• 제목/요약/키워드: Koryo People

검색결과 69건 처리시간 0.027초

16 ~ 17세기 조선의 벽역의서(闢疫醫書)를 통해 살펴본 온역학(瘟疫學)의 특징 (The Characteristics of Epidemiology Examined through Translated Medical Books in the 16th~17th Century in the Chosun Dynasty)

  • 조원준
    • 한국의사학회지
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    • 제19권2호
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    • pp.29-47
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    • 2006
  • Because the size of population was directly related to the power of the nation in the Chosun Dynasty, various efforts were exerted to maintain the size stable and the keys to the efforts were a high birth rate and a low death rate. However, in addition to wars, epidemic diseases had an enormous effect on the death rate. Particularly during the mid Chosun Dynasty, epidemic diseases were more prevalent than ever due to the abnormal climate called the little ice age. To cope with them, the government executed several medical relief policies and published medical books. In Chinese epidemiology, infectious diseases mean sicknesses caused by hot weather, but in Korean epidemiology, they indicate large-scale infectious sicknesses caused by both hot and cold weather. Therefore, as treatment methods for diseases from the cold were not applicable to the pathology of epidemic diseases, China developed separate epidemiology. In Korea, however, the main concern was how to prevent epidemic diseases, whether from hot or cold weather, that drove many lives into death. The characteristics of Korean epidemiology are as follows. First, whenever epidemic diseases were prevalent, in order to cope with them, translated medical books were promptly published including Ganibyeokonbang, Bunmunonyeokihaebang, Sinchanbyeokonbang, Byeokyeoksinbang and Byeokonsinbang. Second, those books were annotated in Korean so that people could read easily and accurately. Third, as an extension of the Hyangyak movement from the late Koryo Dynasty, Danbang was used a lot to treat and prevent epidemic diseases with less financial burden, and things obtainable easily according to individuals' situation were mentioned for anybody to overcome the emergent situation of epidemic diseases. Fourth, methods for praying to God were suggested for practitioners to work with sincere spirit and to keep themselves from epidemic diseases.

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일본에 유전된 한국판 석가유전적 (The Buddhist Scripts of Korea Flowed into Japan)

  • 심우준
    • 한국문헌정보학회지
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    • 제28권
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    • pp.71-81
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    • 1995
  • There are no exact copies or carvings of India's original Buddhist Scripts published in Korea that had been flowed into Japan except those of WanSanJungUiMongSanPuPo(환산정의몽산법어). YaWoonJaKyung (야운자경). KyeChoShimHakInMoon(계초심학인문) PalSimSooHangChang(발심수행장) and MongsanWhaSangPupoRackLock published by a mid-Chosun Dynasty Buddhist monk, YaWoon TaesunSa. Others are the translations by Chinese people. All printings were of woodblock except ChonjimyungYangsoo- RhockChapMoon(천지명양수육잡문) of Inkyng wood printing type. This shows perhaps that the Buddhists were so devout that they spared no effort in their prayers to head for the Paradise. Even the woodblock carver himself took his hard work for granted in his belief and engraved the blocks with all his heart taking his work as God-given task. Or. perhaps they to use wood-block printing as the demand for the Scripts soared. By the way. as the Koryo Dynasty took Buddhism as the state religion, it was natural that the Buddhist Scripts were published at TaeJangToKam (the publishing office) and were much encouraged. It is noteworthy. however, that not a few Buddhist Scripts had been published during the Chosun Dynasty despite its crack-down on Buddhism as the Confucianism was declared as the state principle. The Scripts were even published by such temples as MoonJooSa(문수사), MyoHeeAm(묘희암). SsangbongSa(쌍봉사). PyoHoonSa(표훈사), YooJupSa(유점사), YongJangSa(용장사). and AnShimSa(안심사). The fact that the Scripts were even published by KanKyungToKam(간경부감) leads us to reconsider the traditional way of thinking of the Chosun Dynasty as anti-Buddhist or flunkeyist. The historical fact that a record number of Buddhist publications had been transmitted to Japan - is it accidental? - This issue could well be another subject matter for further research. However, it should be noted that very few of above­mentioned Buddhist Scripts are found in present-day Korea.

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Towards Understanding Tuberculosis-Related Issues in North Korea: A Narrative Review of North Korean Literature

  • Lee, Chang-Jun;Lee, Sungwhan;Kim, Hee-Jin;Kang, Young Ae
    • Tuberculosis and Respiratory Diseases
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    • 제83권3호
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    • pp.201-210
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    • 2020
  • Background: North Korea is one of the 30 countries with the highest tuberculosis (TB) and drug-resistant TB burdened. To understand the medical issues and research trends associated with TB in North Korea, we performed a comprehensive review of articles related to clinical and laboratory research on TB published in North Korean medical journals. Methods: We reviewed all types of TB-related articles published in nine North Korean medical journals (Yebang ŭihak: Preventive medicine; Koryo ŭihak: Korea Medicine; Chosŏn ŭihak: Chosun Medicine; Naekwa: Internal Medicine; Soa, sanbuinkwa: Pediatrics, Obstetrics, and Gynecology, Surgery; Ŭihak: Medicine; Kich'o ŭihak: Basic Medicine; and Chosŏn yakhak: Chosun Pharmacy). We classified the articles according to the type and field of study and analyzed the data qualitatively to gain insights. Results: We reviewed 106 articles (one- or two-page length) written in Korean, including reviews (n=43), original articles (n=52), and case reports (n=8). They were classified as follows: articles on diagnosis (n=52, 49%) and treatment (n=39, 37%). None of the studies investigated the commercialized molecular diagnosis systems such as Xpert MTB/RIF. Directly Observed Treatment, Short-course was reported as the basic treatment approach. Furthermore, six studies used Korean traditional medicines for treating TB, with one of them containing snake venom. Conclusion: The articles were not sufficiently detailed. Original articles on the treatment of multi-drug resistant TB were not found, and those on latent tuberculosis infection and nontuberculous mycobacteria were limited. To understand the current medical issues associated with TB in North Korea, articles from these nine journals were not sufficient.

조선시대(朝鮮時代) 술에 관한 분석적(分析的) 고찰(考察) -조선중기(朝鮮中期) 1600 년대(年代)를 중심(中心)으로- (A Study on Wine of Yi Dynasty in 1600)

  • 최종희;이효지
    • 한국식생활문화학회지
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    • 제2권1호
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    • pp.17-24
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    • 1987
  • As people know how to brew a wine from fruits and cereals, they continued to develope various wines good to their taste. Korean wines are also ones made from cereals and they have long been eager to improve the delicate taste. They used to drink Takju, raw rice wine, made from nonglutinous rice and Nuruk, a kind of yeast starter. During Koryo Dynasty, Soju a liquor was imported from Won(the Chinese dynasty). Nowadays this traditional folk wine, which had been developed variously and drunk all over the country, is decreasing year after year. The purpose of this study was to review on the wines ; its kinds, raw materials, brewing method, manufacturing utensils, measuring units and devices and the terms for wine making based on 20 documents published in 1600, in the middle of Yi dynesty. The results of review were as follows. 1. There were 121 kinds of wines at that time in Korea. 2. Among the raw materials for wines, major materials were glutinous rice, nonglutinous rice, wheat flour, wheat, mung bean, and black soybean. And minor materials were pepper corn, Lycium chinenisis, cinnamon, pine needles, pine nuts, jujube, mugwort leaves, lotus leaves, pine corn, pine bud, chrysanthemum, pine flowers, honey, Acanthopanox seoultenses, bamboo-root, marrowbone of blak cow, sweet flag, Ciprus noblis, Saurea lappa, honey suckle, Tricho santhes, azalea, the leaves of the paper mulberry, and bark of chungum tree. 3. There were several kinds of wines such as a wine without using Nuruk, a wine made from glutinous rice, nonglutinous rice, or glutinous and nonglutinous rice with flour. 4. There were several brewing methods for wines such as a wine boiled with ring rice cake, a wine brewed with loaves of rice cake, a wine brewed with hard boiled rice, a wine brewed with rice gruel, and a wine brewed with powdered rice gruel. 5. There were 23 kinds of utensils including measuring devices for weight and volume.

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한복과 한푸의 차이점 분석에 관한 연구 (A Study on the Difference between the Roots of (K)Hanbok and Hanfu)

  • 김지수;나영주
    • Human Ecology Research
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    • 제60권2호
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    • pp.273-287
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    • 2022
  • (K)Hanbok, which is Korea's traditional clothing, differs from the Chinese Hanfu or Japanese Kimono. This study aims to understand the fundamental differences between (K)Hanbok and Hanfu. The Goryeo Dynasty (K)Hanbok, which was particularly popular in China, was established because the Ming Dynasty Hanfu and Chinese fashion were considerably influenced by the 'Koryo Yang'. Firstly, while (K)Hanbok is bulky, Hanfu of the Han Dynasty is characterized by forming a slim silhouette. Due to the climate of the Northern Hemisphere, (K)Hanbok shows a rich silhouette comprising multiple layers of inner pants and a pleated skirt over a voluminous underskirt. On the other hand, the Han's Hanfu creates a straight silhouette in the form of a wrap, revealing the contours of the body. The pleated skirt of the (K)Hanbok can use six to twelve width fabrics, depending on the social position; however, the Hanfu of the Han is a skirt without any pleats. Secondly, the clothing patterns, which have various shapes, are totally different in how they are made and sewn. The Korean (K)Hanbok is a two-piece separate, whereas the Chinese Hanfu style is a one-piece with a skirt. The short length of the (K)Hanbok jacket has a Sup which is cut and pasted allowing the front closure to overlap. Nevertheless, the Hanfu of the Han does not have this Sup because it is of a wrap-around, one-piece style and has an exceptionally large front, and wraps around at the waist which extends to the sides. Thirdly, the (K)Hanbok jacket has separate string Gorums for fastening, and an additional belt around the waist; however, in the case of Gorum, it is unnecessary for a wrapping style of Hanfu. Fourthly, Koreans as an agricultural horse-riding people, basically wore the trousers attached a comfortable gusset, while the Chinese Hanfu had no pants, but the Chinese wore Gaedanggo pants which exposed the hips, inevitably during the Warring States period.

고려의 원시영역 유목초지, 그 부르칸(불함)이즘과 한국축산의 비전 (Burqanism from the Origin of the Pastoral Nomadic Koryo Region and the Vision of Korean Livestock Farming)

  • 주채혁
    • 한국초지조사료학회지
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    • 제25권1호
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    • pp.71-82
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    • 2005
  • Khori(高麗) refers to the Chaabog(reindeer) that live on lichens(蘚) on Mt. Soyon(鮮) in which pastures are the cold and dry plateau of North Eurasia. Thus, the origin region of the Khori or Koguryo that are the ancestors of the reindeer-herding pastoral nomads(馴鹿 遊牧民) can be said to be the Steppe-Taiga-Tundra pastoral areas of North Eurasia and North America. When the pastoral nomads moved on to the great mountain(大山) zone of the Jangbaek(長白) to the Baekdu(白頭) Mountains, they could have been in contact with pastoral farmers or agricultural farmers living there and they became the farmers remaining on agricultural farms. They were the Koryo people, the ancestors of Korea. Staying in one place, they gradually forgot the origin of their reindeer-herding pastoral nomadic history in the Northwest area of Mt. Soyon, the small mountain(小山) zone of the Steppe-Taiga-Tundra pastoral areas. In other words, they lost their identity as reindeer-herding pastoral nomads when they entered the agricultural area after leaving the pastoral area. However, since their basic genes had already formed when they lived on the cold and dry plateau of North Eurasia, it is possible to study their pastoral nomadic history focusing on 'the minority living in the broad area(廣域少數)', by utilizing highly advanced biotechnological science and focusing on genes and information technology innovation, and removing various past hindrances in research. Therefore, it is not so difficult to restore the reindeerherding pastoral nomadic history of the Koguryo(高句麗) people and secure their pastoral nomadic identity, of which the first steps have already been taken into their historical stages. The Eurasian continent and the Korean peninsula, especially the cold and dry plateau of North Eurasia and the Korean peninsula have been closely related to each other ecologically and historically. They can never be a separate space at all. The Eurasian continent lies horizontally east to west and thus, the continent forms an isothermal zone. Also, since the time of producing their own foods, it was relatively easy for people with their technology to move to other places owing to the pastoral nomadic characteristic of mobility. Unlike the Chungyen(中原) region, western Asia and the regions covering the Siberia-Manchu-Korean peninsula where food production revolution was first made were connected to the Mongolian lichens route(蘚苔之路: Ni, ukinii jam) and steppe roads. Although the ecological conditions of nature have changed a bit throughout a long history, it was natural for the many tribes in North Asia living on the largest Steppe-Taiga-Tundra area in the world to have believed 'the legends related to animals in relation to their founders and ancestors(獸祖傳說)'. Assuming that Siberian tigers and the tigers living on Mt. Baekdu were connected ecologically and genetically because of the ecological characteristics of the animals, and their migration from plateau to plateau, we would suspect that the Chosun(朝鮮) tribe living on Mt. Baekdu were ethnically and culturally more closely connected to the farther removed Ural-Altai tribes that lived on the cold and dry plateau region than to the Han(i14;) tribe who lived in Chungyen(中原) that was close to Mt. Baekdu. More evidence is the structure of the Korean language which has the form of 'Subject + Object + Verb', which is assumed to have originated from the speedy lifestyle of the reindeer-herding pastoral nomads. The structure is quite different from that of the Han(漢) language, which is based on agricultural life. Also, it is natural for reindeer riding reindeerherding pastoral nomads or horse-riding sheep-herding pastoral nomads(騎馬, 羊遊牧民) to have held military and political power over the region and eventually to have established an ancient pastoral nomadic empire in the process of their conquest of agricultural regions. The stages for founding global empires in the history of mankind maybe largely divided into two, in terms of ecological conditions and occupations. They are the steppes and the oceans. Of course, the steppe-based empires were established based on the skills to deal with horses and the ability to shoot arrows while riding horses, along with the use of iron ware in the 8th century BC. The steppe-based empires became the foundation for an oceanic empire, which could have been established by the use of warships and warship guns since the 15th Century. Based on those facts, we know that Chosun, Puyo(夫餘), and Koguryo are the products of a developmental process of pastoral nomadic empires on the steppes. Maybe we can easily find the pastoral nomadic identity of the Koguryo more than we expected when we trace the origins and history of the Korean tribe living in the pastures located in the northwest area of Mt. Jangbaek by focusing on pastoral nomadic mobility and organization just as we have investigated the historic origins of Anglo-Saxons in America by focusing on the times before the 15th Century. In the process, we should keep in mind that English culture originated from the Industrial Revolution and was directly delivered to the American continent, although America was far from England and was not an intermediate point on long sojourns either. Further, American culture came back to England in a more advanced form later. The most important thing currently to be resolved is to cause Koreans to look back on their own history in a freer way of thinking and with diverse, profound, and sharp insight, taking away the old and existing conventional recognition that is entangled with complicated interests with Korean people and other countries. The meanings of Chosun, Khori, and Solongos have been interpreted arbitrarily without any historic evidence by the scholars who followed conventional tradition of fixed-minded aristocrats in an agricultural society. If the Siberian cultural properties of the stone age, the earthenware age, the bronze age, and the iron age are analyzed in such a way, archaeological discovery will never be able to contribute to the restoration of the Koguryo's pastoral nomadic identity. One should transcend the errors that tend to interpret the cultural properties discovered in the pastoral nomadic regions as not being differentiated from those of agricultural regions and just interpret them altogether from the agricultural point of view. A more careful intention is required in the interpretation of cultural properties of ancient Korean empires that seem to have been formed due to mutual interactions of pastoral nomadic and agricultural cultures. Also, it is required that the conventional recognition chain of 'reverse-genes' be severed, which has placed more weight on agricultural properties than pastoral nomadic ones, since their settlement on agricultural farms was made after the establishment of their ancient pastoral nomadic empires. There is no reason at all to place priority on stoneware, earthenware, bronze ware, and iron ware than on wooden ware(木器) and other ware which were made of animal skins(皮器), bones and horns(骨角器), in analyzing the history in the regions of reindeer or sheep pastures. Reading ancient Korean history from the perspective of pastoral nomadic history, one feels strongly the instinctive emotions to return to the natural 'mother place'. The reindeer-herding pastoral nomadic identity of the Koguryo people that has been accumulated in volumes in their genes and hidden deep inside and have interacted organically could be reborn with Burqanism(Burqan refers to 不咸 in Chinese), which was their religion by birth and symbolized as the red willow(紅柳=不咸). The mother place of the Koguryo's people is the endless vast green pastures of North Eurasia and North America, where we anticipated the development of Korean livestock farming following the inherent properties in the genes of the reindeer-herding pastoral nomads with Korean ancestors. We anticipate that the place would be the core resource that could contribute to the development of life of living creatures following the inherent properties of their genes and biotechnological factors. In other words, biotechnology used for a search for clues on the well-being of humans could be the fruit brought by Burqanism of the Koguryo people and the fruit of the globalization of Korean livestock farming. It is the Chosun farmer in China come from the vast nomadic reindeer pastures of North Eurasia that resolved the food problem of a billion Chinese people with lowland paddy rice seeds (水稻) by transforming Heilongjiang Province(黑龍江省) into an oceanic lowland paddy rice field(水田). Even Mao Tse-tung(毛擇東) could not resolve the food problem by his revolution campaigns for tens of years. Today is the very time that requires the development of special livestock farming following the inherent properties of the ancient Korean reindeer-herding pastoral nomads that respected the dignity of life on the cold and dry plateau of North Eurasia and the America continent. I suggest that research should be started from the pastures of the Dariganga Steppe in East Mongolia that was the homeland of Hanwoo(韓牛) and the central horse-herding steppe place(牧馬場) of Chingis Khan's Mongolia. The Dariganga Steppe is awash with an affluent natural environment for pastoral nomadic living however, the quality of life of the pastoral nomads there is still low. I suggest we Koreans, the descendents of the Koguryo, should take our first steps for our livestock farming business project and develop the Northern nomadic pastures, here at the pastures of the Dariganga Steppe, which is the Mongolian core place of state-of-the-art technology for military weapons.

전통교육의 정치성과 현대적 함의 (Political traits of traditional education and its meaning in modern age)

  • 함규진;임홍태;윤영돈;한성구
    • 한국철학논집
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    • 제56호
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    • pp.239-264
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    • 2018
  • 동아시아 전통 사회에서 교육은 특별한 정치적 의미를 띠고 있었다. 특히 조선의 경우, 불교에 대신하여 유교가 사회의 모든 부문에서 중심 역할을 하게 되는 과정에서 '누구나 배우면 성인이 될 수 있다'는 주장 아래 적어도 명목적으로 국민 교육을 실시할 필요성이 중대했다. 이러한 전통 교육은 인성 교육적인 성격이 강했으며, '선한 본성의 회복'을 목표로 했다. 그리고 교육의 주체는 스승(師)이었다. 이러한 전통 교육은 현대적 관점에서 볼 때 '전개로서의 교육'이자 '형식도야로서의 교육' 으로 이해할 수 있으며, 교사에게 막대한 권위를 부여함으로써 자발적인 발전 가능성을 억제하고 성인이 되어서도 민주적 시민의식을 갖추기 힘들게 하는 효과를 낼 가능성을 추정할 수 있는 것이었다. 그러나 전통교육에서의 스승은 또한 동도(同道)로서 제자를 일방적으로 지배하고 통제하기보다 함께 배우고 서로 돕는 역할이 기대되기도 했으며, 이는 민주시민적인 차원에서 긍정적일 수 있다. 무엇보다 전통교육은 인성교육과 공동체교육을 강조하는 점에서 현대의 자기이익 중심적 교육과 문화가 초래하는 비인도적 사회환경과 비참여적 정치문화에 대해 극복의 단서를 제공한다. 그런 점에서 '온고지신'적 교육 방안을 강구할 필요성은 오늘날에도 유효하다.

이조시대(李朝時代)의 임지제도(林地制度)에 관(關)한 연구(硏究) (A Study on the Forest Land System in the YI Dynasty)

  • 이만우
    • 한국산림과학회지
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    • 제22권1호
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    • pp.19-48
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    • 1974
  • 토지국유원칙(土地國有原則)을 표방(標榜)하고 "공사(公私) 공리(共利)"를 기본원칙(基本原則)으로 하고 있었던 고려조(高麗朝)의 시전과제도(柴田科制度)도 집권력(執權力)의 약화(弱化)로 인(因)하여 조만간(早晩間), 붕괴(崩壞)되고 말았던 것이나 임지제도(林地制度)에 있어서는 분묘설정(墳墓設定)의 자유(自由)와 개간장려(開墾奬勵)를 이용(利用)한 삼림(森林)의 광점(廣占) 및 전시과제도(田柴科制度)로 인(因)한 시지(柴地)의 수조권위양(收租權委讓)으로 유래(由來)된 사적수조권(私的洙組權)이 결부(結付)된 삼림(森林)의 사점현상등(私占現象等)이 점차(漸次) 발전(發展)하여 고려중기(高麗中期)의 국정해지기이후(國政解地期以後)에는 대부분(大部分)의 삼림(森林)이 권력층(權力層)의 사점지(私占地)로 화(化)하여 왔었다. 고려조(高麗朝)의 모든 제도(制度)를 그대로 계승(繼承)한 이조(李朝)는 건국후(建國後) 국가소용(國家所用)의 삼림확보(森林確保)를 위(爲)한 삼림수용(森林收用)의 제도확립(制度確立)이 긴요(緊要)하였음으로 전국(全國)의 삼림(森林)을 국가권력(國家權力)에 의(依)하여 공수(公收)하고 국가(國家)와 궁실소용이외(宮室所用以外)의 모든 삼림(森林)은 사점(私占)을 금(禁)한다는 "시장사점금지(柴場私占禁止)"의 제도(制度)를 법제화(法制化)하였고 도성주변(都城周邊)의 사산(四山)을 금산(禁山)으로 함과 아울러 우량(優良)한 임상(林相)의 천연림(天然林)을 택(擇)하여 전조선용재(戰漕船用材)와 궁실용재(宮室用材)의 확보(確保)를 위(爲)한 외방금산(外方禁山)으로 정(定)하고 그 금양(禁養)을 위(爲)하여 산직(山直)을 배치(配置)하였다. 그리고 연병(練兵)과 국왕(國王)의 수렵(狩獵)을 위(爲)한 강무장(講武場)과 관용시장(官用柴場), 능원부속림(陵園附屬林)의 금벌(禁伐), 금화(禁火)를 제정(制定) 등(等) 필요(必要)에 따라 수시(隨時)로 삼림(森林)을 수용(收用)하였으나 고려조이래(高麗朝以來)로 권력층(權力層)에 의(依)하여 사점(私占)되어온 삼림(森林)을 왕권(王權)으로 모두 공수(公收)하지는 못하였던 것이다. 이조초기(李朝初期)에 있어서의 집권층(執權層)은 그 대부분(大部分)이 고려조(高麗朝)에서의 권력층(權力層)이었던것 임으로 그들은 이미 전조시대(前朝時代)로부터 많은 사점림(私占林)을 보유(保有)하고 있었던 것이고 따라서 그들이 권력(權力)을 장악(掌握)하고 있는 한(限) 사점림(私占林)을 공수(公收)한다는 것은 어려운 일이었으며 그들은 오히려 권력(權力)을 이용(利用)하여 사점림(私占林)을 확대(擴大)하고 있었던 것이다. 또 왕자(王子)들도 묘지(墓地)를 빙자(憑藉)하여 주(主)로 도성주변(都城周邊)의 삼림(森林)을 광점(廣占)하고 있던 터에 성종(成宗)의 대(代) 이후(以後)로는 왕자신(王自身)이 금령(禁令)을 어기면서 왕자(王子)에게 삼림(森林)을 사급(賜給)하였음으로 16세기말(世紀末)에는 원도지방(遠道地方)에 까지 왕자(王子)들의 삼림사점(森林私占)이 확대(擴大)되었고 이에 편승(便乘)한 권신(權臣)들의 삼림사점(森林私占)도 전국(全國)으로 파급(波及)하였다. 임진왜란후(壬辰倭亂後)에 시작(始作)된 왕자(王子)에 대(對)한 시장절급(柴場折給)은 삼림(森林)의 상속(相續)과 매매(賣買)를 합법화(合法化)시켰고 이로 인(因)하여 봉건제하(封建制下)에서의 사유림(私有林)을 발생(發生)시키게 된 것이다. 그리하여 권신(權臣)들도 합법적(合法的)으로 삼림(森林)을 사점(私占)하게 되었고 따라서 이조시대(李朝時代) 임지제도(林地制度)의 기본(基本)이었던 시장사점금지(柴場私占禁止)의 제도(制度)는 건국초(建國初)로부터 실행(實行)된 일이 없었으며 오로지 국가(國家)의 삼림수용(森林收用)을 합법화(合法化)시키는 의제(擬制)에 불과(不過)하였던 것이다. 금산(禁山)은 그 이용(利用)과 관리제도(管理制度)의 불비(不備)로 인(因)하여 산하주민(山下住民)들의 염오(厭惡)의 대상(對象)이 되었음으로 주민(住民)들의 고의적(故意的)인 금산(禁山)의 파괴(破壞)는 처음부터 심(甚)하였고 이로 인(因)하여 국가(國家)에서는 용재림확보(用材林確保)를 위(爲)한 금산(禁山)의 증설(增設)을 거듭하였으나 관리제도(管理制度)의 개선(改善)이 수반(隨伴)되지 않았음으로 금산(禁山)의 황폐(荒廢)는 더욱 증대(增大)되었다. 영조(英祖)는 정국(政局)을 안정(安定)시키기 위(爲)하여 경국대전이후(經國大典以後) 남발(濫發)된 교령(敎令)과 법령(法令)을 정비(整備)하여 속대전(續大典)을 편찬(編纂)하고 삼림법령(森林法令)을 정비(整備)하여 도성주변(都城周邊)의 금산(禁山)과 각도(各道) 금산(禁山)의 명칭대신(名稱代身) 서기(西紀) 1699년(年) 이후(以後) 개칭(改稱)하여온 봉산(封山)의 금양(禁養)을 강화(强化)시키는 한편 사양산(私養山)의 권한(權限)을 인정(認定)하는 등(等) 적극적(積極的)인 육림정책(育林政策)을 퍼려하였으나 계속적(繼續的)인 권력층(權力層)의 삼림사점광대(森林私占廣大)는 농민(農民)들로부터 삼림(森林)을 탈취(奪取)하였고 농민(農民)들 이 삼림(森林)을 상실(喪失)함으로써 국가(國家)의 육림장려등(育林奬勵策)은 효과(効果)를 나타내지 못하였던 것이다. 임진왜란후(壬辰倭亂後)의 국정해이(國定解弛)로 인(因)한 묘지광점(墓地廣占), 왕자(王子)에 대(對)한 삼림(森林)의 절급(折給) 권세층(權勢層)에 대(對)한 산림사점(森林私占)은 인허(認許)하는 입안문서(立案文書)의 발행등(發行等)으로 법전상(法典上)의 삼임사점금지조항(森林私占禁止條項)은 사문화(死文化)되었고 이조말기(李朝末期)에 있어서는 사양산(私養山)의 강탈(强奪)도 빈발(頻發)하고 있음을 볼수 있다. 이와 같이 이조시대(李朝時代)의 시장사점금지조항(柴場私占禁止條項)은 오로지 농민(農民)에게만 적용(適用)되는 규정(規定)에 불과(不過)하였고 이로 인(因)하여 농민(農民)들의 육림의욕(育林意慾)은 상실(喪失)되었으며 약탈적(掠奪的)인 삼림(森林)의 채취이용(採取利用)은은 금산(禁山), 봉산(封山) 및 사양산(私養山)을 막론(莫論)하고 황폐(荒廢)시키는 결과(結果)를 자아냈으며 권력층(權力層)의 삼림점탈(森林占奪)에 대항(對抗)한 송계(松契)의 활동(活動)으로 일부(一部) 공산(公山)이 농민(農民)의 입회지(入會地)로서 보존(保存)되어왔다. 그럼에도 불구(不拘)하고 일제(日帝)는 이조말기(李朝末期)의 삼림(森林) 거의 무주공산(無主公山)이 었던것처럼, 이미 사문화(死文化)된 삼림사점금지조항(森林私占禁止條項)을 활용(活用)함으로써, 국가림(國有林)으로 수탈(收奪)한후(後) 식민정책(植民政策)에 이용(利用)하였던 것이나, 실제(實際)에 있어서 이조시대(李朝時代)의 삼림(森林)은 금산(禁山), 봉산(封山), 능원부속림등(陸園附屬林等)의 관금지(官禁地)와 오지름(奧地林)을 제외(除外)하고는 대부분(大部分)의 임지(林地)가 권세층(權勢層)의 사유(私有) 내지(乃至)는 사점하(私占下)에 있었던 것이다.

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우리나라 차나무 품종육성 (Tea Breeding in Korea)

  • 박용구
    • Current Research on Agriculture and Life Sciences
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    • 제24권
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    • pp.1-8
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    • 2006
  • When tea trees were introduced to Korea peninsular from China? Historically, Mr. Taeryum, an envoy of Shilla dynasty brought tea seeds from China during Tang dynasty and the seeds were planted at Jiri Mt. by the order of King Heungduk at AD828. During Koryo Dynasty(918 1392), Buddhism spread rapidly all over the country and the tea culture reached its highest stage of prosperity. At the Chosun Dynasty, however, the ceremonial drinking of tea vanished almost completely due to the flourishing Confucian tradition, a kind of substitution of Buddhism. But a few people have supported the traditional tea culture by themselves. Since the independence of Korea soon after the World War II at 1945, Korean War have been exploded at 1950. After economic evolution have been succeeded at 1980, the cultivation area of tea trees has been increased about 2,000ha and the cultural tradition of tea drinking has become popular again at a tea consume quantities amounted to 100g per capita at 2004. The northern limited area of tea plant is lined on the southern part of Korea peninsular. It is very small region compared to China about one million ha and to Japan over 60 thousand ha. It is problem not only the area of tea fields but also the methodology of tea cultivation, for examples without clonal cultivars and mechanical systems. WTO treatments was discussing with Korea, China and Japan government at 2005. Green tea custom is very high at 514% in Korea. If three countries will be agreed the imported tax will be cut off, the Korean tea farmers will be confused because of unstable situation of tea markets. All most of tea farmers should be made the tea fields by seeding not clonal propagation. Because of clonal cultivars have not developed in Korea, there have not been the research institutes for tea plants and manufactures before 1992. Now there are three research institute of tea in Korea; Tea Experiment Station at Bosung of Jeonnam Agricultural Research & Extension Services, Mokpo Experimental Station of National Institute of Crop Science, and Green Tea Cluster Institute of Hadong. Mokpo and Hadong Research Station were established at 2004 and at 2005 but Bosung Station was established at 1992. Seven clonal tea cultivers were selected at Bosung Station; Bohyang, Myngsun, Chanlok, Sunhyang, Mihyang, Jinhyang and Ohsun until 2004. Mokpo Experimental Institute was started the tea provenance testing about 4 provenances: Kangwon-do, Jeonlabuk-do, Jeonlanam-do, and Kyungsangnam-do. Korean new tea cultivers should be selected because Koran wild tea population have been high genetic variation. If tea breeding research will be successful to select new clonal cultivers, the tea farmers of Korea will be stable after WTO treatment with each country.

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역사서 검색으로 관찰한 한반도 강설현상 (Snow Falling Phenomenon of the Korean Peninsular Based on the Records of Old Literatures)

  • 김기원;신만용
    • 한국농림기상학회지
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    • 제4권4호
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    • pp.248-253
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    • 2002
  • 본 논문은 우리나라 기원전 6년 11월부터 1928년 까지 1934년 간의 강설기록을 살펴 본 것으로서 다음과 같은 특징을 정리할 수 있었다. 첫눈 기록은 733년 7월에 신라땅과 1637년 전라도 무주에서 있었고 끝눈 기록은 6월 11일에 눈보라가 온 것으로 기록되어 한 여름에도 눈이 왔었다는 사실을 확인할 수 있다. 적설량은 척관법 단위를 써서 기록하였는데 최고 적설량은 약 열 자 혹은 한 장(장여 혹은 일장) 기록이 있었으며 자주 나타나는 큰눈 기록은 대개 4∼5자가 많이 발견된다. 단위를 치(촌)와 푼(분)까지 사용하여 기록한 바 정확성을 기하려 한 흔적도 보인다. 눈피해는 주로 인명과 가옥 등을 중심으로 기록하고 있다. 눈피해 중 인명피해로는 크게 3건이 발견된다. 1524년과 1521년에 함경도 경성 땅에서 각각 100여명과 140여명, 1670년에는 제주도에 큰눈이 내려 91명이 사망한 것으로 기록되어 있다. 첫눈이 오면 상서로운 것으로 여겨 나라에서는 신설하례(新雪賀禮) 의식을 갖고 나라의 안녕을 기원하였고, 눈이 오지 않으면 왕에게 간하여 기설제를 지내기도 하였다. 눈과 관련된 기상이변은 여러 번 발견된다. 눈 올 때 심한 천둥번개가 친다거나, 이상한 벌레들이 섞여 내린다거나 붉은 색깔의 눈이 내렸다는 기록이 있다. 검색한 결과는 단어별 건수에 있어서나 내용에 있어서나 미진한 것이다. 검색방법이나 검색에 사용해야 할 단어 중에는 좀 더 합당한 단어들이 있을 줄 안다. 차후의 연구를 위한 과제로 남기기를 희망한다.