media market, the ecology of media has been completely transformed. Unions in media industry should respond to the change of the media ecology and should build solidarity among media workers at the same time. The achievement of the public nature of media as a part of democratization and building union federation of media industry as a response to the marketization of media still remain as an epochal task for media unions. Like the case of "Hope Bus" in the strike in Hanjin Heavy Industrial Corporation, solidarity between citizens and striking workers should be strengthened.

• Korean Journal of Labor Studies
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• v.24 no.3
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• pp.179-209
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• 2018

Three dacades of time have passed since the Korean labour movement experimented its political empowerment struggle. Generally it has failed for all some positive results. But unfortunately there were no critical and intellectual reflections regarding the failure within the labour movement. This study drew three conclusions. Firstly, the success or failure of political experiments was caused mainly by the labour regime changes of the Korean society. Secondly, the motive power was provided not by the progressive party, the Democratic Labour Party, but by the trade union movement and organization, the Minjoonochong. Lastly, the Candle-Light revolution in 2016 has produced some new conditions for the second stage of political empowerment praxis in Korean labour movement.