• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.57
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• pp.57-90
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• 2018

In this discussion, as a way to verify the existence of the system to regulate Zhou dynasty's $z{\bar{o}}ng-mi{\grave{a}}o$(宗廟) numbers, the discussion was focused on '$mi{\grave{a}}o$ (廟)' and '$g{\bar{o}}ng$(宮)' in the records of "$Ch{\bar{u}}n-qi{\bar{u}}$(春秋)". As for the parts where the contents of scripture sentences were not specific, the context of the case was investigated through the writings in "$Zu{\breve{o}}-zhu{\grave{a}}n$(左傳)" and other materials. In the cases of the usage of the letter, '$mi{\grave{a}}o$(廟 : a ruler's house, a nation's royal court)', in the scripture sentences in "$Ch{\bar{u}}n-qi{\bar{u}}$(春秋)", the followings need to be noticed. In $t{\grave{a}}i-mi{\grave{a}}o$(太廟) of State $L{\check{u}}$(魯), nationwide events and a ruler's political ancestral rite, $d{\grave{i}}$(?) ritual, were performed, and fancy tools for ancestral rites used in those rituals were equipped. As for the $z{\bar{o}}ng-mi{\grave{a}}o$(宗廟) of a ruler of those times, a ritual of royal court, $ch{\acute{a}}o$(朝) rite, was performed. The usage case of the letter, '$g{\bar{o}}ng$(宮 : house)', is as the following. In $g{\bar{o}}ng$(宮) where a ruler's personal family lived was a family ancestral rite for them carried out. The record about the ornate decorating for the $hu{\acute{a}}n-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(桓宮), which can be said to have been the political base of $s{\bar{a}}n-hu{\acute{a}}n-sh{\grave{i}}$(三桓氏), three politically noble families of State $L{\check{u}}$(魯), is outstanding. The $x{\bar{i}}-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(西宮) during $X{\bar{i}}-g{\bar{o}}ng$(魯 僖公)'s reign and a $x{\bar{i}}n-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(新宮 : a newly built house) destroyed by fire at the third year of $Ch{\acute{e}}ng-g{\bar{o}}ng$(魯 成公), are assumed to have been a ruler's another house, such as the $ch{\check{u}}-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(楚宮) in which $Xi{\bar{a}}ng-g{\bar{o}}ng$(魯 襄公) used to enjoy staying, which is different from the viewpoint that it might be a $m{\acute{i}}-g{\bar{o}}ng$ shrine(?宮 : a house constructed as a shrine for the deceased father or the deceased grand father) that had been formed since Han dynasty. It has been discussed that, regarding the records that the '$w{\check{u}}-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(武宮) was built' and that the '$y{\acute{a}}ng-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(煬宮) was built', certain buildings were established with the symbols of '$w{\check{u}}$(武 : martial arts and force of arms)' and '$y{\acute{a}}ng$(煬 : to burn and get rid of everything)', and the events that a lord stood as its lord continued. Therefore, its main goal was not the performance of a dutiful ancestral rite by a ruler of those times for deceased rulers, for instance, $W{\check{u}}-g{\bar{o}}ng$(魯 武公) or $Y{\acute{a}}ng-g{\bar{o}}ng$(魯 煬公), but display of certain political symbolism through the ritual. This symbolism is most obvious with the $hu{\acute{a}}n-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(桓宮) and the $x{\bar{i}}-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(僖宮). As a consequence, all $mi{\grave{a}}os$(廟) and $g{\bar{o}}ngs$(宮) in scripture sentences had the functions of a shrine in some part, but it has been verified that they were not the buildings set up as a shrine to follow '$z{\bar{o}}ng-mi{\grave{a}}o$(宗廟)'s number regulation system' of '$ti{\bar{a}}nz{\check{i}}-7-mi{\grave{a}}o$(天子七廟 : an emperor owns seven $mi{\grave{a}}os$(廟))' or '$zh{\bar{u}}h{\acute{o}}u-5-mi{\grave{a}}o$(諸侯五廟 : a lord owns five $mi{\grave{a}}os$(廟))'.

• Journal of the Korean Society of School Health
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• v.9 no.1
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• pp.77-98
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• 1996

This studies designed to work out a theoretical framework on the experience of sexual abuse from the perspective of grounded theory in an effort to provide more practical and efficient nursing intervention for female victims. The subcategories identified were "sexual abuse", "threatening", "absent mindness", "embarrassment", "horripilation", "dizziness", "wondrousness", "filthiness", "sexual curiosity", "violence level", "victim's age", "neighbors response", "victims personality", "common experience", "sexual abuse information", "family relations", "level of familiarity", "hiding", "suppression", "self-torture", "self-protection", "avoidance", "asking aid", "withdrawal", "hatred", "confusion", "dodging, "remmant", and "pursuing". The 29 subcategories given above were further integrated into 16 categories such as "victimizedness", "being astounded", "filthiness", "degree", "developmental stage", "response pattern", "personality", "rarity", "information availability", "family support", "cover-up", "escaping", "informing", "negative internalization", and "positive pursuit of change". The core categories linked to all the other categories turned out to be "being taken aback" and "filthiness" incorporating the relevant subcategories. A total of 23 theoretical hypothesis emerged in the process of analyzing data. 1. the grater sexual curiosity, the weaker the senses of being taken aback and filthiness. 2. The weaker sexual curiosity, the stronger the senses of being taken aback and filthiness. 3. The stronger the level of violence, The more violent the senses of being taken aback and filthiness. 4. The lower the level of violence, the weaker the senses of being taken aback and filthiness. 5. The younger the victims, the stronger the senses of being taken aback and filthiness. 6. The older the victims, The weaker the senses of being taken aback and filthiness. 7. 'Escaping' will transpire regardless of the given circumstances. 8. The weaker the senses of being taken aback and filthiness, the more probable 'informing' and 'escaping' transpire. 9. The stronger the senses of being taken aback and filthiness, the more probable 'informing' and 'escaping' transpire. 10. The more protective the response from 'informing' and 'escaping' transpire around, the more likely the response to being taken aback' and 'filthiness' will be 'informing' and 'escaping'. 11. The more repelling the response from around, the more likely the response to 'being taken aback' and 'filthiness' will be 'covering-up' and 'escaping'. 12. The more open minded the personality of the subject, the more likely the response to 'being taken aback' and 'filthiness' will be 'informing' and 'escaping'. 13. The more closed the personality of tile subject, the more likely the response to 'being taken aback' and 'filthiness' will be 'covering-up' and 'escaping'. 14. The more frequent the experience of sexual abuse, the more likely the response to 'being taken aback' and 'filthiness' will be 'informing' and 'escaping'. 15. The less frequent the experience of sexual abuse, the more lilely the response to 'being taken aback' and 'filthiness' will be 'covering-up' and 'escaping'. 16. The more available information concerning sexual abuses, the more likely response to 'being taken aback' and 'filthiness' will be 'informing' and 'escaping. 17. The less available information concerning sexual abuses, the more likely the response to 'being taken aback' and 'filthiness' will be 'covering-up' and 'escaping'. 18. The more cohesive the family of the subject, the more likely the response to 'being taken aback' and 'filthiness' will be 'informing' and 'escaping'. 19. The less cohesive the family of the subject, the more likely the response to 'being taken aback' and 'filthiness' will be 'covering-up' and 'escaping'. 20. The less familiar the subject is with the abuser, the more likely the response to 'being taken aback' and 'filthiness' will be 'informing' and 'escaping'. 21. The less familiar the subject is with the abuser, the more likely the response to 'being taken aback' and 'filthiness' will be 'covering-up' and 'escaping. 22. The more likely the response to 'being taken aback' and 'filthiness' is 'informing and 'escaping', the more positive changes the subject will pursue. 23. The more likely the response to 'being taken aback' and 'filthiness' is 'covering-up' and 'escaping', the more negative changes the subject will pursue. The following four hypotheses were conformed in the process of data analysis. 1) In case the level of violence is strong but 'being taken aback' and 'filthiness' in weak because of strong sexual curiosity and also if information concerning sexual abuse is not readily available and the frequency is low, negative internationalization marked by 'covering-up' and 'escaping' will take place despite the fact the subject is open-minded, the family is cohesive and the abuser is unfamiliar. 2) In case the level of violence is weak but 'being taken aback' and 'filthiness' is weak combined with weak sexual curiosity and also if information concerning sexual abuse is readily available and the response from around is protective and the frequency is high, the subject will pursue positive changes to 'being taken aback' and 'filthiness', further aided by the fact that the subject is open-minded, the family is cohesive and the abuser is unfamiliar. 3) In case the level of violence is strong and 'being taken abuse' and 'filthiness' is strong because of weak sexual curiosity and also if information concerning sexual abuse is reading available and the response from around is readily available and the response from around is protective and the frequency is low, the subject will persue positive changes marked by 'informing' and 'escaping' despite the fact that the family cohesion is weak and the abuser is familiar. 4) In case the level of violence is strong and 'being taken aback' and 'filthiness' is strong because of weak sexual curiosity and also if information concerning sexual abuse is not readily available and the response from around is respelling and the frequency is low negative internalization like 'covering-up' and 'escaping' will take place, further aggravated by the fact that the subject's personality is closed, family cohesion is weak, and subject is familiar. On the basis of the above finding, it is recommended that nursing intervention should focus on promoting the milieu conductive to the victims pursuing positive changes along with the adequate aids from protection facilities as well as from the people around them.

• Korean Journal of Soil Science and Fertilizer
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• v.9 no.4
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• pp.235-244
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• 1976

Following results are obtained by re-evaluating N. P. K. and soil improvement trials conducted from 1964 to 1969 in valley paddy soils in rolling lands (Jisan-series, imperfectly drained and Yongji-series, moderately well drained). 1. Average grain yield of rice in no fertilizer plots and the highest yield plots for Yongji-series (31 experiments) were 319 and 507kg/10a respectively, and that of Jisan-series (15 experiments) were 396 and 567kg/10a respectively. The fertility difference between two series may have been a result of the cultivation history. Jisan-series is a mature soil which has a long cultivation history and Yongji-series is sub-mature soil 2. Soil chemical characteristics for Jisan-series are charaterized by 12.8meq/100g in CEC, 6.5meq/100g in exchangeable Ca, 3.9% in OM, and 64 ppm in available $P_2O_5$ For Yongji-series they were 10.4meq/100g in CEC, 4.7meq/100g in exchangeable Ca, 3.2% in OM and 103ppm in available $P_2O_5$. 3. Deep plowing and application of organic matter and lime are expected to be effective in increasing fertility level of soils of Yongji-series. The same will be effective in some soils of Jisan series where the fertility level is low. 4. Jisan-series shows high response to nitrogen, while Yongji series shows sharp decrease in rice yield at the high levels of nitrogen. Both series, however, showed high response to nitrogen only when the OM level was higher than 3%. 5. The optimum level of nitrogen was 8~9kg for Jisan-series, and 10~11kg/10a for Yongji-series. The yield increase per kg of applied nitrogen was 12kg for Jisan-series and 13kg for Yongji series. 6. The optimum level of phosphorus at the optimum level of nitrogen was 6kg/10a for Yongji-series and 3kg/10a for Jisan-series. The optimum level of phosphorus, however, was different depending upon the nitrogen level. It was assumed that Yongji-series required more fertilizer (available $P_2O_5$ was 110ppm) than Jisan-series (available $P_2O_5$ was 64ppm) because the availability of P was higher in Jisan-series than Yongji-series due to the severe reduction of Jisan-series. 7. The response of potassium was also depending upon the nitrogen level. In Yongji-series the potassium response at 8kg/10a nitrogen level decreased with increasing levels of potassium, but the higher level of introgen, potassium response was also higher. In Jisan-series potassium response was recognized at all nitrogen levels. The optimum level of potassium at the optimum level of nitrogen was 8kg/10a in both serieses. 8. The reasonable ratio of NPK fertilizer seems to be 1:0.6:0.6:for Yongji-series and 1:0.4:1 for Jisan-series as N:$P_2O_5$:K.

• Korean Journal of Soil Science and Fertilizer
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• v.9 no.1
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• pp.17-23
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• 1976

In order to investigate the fate of nitrogen in the paddy soil, Suchang, Hwasoon and Susan soil which have different properties, were treated with several nitrogen fertilizers such as ammonium chloride, ammonium sulfate, urea and SCU (sulfur-coated urea), and incubated under water-logged condition in $30^{\circ}C$ incubator. $NH_4-N$, $NO_3-N$, $Fe^{++}$ and pH in soil and stagnant water, were determined at 10, 20, 30, 40 and 50 days after incubation. The obtained results were summarized as follows: 1. The effect of rising temperature was increased in order of Hwasoon>Suchang>Susan and the effect of air drying soil was risen in order of Susan>Hwasoon>Suchang, while the rate of ammonication was in order of Susan>Suchang>Hwasoon. 2. The changes of $NH_4-N$ in stagnant water was dependent upon the nitrogen concentration of $NH_4Cl$ and $(NH_4)SO_4$ plat was high and decreased after 30 days incubation, but increased after 40 days and then decreased again. In contrast with the above, $NH_4-N$ concentration of urea and SCU plot was low but the change showed slightly through the incubation period. 3. Accumulation of $NH_4-N$ in the oxidative layer of the $NH_4Cl$ and $(NH_4)_2SO_4$ plot was higher than that of urea and SCU plot and $NH_4-N$ content was decreased with the incubation period. The change of $NH_4-N$ in the reductive layer showed the same pattern. 4. The changes of $NO_3-N$ in the stagnant water were different according to soil properties and nitrogen fertilizer. $NO_3-N$ concentration in stagnant water of urea and SCU plot was higher than in the $NH_4-Cl$ $(NH_4)_2SO_4$ plot and nearly disappeared after 30 to 40 days incubation. 5. The $NO_3-N$ concentration in the oxidative layer of soil was higher than reductive layer. The pattern of change was different in accordance with soil properties and nitrogen fertilizers. In general, nitrification in urea and SCU plot was more increased than $(NH_4)_2SO_4$ plot. In reductive layer, the concentration of $NO_3-N$ was very low until 30 days incubation and thereafter increased slightly. 6. Upon the concentration of $NH_4-N$ and $NO_3-N$ in stagnant water and soil, it was assumed that denitification of urea and SCU plot was higher than $NH_4Cl$ and $(NH_4)_2SO_4$ plot and denitrified nitrogen in incubation period was above 50%.

• Korean Journal of Soil Science and Fertilizer
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• v.42 no.1
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• pp.46-52
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• 2009

Deposition of atmospheric N that is depleted in $^{15}N$ has shown to decrease N isotope ratio ($^{15}N/^{14}N$,expressed as ${\delta}^{15}N$) of forest samples such as tree rings, foliage, and total soil-N. However, its effect on ${\delta}^{15}N$ of mineral soil-N which is biologically active N pool has never been tested. In this study, ${\delta}^{15}N$ of mineral N($NH{_4}^+$ and $NO_3{^-}$) in forest soils from organic and two depths of mineral soil layers (0 to 20 cm and 20 to 40cm depth) of Pinus densiflora stands located at two distinct areas (rural and industrial areas) in southern Korea was analyzed to investigate if there is any difference in ${\delta}^{15}N$ of mineral N between these areas. We also evaluated potential N loss of the study sites using ${\delta}^{15}N$ of mineral N. Across the soil layers, the ${\delta}^{15}N$ of $NH{_4}^+$ ranged from +8.9 to +24.8‰ in the rural area and from +4.4 to +13.8‰ in the industrial area. Soils from organic layer (+4.4‰) and mineral layer between 0 and 20 cm (+13.8‰) of industrial area showed significantly lower ${\delta}^{15}N$ of $NH{_4}^+$ than those of rural area (+8.9 and +24.3‰, respectively), probably indicating the greater contribution of $^{15}N$-depleted $NH{_4}^+$ from atmospheric deposition to forest in the industrial area than in the rural area. Meanwhile, ${\delta}^{15}N$ of $NO_3{^-}$ was not different between the rural and industrial areas, probably because ${\delta}^{15}N$ of $NO_3{^-}$ is more likely to be altered by the N loss that causes $^{15}N$ enrichment of the remaining soil N pool. Compared with the ${\delta}^{15}N$ of soil mineral N reported by other studies (from -10.9 to +15.6‰ for $NH{_4}^+$ and -14.8 to +5.6‰ for $NO_3{^-}$), the ${\delta}^{15}N$ observed in our study was substantially high, suggesting that the study sites are more subject to the N loss. It was concluded that $NH{_4}^+$ rather than $NO_3{^-}$ can conserve the ${\delta}^{15}N$ signature of atmospheric N deposition in forest ecosystems.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.52 no.2
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• pp.196-219
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• 2019

According to the Samguk Yusa, the nine-story wooden pagoda at Hwangnyongsa Temple was built by a Baekje artisan named Abiji in 645. Until the temple was burnt down completely during the Mongol invasion of Korea in 1238, it was the greatest symbol of the spiritual culture of the Korean people at that time and played an important role in the development of Buddhist thought in the country for about 700 years. At present, the only remaining features of Hwangnyongsa Temple, which is now in ruins, are the pagoda's stylobate and several foundation stones. In the past, many researchers made diverse inferences concerning the restoration of the original structure and the overall architecture of the wooden pagoda at Hwangnyongsa Temple, based on written records and excavation data. However, this information, together with the remaining external structure of the pagoda site and the assumption that it was a simple wooden structure, actually suggest that it was a rectangular-shaped nine-story pagoda. It is assumed that such ideas were suggested at a time when there was a lack of relevant data and limited knowledge on the subject, as well as insufficient information about the technical lineage of the wooden pagoda at Hwangnyongsa Temple; therefore, these ideas should be revised in respect of the discovery of new data and an improved level of awareness about the structural features of large ancient Buddhist pagodas. This study focused on the necessity of raising awareness of the lineage and structure of the wooden pagoda at Hwangnyongsa Temple and gaining a broader understanding of the structural system of ancient Buddhist pagodas in East Asia. The study is based on a reanalysis of data about the site of the wooden pagoda obtained through research on the restoration of Hwangnyongsa Temple, which has been ongoing since 2005. It is estimated that the wooden pagoda underwent at least two large-scale repairs between the Unified Silla and Goryeo periods, during which the size of the stylobate and the floor plan were changed and, accordingly, the upper structure was modified to a significant degree. Judging by the features discovered during excavation and investigation, traces relating to the nine-story wooden pagoda built during the Three Kingdoms Period include the earth on which the stylobate was built and the central pillar's supporting stone, which had been reinstalled using the rammed earth technique, as well as other foundation stones and stylobate stone materials that most probably date back to the ninth century or earlier. It seems that the foundation stones and stylobate stone materials were new when the reliquaries were enshrined again in the pagoda after the Unified Silla period, so the first story and upper structure would have been of a markedly different size to those of the original wooden pagoda. In addition, during the Goryeo period, these foundation stones were rearranged, and the cover stone was newly installed; therefore, the pagoda would seem to have undergone significant changes in size and structure compared to previous periods. Consequently, the actual structure of the original wooden pagoda at Hwangnyongsa Temple should be understood in terms of the changes in large Buddhist pagodas built in East Asia at that time, and the technical lineage should start with the large Buddhist pagodas of the Baekje dynasty, which were influenced by the Northern dynasty of China. Furthermore, based on the archeological data obtained from the analysis of the images of the nine-story rock-carved pagoda depicted on the Rock-carved Buddhas in Tapgok Valley at Namsan Mountain in Gyeongju, and the gilt-bronze rail fragments excavated from the lecture hall at the site of Hwangnyongsa Temple, the wooden pagoda would appear to have originally been an octagonal nine-story pagoda with a dual structure, rather than a simple rectangular wooden structure.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.44 no.1
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• pp.196-221
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• 2011

The Royal Private Shrines or the Samyo(私廟), were dedicated to members of Choseon's royal family who could not be enshrined at the (official) Royal Ancestral Shrine, the Jongmyo(宗廟). The Samyo were constructed at the national level and were systematically managed as such. Because these private Shrines were dedicated to those who couldn't belong to the Jongmyo but were still very important, such as the ruling king's biological father or mother. The details of all royal constructions were included in the State Event Manuals, and with them, the two-dimensional layouts of the Samyo also. From the remaining "Hyunsa-gung Private Tomb Construction Layout Record(顯思宮別廟營建都監儀軌)" of 1824, which is the construction record of Gyeongwoo-gung Shrine(景祐宮) dedicated to Subin, the mother of King Sunjo(純祖), it became possible to investigate the so far unknown "The Painting of Gyeongwoo-gung Shrine", in terms of the year produced, materials used and other situational contexts. The investigation revealed that the "The Painting of Gyeongwoo-gung Shrine" is actually the "Hyunsa-gung Private Tomb Layout" produced by the Royal Construction Bureau. The bureau painted this to build Hyunsa-gung Private Shrine in a separately prepared site outside the court in 1824, according to the royal verdict to close down and move the temporary shrine inside the courtyard dedicated to Subin who had passed away in 1822. As the Construction Bureau must have also produced the Gyeongwoo-gung Shrine Layout, the painter(s) of this layout should exist among the official artists listed in the State Event Manual, but sadly, as their paintings have not survived to this day, we cannot compare their painting styles. The biggest stylistic character of the Painting of Gyeongwoo-gung Shrine is its perfect diagonal composition method and detailed and neat portrayalof the many palace buildings, just as seen in Donggwoldo(東闕圖, Painting of a panoramic view for Changdeokgung and Changgyeonggung Palaces). A well-perceiving architectural painting employs a specific point of view chosen to fit the purpose of the painting, or it can opt to the multi-viewpoint. Korean traditional architectural paintings in early ages utilized the diagonal composition method, the bird-eye viewpoint, or the multi-viewpoint. By the 18th century, detailed but also artistic architectural paintings utilizing the diagonal method are observed. In the early 19th century, the peak of such techniques is exhibited in Donggwoldo(Painting of a panoramic view for Changdeokgung and Changgyeonggung Palaces). From the perfect diagonal composition method employed and the details of the palace buildings numbering almost two hundreds, we can determine that the Painting of Gyeongwoo-gung Shrine also belongs to the same category of the highly technical architectural paintings as Donggwoldo(Painting of a panoramic view for Changdeokgung and Changgyeonggung Palaces). We can also confirm this hypothesis by comparing the painting techniques employed in these two paintings in detailthe way trees and houses are depicted, and the way ground texture is expressed, etc. The unique characteristic of the Painting of Gyeongwoo-gung Shrine is, however, that the area surrounding the central shrine building(正堂), the most important area of the shrine, is drawn using not the diagonal method but the bird-eye viewpoint with the buildings lying flat on both the left and right sides, just as seen in the "Buildings Below the Central Shrine(正堂以下諸處)" in the State Event Manual's Painting Method section. The same viewpoint method is discovered in some other concurrent paintings of common residential buildings, so it is not certain that this particular viewpoint had been a distinctive feature for shrine paintings in general. On the other hand, when the diagonalmethod pointing to the left direction is chosen, the top-left and bottom-right sections of the painting become inevitably empty. This has been the case for the Painting of Gyeongwoo-gung Shrine, but in contrast, Donggwoldo shows perfect screen composition with these empty margins filled up with different types of trees and other objects. Such difference is consistent with the different situational contexts of these two paintings: the Painting of Gyeongwoo-gung Shrine is a simple single-sheet painting, while Donggwoldo is a perfected work of painting book given an official title. Therefore, if Donggwoldo was produced to fulfill the role of depiction and documentation as well as the aesthetic purpose, contrastingly, the Painting of Gyeongwoo-gung Shrine only served the purpose of copying the circumstances of the architecture and projecting them onto the painting.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.42 no.4
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• pp.20-49
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• 2009

This paper explores the Korean royal tombs steles such as monumental steles and tombstone marks (神道碑, 表石) that are broadly fallen into the following three periods ; the 15~16th centuries, 17th~18th centuries, and 19th century. As a result, the royal tombs steles were built, unlike the private custom, on the heirs to the King's intentions. During the 15~17th centuries the construction and reconstruction of the monumental steles took place. In the late Joseon period, monumental steles had been replaced with a number of tombstone marks were built to appeal to the king's calligraphy carved on stone for the first time. During the Great Empire Han(大韓帝國) when the Joseon state was upgraded the empire, Emperors Gojong and Sunjong devoted to honor ancestors by rebuilding royal tombstone mark. Based on these periodical trends, it would not be exaggerated that the history of establishing the royal tombs steles formed in late Joseon. The type of royal tombs monuments originated from those of the Three Kingdoms era, a shapeless form, the new stele type of the Tang Dynasty (唐碑) has influenced on the building of monuments of the Unified Silla and Buddhist honorable monuments (塔碑) of the Goryeo Dynasty. From the 15th century, successive kings have wished to express the predecessors's achievements, nevertheless, the officials opposed it because the affairs of the King legacy (國史) were all recorded, so there is no need to establish the tombs steles. Although its lack of quantity, each Heonneung and Jereung monumental steles rebuilt in 1695 and 1744 respectively, is valuable to show the royal sculpture of the late Joseon period. Since the 15th century, the construction of the royal tombs monumental steles has been interrupted, the tombstone marks (boulders) with simpler format began to be erected within the tomb precincts. The Yeoneung tombstone mark(寧陵表石), built in 1682, shows the first magnificent scale and delicate sculpture technique. Many tombstone marks were erected since the 1740s on a large scale, largely caused by King Yeongjo's announce to the honorific business for the predecessors. Thanks to King Yeongjo's such appealing effort, over 20 pieces of tombstone marks were established during his reign. The fact that his handwritten calligraphic works first carved on tombstones was a remarkable phenomenon had never been appeared before. Since the 18th century, a double-slab high above the roof(加?石) and rectangular basement of the stele have been accepted as a typical format of the tombstone marks. In front of the stele, generally seal script calligraphic works after a Tang dynasty calligrapher Li Yangbing(李陽氷)'s brushwork were engraved. In 1897 when King Gojong declared the Empire, these tombstone marks were once again produced in large amounts. Because he tried to find the legitimacy of the Empire in the history of the Joseon dynasty and its four founding fathers in creating the monuments both of the front and back sides by carving his in-person-calligraphy as a ruler representing his symbolic authority. The tombstone marks made during this period, show an abstract sculpture features with the awkward techniques, and long and slim strokes. As mentioned above, the construction of monumental steles and tombstone marks is a historical and remarkable phenonenon to reveal the royal funeral custom, sculpture techniques, and successive kings' efforts to honor the royal predecessors.

• Korean Journal of Environment and Ecology
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• v.33 no.3
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• pp.280-291
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• 2019

A. antiquum, first observed in Jeju Samdo Island in 1949, was designated as the Natural Monument No. 18 in December 1962 in recognition of its academic value. In Korea, it grows in nature only in Samdo in Jeju Island. Although its natural habitat was greatly damaged and almost destroyed due to firewood, stealing, etc. After the emancipation, it has been maintained by the transplantation and restoration. The site observed by this study has been managed as a restricted area since 2011. Since it has been about 20 years since the restoration of the native site in the 2000s, it is necessary to check the official management history records, such as the origin of transplantation and restoration to monitor the changes in the growth status and to control the habitat. As the results of this study, we have secured the records of cultural property management history, such as the identification of native species and the transplantation and restoration records. We also examined the change of the growth and development of A. antiquum 20 years after the restoration. There are no official records of the individuals transplanted to the restored natural habitat of A. antiquum in the 1970s and 1980s, and there was a controversy about the nativeness of those individuals that were restored and transplanted in 1974 since they were Japanese individuals. The studies of identifying native as the results of this study, we have secured the records of cultural property management history, such as the identification of native species and the transplantation and restoration records. We also examined the change of the growth and development of A. antiquum 20 years after the restoration. There are two sites in natural habitat in Samdo Island. A total of 65 individuals grow in three layers on three stone walls in a site while 29 individuals grow in two columns in the other site. A. antiquum grows in an evergreen broad-leaved forest dominated by Neolitsea sericea, and we did not find any other individuals of naturally growing A. antiquum outside the investigated site. This study checked the distribution of A. antiquum seedlings observed initially after the restoration. There were more than 300 seedling individuals, and we selected three densely populated sites for monitoring. There were 23 A. antiquum seedlings with 4 - 17 leaves per individual and the leaf length of 0.5 - 20 cm in monitoring site 1. There were 88 individuals with 5 - 6 leaves per individual and the leaf length of 1.3 - 10.4 cm in monitoring site 2 while there were 22 individuals with 5 - 9 leaves per individual and the leaf length of 4.5 - 12.1 cm in monitoring site 3. Although the natural habitat of A. antiquum was designated as a restricted public area in 2011, there is a high possibility that the habitat can be damaged because some activities, such as fishing and scuba diving are allowed. Therefore, it is necessary to enforce the law strictly, to provide sufficient education for the preservation of natural treasures, and to present accurate information about cultural assets.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.49 no.3
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• pp.32-51
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• 2016

This study examines, based on the database of the Institute for the Translation of Korean Classics(ITKC), the garden plants and their symbolism, and the landscape culture recorded in 'Jipkyungjaeyoungsi(the Series of Poems on Gardens Poetry)' in relevance to traditional houses. First, Jipkyungjaeyoungsi had been continuously written since mid-Goryeo dynasty, when it was first brought in, until the late Joseon dynasty. It was mainly enjoyed by the upper class who chose the path of civil servants. 33 pieces of Jaeyoungsi(題詠詩) in 25 books out of a total of 165 books are related to residential gardens. The first person who wrote a poem in relation to this is believed to be Lee GyuBo(1168~1241) in the late Goryeo dynasty. He is believed to be the first person to contribute to the expansion of natural materials and the variation of entertainment in landscape culture with such books as 'Toesikjaepalyoung(退食齋八詠)', 'Gabeunjeungyukyoung(家盆中六詠)'and 'Gapoyukyoung(家圃六詠)'. Second, most of the poems used the names of the guesthouses. Out of the 33 sections, 19(57.5%) used 8 yeong(詠), then it was in the sequence of 4 yeong(詠), 6 yeong, 10 yeong, 14 yeong, 15 yeong, 16 yeong, 36 yeong(詠) and so on. In the poem writing, it appears to break the patterns of Sosangpalkyung(瀟湘八景) type of writings and is differentiated by (1) focusing on the independent title of the scenery, (2) combining the names of the place and landscape, (3) focusing on the name of the landscape. Third, the subtitles were derived from (1) mostly natural landscape focused on nature and garden plants(22 sections, 66.7%), (2) cultural landscape focused on landscape facilities such as guesthouses, ponds and pavilions(3 sections), (3) complex cultural scenery focused on the activities of people in nature(8 sections). Residents enjoy not only their aesthetic preferences and actual view, but the ideation of the scenery. Especially, they display attachment to and preference for vegetables and herbs, which had been neglected. Fourth, the percentage of deciduous tree population(17 species) rated higher(80.9%) compared to the evergreens(4 species). These aspects are similar results with the listed rate in 'Imwonkyungjaeji(林園經濟志)' by Seo YuGu [evergreen 18 species(21.2%) and deciduous trees 67 species(78.8%)] and precedent researches [Byun WooHyuk(1976), Jung DongOh(1977), Lee Sun(2006)]. Fifth, the frequency of the occurrence of garden plants were plum blossoms(14 times), bamboos(14 times), pine trees(11 times), lotus(11 times), chrysanthemum(10 times), willows(5 times), pomegranates(4 times), maple trees(14 times), royal foxglove trees, common crapemyrtle, chestnut trees, peony, plantains, reeds and a cockscombs(2 times). Thus, the frequency were higher with symbolic plants in relations to (1) Confucian norms(pine trees, oriental arbor vitae, plum blossoms, chrysanthemums, bamboos and lotus), (2) living philosophy of sustain-ability(chrysanthemum, willow), (3) the ideology of seclusion and seeking peace of mind(royal foxglove ree, bamboo). Sixth, it was possible to trace plants in the courtyard and outer garden, vegetable and herb garden. Many symbolic plants were introduced in the courtyard, and it became cultural landscape beyond aesthetic taste. In the vegetable and herb garden, vegetables, fruits and medicinal plants are apparently introduced for epigenetic use. The plants that were displayed to be observed and enjoyed were the sweet flag, pomegranate, daphne odora, chrysanthemum, bamboo, lotus and plum blossom. Seventh, it was possible to understand garden culture related to landscaping materials through poetic words such as pavilions, ponds, stream, flower pot, oddly shaped stones, backyard, orchard, herb garden, flower bed, chrysanthemum fence, boating, fishing, passing the glass around, feet bathing, flower blossom, forest of apricot trees, peach blossoms, stroking the pine tree, plum flower blossoming through the snow and frosted chrysanthemum.