• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.36
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• pp.223-253
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• 2018

The purpose of this study is to examine how the Korean classic novel "Shimcheong-jeon" has transformed in juvenile literature since the 2000s. Classical novels are far from modern and temporal, differ from modern cultures. Classic novels are also different from the lives and thoughts of modern children. It is therefore difficult for modern child readers to easily understand or agree with classical novels. In order for classical novels to have the meaning in the present, it is necessary to pay attention to the encounter between classical novels and children's literature. In the case of "Shimcheong-jeon", unlike other classical novels, there are many creative fairy tales. There are seven kinds of fairy tales that transformed "Shimcheong-jeon". They are diverse in genres such as picture books, fairy tales, and juvenile fiction, and are intended for a variety of ages. These works are described in various perspectives such as, Shimcheong who is full of desire, Shim Hakgyu who is disabled, Ppaengdeog's mother who has maternity and subjectivity, The dragon of the dragon king and Byeogdeog who loves Shimcheong, and Shin Cheong who has a dream. The themes of the works vary. So, These works extend our expectations for classical literature. Fairy tales that transformed "Shimcheong-jeon" reflect the lives of children and youths, this is important because it can reduce the distance between classical novels and children and youth readers. Classical novels are modernized and give new meaning to modern children and youths. And it reflects the characteristics of the novels of Pansori's "Shimcheong-jeon", preserving the value of classics. Tears of Paengdeok is a story that explains the origin of Pansori "Shimcheong-ga", and inserts some lyrics of Pansori, in the case of Cheong, Cheong, Pansori style is used. Although humor is the greatest feature of pansori, there are few of Fairy tales that transformed "Shimcheong-jeon". It is a direction to worry and to orient when transforming "Shimcheong-jeon" into a fairy tale.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.45 no.1
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• pp.16-33
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• 2012

Maehwa blossom(梅花) has been favoured in literary and artistic works in the East Asia as one of representing symbols of virtuous men's character. Maehwaseookdo(梅花書屋圖) is one of major forms of painting. This paper starts from the birth of Maehwaseookdo since it aims to examine the following points: its structural origin of the Gurimaehwachonsado(九里梅花村舍圖) style; how this style was distributed in Korea; process and features of Maegamdo(梅龕圖). The current academic world admits Maehwaseookdo is originated from an ancient story of Lim Po(林逋). Even though Maehwaseookdo and Lim Po story can be linked to a meaning of schoarly hermitage, ways to structure works are hard to compare paintings based on Lim Po story. While paintings related to Limpo story such as Banghakdo(放鶴圖) and Gwanmaedo(觀梅圖) depict a scholar(s) and a few Maehwa trees with cranes, Maehwaseookdo presents scholarly hermitage with a lot of Maehwa trees which encircle a house building. As other paintings related to Maehwa blossom were widely painted since the nationwide popularity of the theme of Maehwa, Maehwaseookdo was not drown throughout the whole period of time. Since Goryeo, Maehwa paintings including Sehansamu(歲寒三友), ordinary Maehwado as one of the Four Gentlemen's plants, and Tammaedo(探梅圖) which was based on ancient anecdote of Maeng Hoyeon. Maehwaseookdo, however, was created exclusively in the 19th century. In China a similar feature took place much earlier period which was in the 17th century. Accordingly we can assume that these patterns which paintings in particular styles were generated by particular cultural phenomena. The reason why Joseon's Maehwaseookdo works were painted exclusively in the 19th century was that Kim Jeonghee's party and Sin wi had acquaintanceship with Jang Sim(張深) who got work orders for Oh Sungyang(吳嵩梁). In these corresponding activities, two types of Maehwa paintings were exchanged. In China, scholars usually drew paintings in the type of Gurimaehwachonsado(九里梅花村舍圖) depicting scenic views of Guriju(九里洲) which was riverside area under the Mt. Buchun(富春山). This place surrounded by thousands and hundreds of Maehwa trees was where Oh Sungyang(吳嵩梁) was about to retire to hermitage in. In this repect, Joseon scholars painted Maegamdo(梅龕圖) depicting a scene of a shrine with Oh Sungyang(吳嵩梁)'s poetry books surrounded by Maehwa trees for paying tribute to the wall of Maehwa trees(Maebyeok(梅癖)). This seems to adapt the format of 'Manmae(萬梅)' which appeared in the type of Gurimaehwachonsado. One of the representing works of this, is painted or supervised by Sinwi. Paintings in two types with respective meanings were combined by which was estimated to be painted by Sin Wi, then it became a structural base of by Jang Sim(張深) This type of Maegamdo brought the popularity of Maewhoseookdo which once had another name of 'Manmaeseookdo(萬梅書屋圖)' by a group of scholars such as Jo Heeyong, in the 19th century. All things considered, this paper can be a sort of precedent phrase to find out the birth of Manmaeseookdo which was very popular in the late 19th century.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.51 no.4
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• pp.66-83
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• 2018

This article focuses how the materials of hatstrings of the 19th to 20th century gat, the Korean top hat for men among the collections of National Folk Museum of Korea, was transformed after port opening treaties with overseas since 1876. As a result of analyzing the materials of the hatstrings, amber, tortoiseshell, wood and bamboo as the traditional materials were used, and ivory, glass (soda glass, lead glass, alkali mixed glass) and plastics (cellulose nitrate, phenol-formaldehyde, polystyrene, acryl) were newly used for the hatstrings. Bamboo, wood and amber were the most frequently used materials. Bamboo was mainly used for the pipe of hatstring and were combined with beads and central decorations of other materials. This shows the trend of bamboo hatstring according to the simplification of the clothing and the culture by Regent Heungseon Daewongun. Ambers were used in the central decorations and beads and the origin of ambers was baltic amber just like the amber relics found in Korea. Compositions of glass were soda glass and alkali mixed glass which were excavated or handed down in Korea from ancient times to Joseon dynasty. But in the case of lead glass, Na2O was detected and it is considered to be a new type lead glass for crafts which came from overseas after port opening since 1876 because it showed the characteristic that it deviates from the lead glass component found in Korea. Plastics such as cellulose nitrate and phenol-formaldehyde were used as new synthetic materials to replace traditional materials such as tortoiseshell, amber, and coral as in the West. Cracks, crazing, crumbly and yellowing of cellulose nitrate of hatstrings were observed by deterioration. The survey of the materials of the 19th to 20th century hatstrings among the collections of National Folk Museum of Korea showed that the introduction of new materials such as glass and plastics were used to replace natural materials such as tortoiseshell and amber along with the use of traditional materials after port opening since 1876.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.29 no.1
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• pp.14-27
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• 2011

The study reviewed the content and the meaning of the present Yeoju Palkyung(eight scenery) through analyzing and interpreting the Palkyung poems, old maps and paintings, and classic materials transmitted in Yeoju area, and investigated the transmission process. Although five scenes of the Yeoju Palkyungs illustrate abstract landscapes derived from the Sosang Palkyung, there are mixed with local sceneries showing famous historical ruins in the area and local life of the Yeogang(驪江: river). Seunggyeong(勝景) of Yeoju, highlighted in old paintings, has been emphasized through duplication the object and the view point field of Yeoju Palgyeong(驪州八詠), which is usually symbolized to sailing boats along the Yeogang, forests around Cheongshimru, and the layer Jeontap and Maam above Shinreuksa(神勒寺) Dongdae(東臺). It is quite undoubtful that the Yeoju Palyong of Choi Sukjeong and Seo Geojung is the copy of the present Yeoju Palkyung, but the present version is found to be all included in the Cheonggijeongsipyoung(淸奇亭十詠) of Cho Moonsu since the 17th Century, which shows that the Cheonggijeongsipyoung is viewed that it played an important role for the transmission of the Yeoju Palkyung. Also, it. is concluded that the Yeoju Palyong recorded in Yeojidoseo(與地圖書) is the same landscape collecting with the presend Yeoju Palkyung, which would be dated back at least until the mid 18th Century. In addition, given the fact that the studied old maps show Eight scenery, Sachoneohwa, Shinreukmojong, Yeontanguibum, Paldaejangrim, Yangdonagan, Ibanchungam, Pasagwau, and Yongmoonjeukchui, recorded consistently in the same time order, the eight scenic points in the old maps had been apparently established as the typical copy of the Yeoju Palkyung in the 18th Century. Therefore, the transmission route of the Yeoju Palkyung follows two separate versions, one starting from the Yeoju Palyong(Choi Sukjeung, Seo Geojeong) to Cheonggijeongpalyong to Yeoju Palyoung(Yeojidoseo) to the present. Yeoju Palkyung, and the other from the Yeoju Palyoung Geumsa Palyong(金沙八詠) to the old map Palkyung to the Yeoju Palkyung(the late 18th C). These two transmission processes have their own cultural sceneries having the same origin, which are different only in perspective which attempts to cover the representative scenic landscapes including Yeoju and Geumsa.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.32
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• pp.549-594
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• 2016

This research focuses on 'dramaturgical' performance among all the acts of a director who constructs an artistic structure. This is, specifically, the dramaturgical acts that a director comes to perform in the process of dramatizing a novel. This paper aims to suggest a new kind of approach for productive interaction between drama theory and practice, not only by documenting the process of creation but also by moulding theoretical basis on acts of a director. As you all know, creative acts in practice so far have rarely been considered as subject and purpose of academic study. Even some lucky plays and directors had to settle for fragmentary review. That's mainly because Korean theatrical circles confine the way of recording the whole process of drama in practice only to a piecemeal review of performance. As a result, there have been very few cases of observing comtemporary plays under the historical background of drama. In this regard, this paper desires to raise a question, 'is productive interaction between drama theory and creative practice possible?' and to find the answer. If what is described in this paper can have worth beyond a mere record of creative acts, it may establish theoretical grounds on interpreting the play stage of this era by reading, in the contexts of drama history, a director's dramaturgical performing acts to dramatize a novel. The researcher of this paper, as a director of a theater troupe like a human and artistic community, adapted "Crime and Punishment" by Dostoevsky into four plays. They are , , , , and completed in 2009, 2011, 2012, and 2014, respectively as an independent theatric work having no connections to each other in story. Not only because the four plays share the same novel as its origin but also because an identical system is applied to dramatization of the novel, it gives an opportunity to focus on and perceive the role of the director. During the process of dramatiztion, the director, the researcher of this paper, carried all the duties, such as selecting a text, approaching the text theoretically and academically, adapting it for drama, picking out appropriate episodes. This paper defines all these acts as dramaturgical performing acts. In this sense, this paper can also be seen as a documentary of 'acts' performed during the process of dramatization.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.35
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• pp.93-123
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• 2017

The Buddhist dance, which is considered to be the essence of Korean folk dance, has changed and developed over many years, having profound influential relations with Buddhism in terms of its origin, source, title, and costumes. Today the Buddhist dance is performed in two fixed types, Jangsam dance and Buk dance, but it is estimated that there must have been various forms of Buddhist dance during the Japanese rule based on the its historicity and various origination theories. It was around 1940 that Jang Yang-seon, the master of Haejugwonbeon, turned 'Seungininsangmu' into a work through Yang So-woon. The present study analyzed the video of 'Seungininsangmu' performed at the 'Performance in the Memory of Yang So-woon' in 2010, and the analysis results were as follows: first, the dance has a clear message to be delivered in its title and connotes an origination theory of Buddhist dance, which argues that the Buddhist dance was created by a Buddhist that underwent agony and corruption during his ascetic practice and later returned to Buddhism. Secondly, the process of Jangsam dance - Buknori - Bara dance - Heoteun dance - Hoisimgok - Guiui shows the thematic consciousness of the dance clearly in a sequential manner. Finally, the dance was in a form of combining various expressive methods according to the story and its development including the Bara dance, a dance performed in a Buddhist ceremony, the Heoteun dance, which is strongly characterized by individuality and spontaneity that are folk features, and Hoisimgok, the Buddhist music. Those findings indicate that the dance reflected well the flow of putting the Buddhist dance on the stage or turning it into a work in the early 20th century. Compared with the types of Buddhist dance in a strong form including the Jangsam dance and Buk dance, 'Seungininsangmu' conveys the meanings that the original Buddhist dance tried to express in terms of content and reflects on the diversity of combined Akgamu and theatrical elements in terms of form. The present study is significant in that it offers many implications for the Buddhist dance capable of future-oriented development.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.32
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• pp.43-78
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• 2011

The two schools which eventually came to form the "Northerners party" in the middle period of the Joseon dynasty, were Nam'myeong school and Hwadam school. Nam'myeong's philosophy, which emphasized the importance and merit of acting upon respect and righteousness(敬義), encouraged many people to organize righteous militias during the war with the Japanese in the 1590s, and when Jeong In-hong established himself as the leader of the Northerners party during the reign of King Gwang'hae-gun, the philosophy of the party and the school continued to thrive. Also, Hwadam's philosophy, which tried to understand Neo-Confucianism from a flexible point of view and demonstrated a level of openness toward it, had a considerable influence upon the Northerners school as well. It seems Nam'myeong Jo Shik and Hwadam Seo Gyeong-deok were the ones who ultimately enabled the Northerners party to be more active in their operations of the government and also to approach more freely toward the ideology of Neo-Confucianism. Prime examples of the party's stance and attitude, and also of the school's philosophy and perception of the world, were figures like Jeong In-hong and Heo Gyun from the 'Majority Northerners(大北) party,' and Kim Shin-guk and Nam I-gong from the 'Minority Northerners(小北) party.'Since the time of King Injo's ascension to the throne in 1623, the philosophical society of Joseon came to be occupied by schools who were deeply committed and dedicated to the teachings of Ju Hi and his Neo-Confucianism, such as the Twe'gye and Yulgok schools, and as a result the Northerners' philosophy was pushed away from its former formidable status. Their political philosophy was also partially responsible for their fall, as they believed only them were the ideal Confucian figures(君子黨), and never appreciated the stances of other political factions. In the middle of the 17th century, passing through a war with the Manchurian Qing dynasty as well, they further became a mere undercurrent. Yet their thinking and philosophy partially survived, as it managed to affect and influence the Southerner school scholars who were living in the vicinity of the capital in the mid and late 17th century, as well as the "Shilhak" scholars such as Yi Ik/李瀷 in the 18th century, on a certain level. The Northerners faction was a party and a school which led the political and philosophical societies of Joseon, alongside the Westerners and Southerners, in the middle period of the Joseon dynasty. Recently, studies of Jo Shik and Seo Gyeong-deok, figures who were the roots of the Northerners faction, and studies of how the Northerners' political philosophy was inherited to the following generations, have been published and announced. All these efforts will enrich future studies dealing with the political history and philosophical history of the middle and latter periods of the Joseon dynasty.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.38 no.4
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• pp.1-11
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• 2020

Noksan is a green area in the form of a hill located inside Gyeongbokgung Palace, unrecognized as a cultural heritage space. This study analyzed the literature and the actual site to derive its landscape meaning by examining the background for the formation of Noksan and how it changed. As a result, the identity of Noksan was related to the geomagnetic vein, pine forest, and deers, and the following are its landscape meaning. First, several ancient maps, including the 「Map of Gyeongbokgung Palace」 depicted the mountain range continuing from Baegaksan(Bugaksan) Mountain to areas inside Gyeongbokgung Palace, and Noksan is a forest located on the geomantic vein, which continues to Gangnyeongjeon Hall and Munsojeon Hall. On Bukgwoldo(Map of Gyeongbokgung Palace), Noksan is depicted with Yugujeong Pavilion, Namyeogo Storage, office for the manager of Noksan, the brook on north and south, and the wall. It can be understood as a prototypical landscape composed of minimal facilities and the forest. Second, the northern palace walls of Gyeongbokgung Palace were constructed in King Sejong's reign. The area behind Yeonjo(king's resting place) up to Sinmumun Gate(north gate of the palace) was regarded as the rear garden when Gyeongbokgung Palace was constructed. However, a new rear garden was built outside the Sinmumun Gate when the palace was rebuilt. Only Noksan maintained the geomantic vein under the circumstance. However, the geographical features changed enormously during the Japanese colonial era when they constructed a huge official residence in the rear garden outside the Sinmumun Gate and the residence of the governor-general and road in the site of the Blue House. Moreover, Noksan was severed from the foothill of Baegaksan Mountain when 'Cheongwadae-ro(road)' was constructed between the Blue House and Noksan in 1967. Third, the significant characteristics and conditions of the forest, which became the origin of Noksan, were identified based on the fact that the geomatic state of the northeastern side of Gyeongbokgung Palace, the naecheongnyong area in geomantic terms(the innermost 'dragon vein' among the veins that stretched out from the central mountain toward the left side), and they planted pine trees to reinforce the 'ground vein' and the fact that it was expressed as the 'Pine Field' before the Japanese Invasion of Korea in 1592. The pine forest, mixed with oaks, cherries, elms, and chestnuts, identified through the excavation investigation, can be understood as the original vegetation landscape. Noksan's topography changed; a brook disappeared due to mounding, and foreign species such as acacia and ornamental juniper were planted. Currently, pine trees' ratio decreased while the forest is composed of oaks, mixed deciduous trees, some ailanthus, and willow. Fourth, the fact the name, 'Noksan,' came from the deer, which symbolized spirit, longevity, eternal life, and royal authority, was confirmed through an article of The Korea Daily News titled 'One of the seven deers in Nokwon(deer garden) in Gyeongbokgung Palace starved to death.'

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.40
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• pp.243-272
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• 2022

Jeongeup, Jeollabuk-do, is an area that requires attention from those who study the history of Korean thought. In addition, Jeongeup is an area wherein many works were recorded for the first time in literary history. This is the case with Jeongeupsa as a style of Baekje songs and the lyrics of the noble families of the Joseon Dynasty, Sangchungok. Jeongeup is likewise the location where Choi Chi-won (857~?) was selected to serve as a local taesu (viceroy) and where a unique tradition of music and style were passed down. In this paper, the relationship between Choi Chi-won's role in the process of establishing a silent Confucian academy in Jeongeup and the emergence of scholar culture was examined. When Choi Chi-won left after his term in office, a birth shrine called Taesansa Temple was built to repay the selection of the villagers, and it became the source that led to the opening of the Confucian academy Museongseowon in the future. Jeongeup will be shown to be the location where Choi Chi-won realized his aspirations and honed his capabilities. In particular, Choi Chi-won's played a crucial role in the mid-Joseon Dynasty by supporting the construction and securing the name of Museongseowon. That is why Choi Chi-won was able to be revived as a symbolic figure in the region. In addition, it can be seen that the shape of Choi Chi-won was more sedentary- in the form of a Confucian scholar- and Confucian scholars emphasized the transfer of portraits at Museongseowon. Through the poetry written by Choi Chi-won, readers can learn about the worries and perceptions of scholars during those times. Although his value in the field of poetry is diverse, he can especially be recognized as a Confucian intellectual. In a large number of his works, he expresses his anxiety, agony, and critical inner consciousness all of which came from his encounter with the realities of his time. In fact, Choi Chi-won showed his qualities as a prominent literary figure of his time who had extraordinary aspirations and an admirable work ethic. However, he failed to overcome his regional and mental alienation as a poet in neighboring countries. Therefore, he internalized a sort of fierceness in terms of his perception of the world. However, it seems that it was rather a factor that made his work exhibit a strong lyrical style. In addition, Choi Chi-won's collection of writings includes a number of works that strongly criticized various forms of pathological phenomena caused by terminal phenomena of the time. He also highlighted the wrong in society by realistically depicting the lives poor and needy people and their eventual sacrifice via distorted relationships. This can be read encapsulating the agony of intellectuals of that time. The dictionary definition of a 'Confucian scholar' is "a Confucian term referring to a person or class that embodies Confucian ideology," and in its contemporary meaning it suggests " ⋯ an example of a personality, but not an identity, and the conscience of one's time period as a source of human morality inwardly and social order outwardly." In this respect, it could even be said that Choi Chi-won could be considered the originator of scholar culture.

• Journal of Popular Narrative
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• v.26 no.3
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• pp.189-219
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• 2020

This study is an analysis of Handol Heung-Gun Lee's Tarae, which is a coinage combining the Korean words for "playing an instrument" and "song", in terms of narrative and aesthetics. The components for analysis are the phenomena and nature of binary oppositions between nature and human beings, between alienation and interest, between division and unification, and between diaspora and people of the national community. Tarae in the period from the late 1970s to the early 1990s described the experience of pain and loss from non-resistance and disobedience in protest against social problems that emerged during the era of miliary dictatorship, such as industrialization, urbanization, reckless development, Westernization, university-oriented education, the gap between rich and poor, human alienation, and the conflicts arising from the division of the nation. After Handol overcame the lack of creative motivation with self-reflection and effort, Tarae took the form of a diaspora epic meta-narratives integrating the "sound of nature and his true nature" and "the awareness of diaspora and the spirit of the Korean people". The epics of the homeland, the national soil and the people, which began with "Teo", became more intense in terms of a sense of diaspora as they shifted their focus from an origin to a path with "Hanmoejulghi" as the turning point. Handol seeks inspiration in the source of narrative rather than in music. His Tarae focuses on "adding rhythm for lyrics". For this reason, the semiotic features of Tarae have a limitation in that its extrinsic phonology is simple even if its intrinsic meaning (i.e., emotion of sadness) is profound and subtle. In order to elicit sympathy from the audience and impress them, it is necessary to strike a balance between the implicit (semantic) part and the explicit (phonological) part. To share the emotion of sadness with more people, it is necessary to strengthen phonological elements. Sympathy for sadness and deep impression on the audience are more often induced by the mood of similar sentiments than by the stories of the same experience. The aesthetics of sadness in Tarae began with the narratives of past experience which were expressed in the contexts of loss, loneliness, and poverty that Handol had experienced since childhood. However, the aesthetics of sadness, deepened over the period of a long hiatus in Handol's career as a composer, formed the narratives of ultimate salvation, embodying even the diaspora experience of others (e.g., displaced people, overseas adoptees, ethnic Koreans in Russia, victims of Japanese military sexual slavery, etc.). This gave Tarae the potential to go beyond the limits of the ethnic group of Korea. Tarae, as a "dispersed sound", can benefit from the appeal of deep sadness at the point of contact with other forms of world music. It may form a global diaspora discourse because Tarae is oriented towards interculturalism rather than anti-multiculturalism. The future challenge and goal of Handol's Tarae would be to continue to find areas of sympathy and broaden the horizon of awareness as diaspora music.