• Management & Information Systems Review
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• v.25
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• pp.407-428
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• 2008

The purpose of the study is to examine a new paradigm of Korea labor movement so that Korea labor union may adapt itself to change of labor environment and raise its organizing rate. Examining assignments to have to practice for a new paradigm of a labor union in the 21st century. First, common industrial relations should be constructed. To achieve it, it is necessary that labor and management have a strong partnership as a group sharing common destiny on the basis of mutual confidence. Second, unionism in the side of social reform should be settled down. Labor and capital should grope coexistence and co-prosperity through conversation and negotiation, escaping from opposition and fighting. Third, service function of a labor union should be strengthened. A labor union should offer service as pursuit of diversity, self-management and autonomy in work for laborers. Fourth, labor and management should try to stabilize industrial relations followed by industrial-level negotiations. Fifth, labor and management should try to develop human resources in cooperation between the two. Labor and management should participate in developing human resources on the basis of cooperation. If a labor union has a positive practice for a new paradigm of labor movement as above and recognition about a labor union is changed, industrial relations will realize more developmental relation.

• Korean Journal of Labor Studies
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• v.24 no.1
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• pp.29-64
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• 2018

This paper reviews the dynamics of growth and decline of Democratic Labor Union(Minju-nojo) Movement from the perspective of the conflicts among the industrial relations actors on the institutional incorporation of KCTU, a transformation of industrial relations institutes, and labor flexecurity in the change of political opportunity. The negotiations for the institutional incorporation of KCTU concluded in the 1997-98 labor laws. Since 1998, the conflicts and the compromises on the change of 1997-98 labor laws has continued. It was a kind of games for the transformation of the institutions of industrial relations and labor flexcurity. But the 1997-98 labor laws has shown the path-dependency. Since 2008, a cycle of the movement has entered a decline stage. The decline of Democratic Labor Union Movement came from the institutionalization of the movement, the change of political opportunity, and a generational change of 1987 cohorts group which has been the center of the movement.

• Korean Journal of Labor Studies
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• v.24 no.2
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• pp.137-179
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• 2018

To reduce labor market discrimination, there are lively discussions about the role of extant labor regime based on labor unions. It includes both the critical perspective on extant labor movement and the necessity of new actors for resolving discriminations within labor market. Among new actors, the present study focuses on contingent labor centers. Specifically, we have investigated on the development and identity of contingent labor centers as coalition of local government-labor organization. The core content of this study is to reconstruct the activities and strategies of contingent labor centers throughout the longitudinal approach. From many evidences, we can confirm that contingent labor centers have evolved via three phases such as differentiation, de- politicizing, and networks. This finding also provides insights about inside relationships between contingent labor centers and outside tensions between contingent labor center and extant labor organizations. We finally discuss on the theoretical implications of contingent labor center as new actor for contingent worker movement.

• The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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• v.8 no.5
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• pp.307-313
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• 2022

In Korea, youth participation in economic activities and unemployment appear at the same time, which is a more serious problem, so a study on the labor market movement can be viewed as a study to overcome youth unemployment. The purpose of this study is to examine how labor movement between the employed and the unemployed is progressing through the survey data of the youth panel among the employment panel and to identify the factors affecting the movement path and movement of the employed and the unemployed. In the case of the employed, they possessed professional qualifications, and in the case of unstable occupational status, they attempted to move to a stable position after being employed. In the case of the unemployed, the probability of failing to find a job was higher as they had no job search experience, the longer the job search period, and the less effort they made. The fact that the home environment directly or indirectly influences the movement of the labor market remains unchanged. On the other hand, the higher the educational level, the more stable, and the most stable the metropolitan area. Therefore, more urgently than ever, a plan to revitalize the local labor market through the organic relationship between the government, local governments, local industry, and local universities and balanced regional development should be sought.

• 한국사회정책
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• v.23 no.1
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• pp.1-23
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• 2016

This study evaluates the strategic capacity of Korean labor union movement by examining policy alternatives and strategic steps that the Federation of Korean Trade Unions and the Korean Confederation of Trade Unions have shown in response to Park Geun-Hye government's labor market structuring policies. While the government-led labor reform was carried out as intended, organized labor has not simply failed to achieve progressive labor reforms to enhance employment security, but also to exert their strategic capacity effectively for preventing Park's labor market flexibilization policies. The two national centers have not been able to exert their strategic capacity (such as intermediating, framing, articulating, learning) for mobilizing the resources of internal solidarity, network embeddedness, narrative discourse, and organizational infrastructure. In particular, the formation and diffusion of public discourse is a significant part of strategic capacity of labor unions dealing with the labor politics of labor market restructuring, since organized labor, which is under the unfavorable constraints of limited movement resources and power imbalance with the business circle, needs to mobilize massive support and participation from union members and civil society organizations. In this light, it becomes of more importance for labor union movement to exert their strategic capacity toward internal solidarity and network embeddedness in the stage of labor market reforms. Under the recent stage of labor reforms, however, the labor unions has not harnessed their movement resources effectively, but undertaken their protest in a traditional manner, thereby losing its public efficacy from inside and outside. Moreover, it is necessary to build and activate the network of organic solidarity among organized labor, civil society organizations and progressive political parties, in order to cope with the pro-business coalition of power elites for accomplishing pro-labor reforms.

• Korean Journal of Labor Studies
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• v.23 no.2
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• pp.109-139
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• 2017

In light that solidarity movements become significant under the situation of 'labor and labor movement' crisis, our study pays attention to the fact that the Hope Bus campaigns made remarkable achievements, and aims to figure out how those campaigns were successful, by focusing on their solidarity networking. The successful operating conditions of solidarity networking in the Hope Bus campaigns are examined in three aspects - the conditions of triggering, forming, and activating. The solidarity networking of Hope Bus campaigns were mainly triggered by the injustice of layoffs by Hanjin Heavy Industry, aerial protest by Jin-sook Kim, and the tragic symbol of the protest site (Crane no. 85). The solidarity movement of Hope Bus could be formed by the mutual trust and cohesive team-building of key network brokers, their utilization and expansion of social movement networks, and massive ripple effect of SNS-mediated communication. The solidarity networking of Hope Bus was effectively activated by open and de-hierarchical operations of the central planning group, active solidarity activities of participant groups, and the provision of 'heuristic experience' for developing the sensibility to labor solidarity. The virtuous combination of those three operating conditions leads to the building of unified forces among social movements, massive civil participation, and meaningful movement outcomes, through the solidarity networking of Hope Bus campaigns.

• Journal of Korean Society of Industrial and Systems Engineering
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• v.18 no.33
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• pp.185-197
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• 1995

Labor union movements brought wage workers into being in the process of industrialization after the Industrial Revolution and they were started with efforts to solve a variety of special problems, brought up in the industrial society by systematic activities. Labor union shows us many differences in the direction of the movement according to its philosophical tendency. Objective of this study is as follows : To find out the problems of labor union movements for democratization of management to present the direction of labor movements based on the democracy of Industry. Accordingly chapter II examines on the Labor union literally for better understanding of the labor union movements Chapter III deals with the structure, characteristic and development process of our country's labor union chronologically. And on the basis of the development process chapter IV suggests the roles on the union, management and government for better union movements. Chapter V reaches a conclusion.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.17 no.8
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• pp.130-143
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• 2017

This study examines the theoretical framework of "B" local union, which conducts "class-oriented" labor movements in contemporary Japan. "Class-oriented" labor movements are active, while they have been residual on the margins of Japanese society and the country's labor movement situation. This research examines a theoretical framework for "class-oriented" labor movements and investigates Williams' "structure of feeling." First, the "structure of feeling" concept is examined. Second, the study compares several theories on the working class of Marxism and alternative subjects of "linguistic turn." Third, this study redefines the "structure of feeling" in terms of the case of "B" local union. The results show that "collective workers-individualize workers" and "workers-non-workers" of "B" local union establish their own labor movements on the material or immaterial space and consider their "structure of feeling" as the "negotiation and contradiction on the class-orientation." Consequently, this study offers a model of their "structure of feeling."

• Korean Journal of Labor Studies
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• v.23 no.1
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• pp.165-195
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• 2017

This paper deals with 'men facing limits of lives' from a perspective of struggle for social recognition. Men facing limits of lives in this paper indicates activists who have dedicated to labor movements since 1970s, and struggle for social recognition means to fight to acquire recognition in terms of love, rights and values, from members of societies. This paper analyzes the process of their failure and frustration in pursuing passion for recognition. They formed democratic labor unions, as an effort for recognition, and this led to foundation of progressive parties. Nonetheless, they are standing on a crossroad between lethargic and depression, while they are pursuing reformation and revolution. Why is their passion cooled down and depression aggravated? This paper argues various rifts both in internal and external realms of labor activists as critical factor of the failure, and suggests communication to heal the rifts as an alternative.

• Journal of Korean Library and Information Science Society
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• v.19
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• pp.145-209
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• 1992

This study, that is made by an on-the-spot survey and a library survey, is aimed at finding some problems in the recognition regarding public library users and suggesting the clue to solve the problems revealed in the way of having compared with 'Book-Room' and Public Library. Poor material was always a troublemaker in this study. Especially the part of 'Book-Room' phenomenon is wholly dependent upon a field survey, that is, interview with a 'book-room' clerks, gathering the advertising leaflets, a close observation on 'Book-Room', etc. There are little printed materials, much less precedent research theses. In the other parts of this paper, there are needed good statistical materials, but the nortion presented in the public library user statistics-for example pupil, students, housewives, old men, the generality of people, etc.- is so vague that it is insufficient and unhelpful for this study. In my judgment, with all these limitations, this article gets some results as follows : 1. 'Book-Room' is the cultural organization which is being operated by, for, of the community inhabitants and it takes on the character of movement - labor movement, cultural movement, and community movement. 2. The pioneer of the Book-Room is 'Yangso Hyupdong chohap' (which means good book- cooperative association) lasted from 1978 to the next year. 3. 'Arom'(means learning) Book-Room is the first real Book-Room at Seomyon district in Pusan established in 1987. 4. Book-Room can be classified by its character as 'Labor BookRoom' and 'Cultural Book-Room'. There are 10 Labor BookRooms and 4 Cultural Book-Rooms in Pusan. 5. Labor Book-Rooms organized themselves to 'Labor Book-Room conference'. 6. Book-Rooms have done their best to extort the needs and interests of the community inhabitants, but relatively public libraries do not, hence the majority of residents are neglected from the public library service. This is at Book-Rooms' back to have been spread so quickly. 7. There is a very large gap between the component ratio of community inhabitants by class and that of public library users by same criterion, that is, in the case of the former, the labor class goes beyond a half point, in the latter, the majority of public library user is composed of students and housewives. 8. Researchers and librarians have concentrated their attention and effort not upon whole residents in community but upon existing users at present time. They do not try to develope potential users. So, researchers' and librarians' recognition regarding the public library users needs to be changed. 9. The concept of 'core-user' may be the key to solve the problems related with public library users. For the purpose of ensuring the 'core-user', it is necessary to study the community and inhabitants.