• Journal of the Korean Home Economics Association
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• v.27 no.1
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• pp.141-164
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• 1989

The Purpose of this study is to investigate the relationship between the urban home-maker's view of homemanagement and the domestic courtesy and ritual (wedding ceremany, ancestral service, funeral rites). The data for this study was obtained from the 661 homemakers who live in Seoul, Busan, Inchon etc. The data were analyzed by the method described below with SPSS Computer programs. Such methods as frequence, percentile, analysis of variance (t-test, one-way ANOVA), Pearson's correlation and Factor analysis, Multiple regression were used. The major results the study can be summaried as follows; 1) As the result of factor analysis about view of homemanagement, 10 factors (which Eigen Value was above 1.0) out of 28 guestions were extracted. 2) In general, it can be said that the urban Homemaker's View of homemanagement varies by age, level of education, religion. 3) The domestic courtesy and ritual (wedding ceremony, ancestral servic, funeral rites) varies by age, level of education, religion. 4) There is a positive relation in analyzing the correlation between the urban homemaker's view of homemanagement and domestic courtesy and ritual (wedding ceremony, ancestral service, funeral rites)(p<.001).

• Journal of the Korean Society of Food Culture
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• v.31 no.4
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• pp.286-299
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• 2016

This study analyzed trends and contents of ancestral ritual foods of Korean traditional Jong-ga as a domestic thesis. In searching the keywords related to ancestral ritual foods using a thesis search site, a total of 15 theses in seven journals were selected for analysis. Three theses from 1996 to 1999, six theses from 2005 to 2008, and another six theses from 2012 to 2016 were announced. In measuring frequency by dividing case families analyzed in the thesis into region, there were 83 families, including seven families from Gyeonggi (8.4%), seven families from Chungcheong (8.4%), two families from Honam (2.4%), and 67 families from Yeongnam (80.8%). Fifty-four families out of 67 families from Yeongnam were located in Andong-si, occupying 65.1% of the 83 families. The family showing the highest frequency was 'Seoae Jong-ga' (12 times). The family clan with the highest frequency was eight families of the 'Jinseong Lee clan' In the future, it would be necessary to understand the research flow through analysis of research trends in ancestral ritual foods of Jong-ga as well as interdisciplinary research and methodological diversification of studies on ancestral ritual foods of Jong-ga.

• Korean journal of food and cookery science
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• v.19 no.5
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• pp.562-570
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• 2003

The awareness of ritual foods in general rituals were surveyed and compared in the Gyeonggi and Gyungsangbuk-do areas in order to identify the characteristics of Korean rituals and establish desirable ritual foods. As materials for "Jeon" (fried pan cakes) in rituals, fish fillets, meat and vegetables were largely used in the Gyeonggi region. In the Gyeongbuk region, all three of these ingredients were the most highly used for "Jeon" also. In the case of rice cakes, "Songpyun" steamed on a layer of pine needles, "Jeolpyun" and "Sirudduk", with a red beans, were mostly used in Gyeonggi-do, while "Songpyun", "Jeolpyun" and "Ingelmi" were largely used in Gyeongsangbuk-do. As seasoned vegetables and herbs, fernbrakes, root of bell flowers, green bean sprouts and bean sprouts were largely used in Gyeonggi-do region, whereas, fernbrakes, bean sprouts, root of bell flowers and spinaches were mainly used in Gyeongbuk region. The use of fernbrakes was highest in both regions. With regard to the number of side dishes, 2∼3 kinds of seasoned herbs and 3∼4 kinds of fruits were mostly used, but with slightly higher numbers in the Gyeongsangbuk-do than the Gyeonggi-do region. With regard to liquor used for rituals, clear strained rice wine was used most in the Gyeonggi-do area, while more unrefined rice wine was used in the Gyeongbuk region. Meat was the most used ingredient in broth slices of dried meat and cod were highly used in the Gyeonggi region, but slices of dried squid were most widely used in the Gyeongbuk region. Most households in both regions tended not to use raw fish in the rituals, and as for the ingredients of Korean Kabobs, meat was the most widely used, then fish and finally vegetables were the most used ingredients. Beef soup was the most used, but more green vegetable soup was used in the Gyeongbuk than the Gyeonggi region. Sweet drink made from fermented rice (sikhe) was generally used in the rituals. It was the most widely used in the Chusok-Hangawi Ritual in the Gyeonggi region, while it was used in the New Year's Ritual in the Gyeongbuk region.

• KSII Transactions on Internet and Information Systems (TIIS)
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• v.16 no.6
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• pp.1953-1972
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• 2022

The COVID-19 pandemic has resulted in a profound impact on large-scale gatherings throughout the world. Social distancing has become one of the most common measures to restrict the spread of the novel Coronavirus. Islamic pilgrimage attracts millions of pilgrims to Saudi Arabia annually. One of the mandatory rituals of pilgrimage is the symbolic stoning of the devil. Every pilgrim is required to perform this ritual within a specified time on three days of pilgrimage. This ritual is prone to congestion due to strict spatiotemporal requirements. We propose a pedestrian simulation model for implementing social distancing in the stoning ritual. An agent-based simulation is designed to analyze the impact of inter-queue and intra-queue spacing between adjacent pilgrims on the throughput and congestion during the stoning ritual. After analyzing several combinations of intra-queue and inter-queue spacings, we conclude that 25 queues with 1.5 meters of intra-queue spacing result in an optimal combination of throughput and congestion. The Ministry of Hajj in Saudi Arabia may benefit from these findings to manage and plan pilgrimage more effectively.

• Journal of Korean Theatre Studies Association
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• no.48
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• pp.261-288
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• 2012

This paper attempts to research on the new language in the directing of Ara Kim. She was cranky on working on the stage to experiment with her own style since the 1980s and so opened a new dawn in modern Korean theatre. She leaded the Korean experimental theatre. The background of this experiment is her idea on theatre. And here, we have to look the subject that she setted for the work in Chuksan: Ritual Past, Ritual Present. To her, the theatre has the function of ritual and fest. The theatre suggests universal tragedy given to human as natural life force and has its own agenda to drive people to healing. For it, Ara Kim explores archetypal forms and languages before the fragmentation of genres of art. Her theatre shows the results of experiments in which such languages are recreated with modernized sensibilities. We here, for example by outdoor performance in Chuksan Human Lear, try to interpret the aesthetic principles that body out her ritual theatre. And what we looked at though, is the base of the 'complex-genre-music-theatre', the methode to 'compose' the stage elements and put it all together. The directing of Ara Kim has, in terms of the composition of the stage elements, much of the indisputable artistic value. Her theatre is, so to speak, theatre of image, and it is theatre of imagination that completed by the audience's imagination. Human Lear which has its own characteristic in image fragments, convert the original Lear into a simple tale. It serves as background of the modern ritual that shows the most basic human instincts. We meet in Human Lear a ritual tale with some list of image for the human instincts. The arrangement of image, the montage of scene shows the performance as a kind of artistic space. In Human Lear the space is the natural one. It centers around the arena stage. The objects installed in the space changes it into the laboratory for 'seeing' the happening. The spectators see the performance and at the same time see themselves in the nature laboratory. They see, and equally, they are visible objects. They see the performance and us in the space in which the performance takes place. That is what Ara Kim with her modern ritual really aims. That aim is to this days still in effect. It is a major driver of her experiments to extend the boundary of the theatre. The ritualistic site-specific performance in Akor Wat, Cambodia, A Song of Mandala is the latest great product from her experiments. On the other hand, she continues on her way to experiment with pure stage elements. The 'Station' series(Station of Water, The Station of Sand, The Station of Wind) she recently showed are the non-verbal performance with all the stage elements: movement, sound, body, light, colour, objects and so on.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.39
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• pp.581-607
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• 2019

Noting that exorcism play and mask play are different in their ritual nature, this paper aims to examine their ritual through the social drama theory of Victor Turner, a cultural anthropologist. Turner views every incident in human history as a social drama and interprets it based on the four-step structural theory of breach, crisis, redressive action, and reintegration. In particular, he believes that the redressive phase takes place through a ritual solution rather than a legal or political solution in the village community. Based on such Turner's theory, Chapter 2 analyzes Yeonggamnori, Jeju's typical exorcism play, and explains the process leading to reintegration in accordance with peaceful ritual. Chapter 3 then analyzes the Puppet Play on the same principle and examines that redressive action is being resolved through a sacrificial ritual in the case of this play. Chapter 4 checks whether the results from the previous two plays show similar aspects in other traditional plays. To this end, the exorcism play will be analyzed for Jeju's Seocheon Flower Play, Junsangnori, Segyeongnori and Sanshinnori, while the mask play will include Bongsan Mask Dance, Yangju Byeonsandae Play, Goseong Ogwangdae and Hahoe Mask Dance. As a result of these studies, it is the main point of the study to prove that exorcism play and mask play are different in their ritual nature. However, this research is only in the stage of seeking differences in its ritual, and the review on the historical and social causes of differences is left as a research task at a later date.

• Korean Journal of Human Ecology
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• v.6 no.1
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• pp.35-44
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• 2003

In Anthropology, ceremonies which human should pass in lives are difined as ‘Rites of Passage’. Each Rite has its own Clothing style, which is little different from general Clothing in shape, composition, color, meaning, etc. This Study shows composition and characters on Birth Ceremony Clothing through Documents and Survey around Chonnam Area. Survey Area is subdivided into 3 parts : Koksung(A Basin of Sumjin River-Eastern Area of Chonnam), Na-ju( A Basin of Yeongsan River-Western Area of Chonnam), and Kangjin(Southern Area of Chonnam). This Study analyses characters on Baenaet Jogori, 100th-day Clothing and First-birthday Clothing in Chonnam Area. In case of Baenaet Jogori, its shape in Survey is similiar to that of documents. In case of 100th-day Clothing, New Jogori and Baji have been made usually. First-Birthday(called “Dol”) Clothing shows difference between male and female infant. Male clothing consists of Pungcha Baji, Jokki, Magoja, Doltti while Female clothing consists of Pungcha Baji, Chima, Jumoni, and Doltti. In making of infant Clothing, 5-colors(Blue. Red, Yellow, White, Black) which consists of basic color in the Theory of the cosmic dual forces and Shape of Letters such as 壽ㆍ福ㆍ亞ㆍ卍 are used usually. This kind of colors and Shape of letters symbolize longevity and fortune. As a result of study, I find what Ritual Clothing in Birth has many symbolic meaning which reflects life-style culture. This study lay meaning on that deals infant clothings as a kind of Ritual Clothing.

• Journal of architectural history
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• v.21 no.6
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• pp.45-52
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• 2012

"Ohju Yeonmun Jangjeon Sango" written by Lee, Gyu-gyeng is one of the most important encyclopedias in the period of Chosun-Dynasty. There are two chapters related to architecture in this book, one is "ancestral rite governance·human"chapter, and the other is "architecture·human" chapter. Both of them are hard to understand because they are written in ancient Chinese and consist of various quotations in ambiguous way. This paper as a partial study is deal with the former. It makes difference between writter's original texts and quotations through textual research, and translates to modern Korean, and analyze information about ancient architecture in texts. The texts can divide to three sections. The first introduces three Chinese architectural theory books as "Gogonggi(考工記)", "Yeongjo Beopsik(營造法式)" and "Mokgyeng(木經)", and mentions about the prototype of the royal ancestral ritual building in "Gogonggi Toju(考工記圖注)". The second quotes "Seoyeong(書影)" to introduce "Yeongjo Beopsik". The third quotes "PaePyeon(稗編)" to introduce "Yeongjo Beopsik" and "Mokgyeng", and mentions about the counting unit of columns of the royal ancestral ritual building. Although the purpose for these quotations is not directly mentioned, but we can find it is intended to explain the architectural prototype and lay-out of the royal ancestral ritual building.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Food Culture
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• v.30 no.5
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• pp.502-544
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• 2015

This study researched a document regarding 'Pyeon (tteok)' on 25 Jong-ga ancestral ritual foods through "Jong-ga Ancestral ritual formalities and food", published during 2003~2008 by the National Research Institute of Cultural Heritage of Cultural Heritage Administration. A after about 10 years, the transmission process of the setting and recipe was compared and analyzed in 2015 by directly visiting 4 Jong-ga. This research classified regions into 7 Gyeonggi, 4 Chungcheong, 2 Honam, and 12 Yeongnam, and classified hakpa, Gyeonggi, Chungcheong, Honam region into 13 Gihohakpa, Yeongnam region into 12 Yeongnamhakpa. The important analysis standard of Jong-ga ancestral ritual food was the region and hakpa, which appeared to considerably influence 'Pyeon' setting style, which represents and symbolizes family and recipe. Gihohakpa Jong-ga, which is an academic tradition that pursues practical interests, seems to highly regard practicality to adapt to changes along with the period. On the contrary, Yeongnamhakpa Jong-ga, which highly regards self-sufficiency living base and moral justification, seems to be highly conservative. Increase in Jong-ga, which utilizes mill, is the result of adaptation to the period environment such as Jongbu aging and lack of labor, etc.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.53 no.1
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• pp.184-203
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• 2020

The Confucian ruling class of the Joseon Dynasty regarded Buddhist rituals as "dangerous festivals." However, these Buddhist ceremonies facilitated transitions between phases of life from birth till death and strengthened communal unity through their joint practice of the rites. Ritual spaces were decorated with various utensils and objects that transformed them into wondrous arenas. Of these ornaments, Buddhist paintings served as the most effective visual medium for educating the common people. As an example, a painting of the Ten Kings of the Underworld (siwangdo) could be hung as a means to illustrate the Buddhist view of the afterlife, embedded in images not only inside a Buddhist temple hall, but in any space where a Buddhist ritual was being held. Demand for Buddhist paintings rose considerably with their use in ritual spaces. Nectar ritual paintings (gamnodo), including scenes of appeasement rites for the souls of the deceased, emphasized depictions of royal family members and their royal relatives. In Chinese paintings of the water and land ceremony (suryukjae), these figures referred to one of several sacred groups who invited deities to a ritual. However, in Korean paintings of a nectar ritual, the iconography symbolized the patronage of the royal court and underlined the historicity and tradition of nationally conducted water and land ceremonies. This royal patronage implied the social and governmental sanction of Buddhist rituals. By including depictions of royal family members and their royal relatives, Joseon Buddhist paintings highlighted this approval. The Joseon ruling class outwardly feared that Buddhist rituals might undermine observance of Confucian proprieties and lead to a corruption of public morals, since monks and laymen, men and women, and people of all ranks mingled within the ritual spaces. The concern of the ruling class was also closely related to the nature of festivals, which involved deviation from the routines of daily life and violation of taboos. Since visual media such as paintings were considered to hold a special power, some members of the ruling class attempted to exploit this power, while others were apprehensive of the risks they entailed. According to Joseon wangjo sillok (The Annals of the Joseon Dynasty), the Joseon royal court burned Buddhist paintings and ordered the arrest of those who created them, while emphasizing their dangers. It further announced that so many citizens were gathering in Buddhist ritual spaces that the capital city was being left vacant. However, this record also paradoxically suggests that Buddhist rituals were widely considered festivals that people should participate in. Buddhist rituals could not be easily suppressed since they performed important religious functions reflecting the phases of the human life cycle, and had no available Confucian replacements. Their festive nature, unifying communities, expanded significantly at the time. The nectar ritual paintings of the late Joseon period realistically delineated nectar rituals and depicted the troops of traveling actors and performers that began to emerge during the seventeenth century. Such Buddhist rituals for consoling souls who encountered an unfortunate death were held annually and evolved into festivals during which the Joseon people relieved their everyday fatigue and refreshed themselves. The process of adopting Buddhist rituals-regarded as "dangerous festivals" due to political suppression of Buddhism in the Confucian nation-as seasonal customs and communal feasts is well reflected in the changes made in Buddhist paintings.