• Journal of the Korean Society of Food Science and Nutrition
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• v.44 no.12
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• pp.1806-1812
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• 2015

This study was conducted to compare moisture, crude protein, ether extracts, fatty acid composition, and melting point of beef with different origins. Eighty (80) samples of domestic Hanwoo beef with different marbling scores (BMS) of 3, 5, 7, and 9, respectively (20 samples for each BMS) and 30 samples of imported beef (15 samples each of American and Australian beef) were used. Relationship of fatty acid composition with melting point of lipids was also analyzed. Percentages of ether extract of Hanwoo beef with BMS of 3, 5, 7, and 9 as well as American and Australian beef were 11.91, 13.23, 17.03, 23.92, 8.36, and 4.47%, respectively, with the highest value in Hanwoo with BMS of 9 and lowest value in Australian beef. Percentages of oleic acid (C18:1n9), the most abundant monounsaturated fatty acid (MUFA) in beef, were 44.92, 47.19, 46.23, 47.70, 43.70, and 38.28%. MUFA/saturated fatty acid (SFA) (M/S) ratios were 1.15, 1.25, 1.22, 1.27, 1.10, and 0.86, respectively. The melting point of lipids extracted from beef samples was the lowest ($27.42^{\circ}C$) in Hanwoo with BMS of 9, whereas it was highest ($41.15^{\circ}C$) in Australian beef. SFAs such as myristic acid (C14:0), palmitic acid (C16:0), stearic acid (C18:0), and total SFA in beef samples showed positive (+) correlations (r=0.203, 0.279, 0.807, and 0.880, respectively) with melting points, whereas MUFAs, palmitoleic acid (C16:1), oleic acid (C18:1n9), and total MUFA, showed negative (-) correlations (r=-0.541, -0.857, and -0.906, respectively). In conclusion, as the lipid contents of beef increased, composition of oleic acid (C18:1n9) increased. Furthermore, as BMS increased in Hanwoo beef, M/S was increased.

• Journal of Korean Medical classics
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• v.7
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• pp.198-231
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• 1994

Up to now, after I had examined the relation between the origin of Fung(風) and Gi(氣) and the mean of Fung in medical science, I obtained the conclusion being as follows. The first, Fung(風) means a flux of Gi(氣) and Gi shows the process by virtue of the form of Fung, namely, Fung means motion of Gi. In other words, it is flow of power. Accordingly, the process of all power can give a name Fung. The second, Samul(事物) ceaselessly interchange with the external world to sustain the existence and life of themselves. And they make a adequate confrontation against the pressure of the outside. This the motive power of life action(生命活動) is Gi and shows its the process on the strength of Fung. The third, Samul(事物) incessantly releases power which it has to the outside. Power released to the outside forms the territory of the established power in the environment of them and keep up their substance(實體) in the space time(時空). It can be name Fung because the field(場) of this power incessantly flows. The fourth, man operates life on the ground of the creation of his own vigor(生氣) for himself as the life body(生命體) of the independence and self-support. The occurence of this vigor and the adjustment process(調節作用) is supervised by Gan(肝). That is to say, Gan plays a role to regulate and manage the process of Fung or the action of vigor with Fung-Zang(風臟). The fifth, because the Gi-Gi adjustment process(氣機調節作用) of Gan is the same as the process of Fung, Fung that operates the cause of a disease is attributed to the disharmony of the process of the human body Gi-Gi. Therefore, the generating pathological change is attributed to the extraordinary of the function by the incongruity of Gi-Gi(氣機) or the disorder of the direct motion of Gi-Hyul(氣血). Because the incongruity of this Gi-Gi of the human body gives rise to the abnormal of Zung-Gi(正氣) in the human body properly cannot cope with the invasion of 'Oi-Sa(外邪). Furthermore, Fung serves as the mediation body of the invasion of other Sa-Gi(邪氣) because of its dynamics, By virtue of this reason, Fung is named the head of all disease. And because the incongruity of the Gi-Gi has each other form according to Zang-Bu(臟腑), Kyung-Lak(經絡), and a region, the symptoms of a disease appear differently in line with them as well. The sixth, Fung-byung(風病) is approximately separated Zung-Fung(中風) and Fung-byung(猍義의 風病). Zung-fung and Fung-byung is to be attributed to the major invasion of each Jung-gi and Fung-sa(正氣와 風邪). But these two kinds stir up the problem to the direct motion of Gi-hyul(氣血) and the harmony of Gi-Gi in the human body. When one cures it, therefore, Zung-fung has to rectify Gi-Gi and the circulation of Gi-hyul on the basis of the supplement of Jung-gi(正氣) and Fung-byung must make the harmony of Gi-Gi with the Gu-fung(驅風). -Go-gi(調氣), Sun-Gi(順氣). Hang-Gi(行氣) - All existing living things as well as man maintain life on the ground of the pertinent harmony between the soul(精神) and the body(肉體). As soon as the harmony falls down, simultaneously life disappears as well. And Fung which means the outside process between Gi(氣) and Gi(氣) makes the action of their life cooperative and unified, Accordingy, the understanding of Fung, first, has to start wi th the whole thought that not only all Samul(事物) but also the soul and the body are one.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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• v.36 no.6
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• pp.66-80
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• 2009

This paper attempts to investigate how the cultural phenomena associated with 'Wuyi-Doga(武夷棹歌)' and 'Wuyi-Gugok (武夷九曲)' was introduced to Joseon. The icon and code of 'Gugok' cultural text which was observed in the process of transmitting the culture through repetition and imitation were examined. With regard to research methodology, an 'analysis and discussion framework' was designed based on the literature review, field survey and the seven textuality criteria proposed by Dressier. Then the textuality of 'Wuyi-Gugok' was analyzed in terms of the dependent relation of text, the relationship between the creator and user, repetition, imitation and the spread process. Since ZhouHee(朱熙)'s 'Wuyi-Doga' and 'Wuyi-Gugok' were introduced to Joseon through literature and paintings, they became a part of the cultural Phenomena with unprecedented popularity. As a result, a great number of imitations can be found. In addition, governors would even take care of political affairs in a scenic mountain valley as described in this literature. Regardless of the writer's intentiot 'Gugok' settled in Joseon as new culture in harmony with Taoism and Sung COnfucianism. In other words, Joseon's Gugok-Wonlim(九曲園林) accepted the nature-appreciation aesthetic consciousness in 'Wuyi-Doga' and 'Wuyi-Gugok' on the basis of Taoism and Sung Confucianism. In terms of the text-based dependent relation only, however, the geographical coherence was somewhat loosened while the Gugok Culture that was dependent on Taoism or elegance in life dominated the internal structure of the textuality. Meantime, the internal factors that dominated the textuality of 'Wdyi-Gugok' were interpreted as 1) 'Aesthetics of Bending, Water Whirls', 2) 'Territoriality Expression Carve letters,' 3) 'Cultural Landscape seeing through the Speculation of Meaning,' 4) 'The Pursuit of Oddness and Presentationism' and 5) 'Transcendental Landscape of Taoism and Topos.'

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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• v.37 no.3
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• pp.91-104
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• 2009

This paper attempts to look at the identity of the traditional famous sceneries of Jeju Island by investigating the relationship between 'Yeoung Ju-Sipikyung(瀛州十二景)', which are the representative beautiful scenes of Jeju Island, and two paintings 'T'amna-Sipkyungtdo(耽羅十景圖)' and 'T'amna-Sullyokto(耽羅巡歷圖)' by a grasp of the contents and meanings of these two paintings. The following are the results of the study. In the 'T'amna-Sipkyung', which is the origin of today's 12 beautiful sceneries of Jeju Island, Baekrokdam and Youngsil are both symbolic places and the backdrops against which Jeju's myths were formed. Jocheonjin, Seogwijin and Myoungwoljin, located near the seashores, are strategic footholds in protecting the territory of the island and connotatively contain its culture and history. Seongsan Ilchulbong, Sanbangsan, Chwibyeongdam and Cheonjeyeon Pokpo are not only the quintessentially beautiful scenes of Jeju but also belong to 'YeoungJu-Sipikyung'. And 'T'amna-Sullyokto', which describes the Jeju horses and tangerines that were presented to the king as tribute, offers scenic elements with a strong political tone and is related to the five scene of 'T'amna-Sullyokto', showing that 'defense' and 'tribute' are motives in choosing the sceneries of people's daily lives here. Jeju's daily scenes in particular have been continuously transmitted: 'Idyllic lives with the background of a tangerine orchard' are shown in 'Kowon Panggo' and 'Kyullim P'ungak', and Jeju horses grazing on pastures or being ridden in hunting trips are presented in 'Sanjang Kuma' and 'Kyorae Taeryop'. Besides Baekrokdam and Youngsil, which do not belong to Sunyeok(巡歷) corridor of minister Lee Hyoungsang, 'Yeoung Ju-Sipikyung', directly related to 'T'amna-Sipkyung', has six beautiful sceneries: Seongsan of Seongsan Ilchulbong, Baekrokdam of Baekrokmanseol, Younggok of Youngsilgiam, Sanbang of Sanbanggulsa Chwibyeongdam of Yongyeonyabeom and Seogwiso of Seojinnoseong. The image of 'Gosumokma', the tenth landscape of 'Yeoung Ju-Sipikyung', was expressed as it is, through 'Udojeomma' and 'Sanjangguma'. The ten beautiful sceneries of 'T'amna-Sipkyung' were also especially described in 'T'amna-Sullyokto', besides Baekrokdam and Youngsil, which do not belong to Sunyeok corridor. As the places and landscapes emphasized on 'T'amna-Sipkyungto' and 'T'amna-Sullyokto' in common have been transmitted by the politicians and ancestors of Jeju Island, they have become established as today's 'Yeoung Ju-Sipikyung', passing through correction processes. When considering this process of development, 'Yeoung Ju-Sipikyung' are worthy of heritage and traditional landscapes accomplished in a long difficult period based on investigation into beautiful Jeju Island and the love of the island people for their home.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.33
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• pp.117-142
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• 1997

This study is on perfume case that is one of a great number of ornaments which was designed by out ancestors. We had developed the tradition and the history of perfume case bag fan-weight etc. These have the same function as the present perfume. case. There were basket-shaped perfume cases which were the smellest one among the personal girdle ornaments in the silla era. The various patterned perfume case were made of gold metal coral platinum or green jadeite etc. In the single-crop trinkets a embroidered perfume bag with the gold and silver thread whose forms perfectly match their functions appeared during the Yi Dynasty. There was also a perfume bag which was one of the daily necessities. A precious "jul perfume" was carried by noble women. A fan-weight perfume bag was attached to the fan to emphasize the intrinsic beauty of utility and function. It is necessary to know the function of prefume case. As perfume case is weared on the clothes it was given more decorative effects as well as the function of medicinal amulet with a sweet smell. Therefore it is very important for us to study perfume case that has various function as an ornament. So The purpose of this study is to investigate the practical and decorative side of perfume case with the general examines of perfume finding how to practice use through our life. The results were as follows; 1. The first use of perfume is perfume through smoke which is for ceremony of religion It removes human body odor by degrees and spreads a sweet odor. Also the materials for making perfume of early age is aromatic plants which will be used flour-made flowers stems. As the materials for making perfume use is increasing today we can invent alcohol perfume today 2. Our country the custom of perfume-used is wide. Among them men's perfume-used was very special phenomenon. For example men were wearing perfume bag in the Silla era. Because perfume represented wealth and noble in those days. They shew off social position personality through perfume-used. 3. One of early religion ceremony article there was the perfume. And perfume case was means for containing perfume. Gradually the perfume case was used widly as increasing needs of perfume in human life. 4. In the middle period of 'Koryo' Dynasty perfume cases had a close relationship with clothes but after Mongolian has been attacked 'Koryo' there were changes in wearing clothes therefore the position of perfume cases were transfered to coat string that was the origin of decoration style that they began. That is to say the perfume case has been influenced the position of perfume case shapes with changing of fashion. 5. The perfume case has been made manifest various function as an ornament. In the practical side First medical-perfume in perfume case has been played an important role in first-aid medicine in critical condition. Second it was amulet for self protection. That is the shape pattern color materials perfume of the perfume case was represented the amuletive nature. Third it was used as substitute article of perfume. Modern women use liquid-perfume as our ancestors used perfume case bag or jul perfume As started above. Also In the decorative side the perfume case has a beautiful formative arts by itself as well as a close relationship with clothes. That well as a close relationship with clothes. That is when the perfume case is worn on the clothes costume is showed aesthetices. That is the materials shapes color pattern of the perfume case we can see the visual beauty also the materials colors embroidered pattern knots tassel that are used the perfume case are increased the decorative beauty of costume. Sixth the symbol in pattern of the pattern case is shown ancetor's wealth and rank health longevity immortality many-born-boy in those days. Today the perfume case is not used with changing of costume by degrees, Accordingly I hope that the result of this study is an influened in devlopment of the perfume case design with matching the modern fashion.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.32 no.3
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• pp.154-167
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• 2014

The results of this study conducted to identify the substance, regional characteristics or landscaping of Namwon Yonghogugok, which is the only valley of Jiri Mountain, based on Kim Samun's 'Yonghokugok-Gyeongseungannae(龍湖九曲景勝案內)', 'Yongseongji(龍城誌)' and position, meaning of letters carved and projection technique by ArcGIS10.0 on the rocks are as below. The feature landscapes of the canyon of Yonghogugok, which is an incised meander and one of the Eight beautiful scenery of Namwon, ponds, cliffs and rocks generated with metamorphic rocks and granites weathered by rapids torrents. As a result of measuring the GPS coordinates of the letters carved on the rocks, excluding the 3 Gok Hakseoam and the distances based on the origin and destination of the letters carved on the rocks using the API(Application Programming Interface) function of Daum map, the total distance of Yonghogugok was 3.5km and the average distance between the each Gok was 436.5m. It is assumed that Yonghogugok was designated by Sarim(士林) of the Kiho School(畿湖學派) related to Wondong Hyangyak(元洞鄕約) which is the main agent of Yonghojeongsa(龍湖精舍), the forerunner of Yonghoseowon(龍湖書院), between the late Joseon Dynasty and the early Japanese colonial era, in 1927. Its grounds are the existence of Yonghoyeongdang mentioned on 'Yonghojeongsilgi'(龍湖亭實記), records of 'Haeunyugo(荷隱遺稿)', 'Yonghopumje(龍湖品題)' of Bulshindang(佛神堂), 'Yonghojeongsadonggu Gapjachun(龍湖精舍洞口 甲子春)' letters carved on the rocks and 'Yonghogugok-Shipyeong(龍湖九曲十詠)' posted on Mokgandang of Yonghoseowon. Comprehensively considering the numerous poetry society lists carved on the stone wall of Punghodae(風乎臺), the Sixth Gok Yuseondae, its stone mortar, 'Bangjangjeildongcheon(方丈第一洞天)' of Bulshindang and Gyoryongdam(交龍潭), the Yonghoseokmun(龍湖石門) letters carved on the rocks, Yeogungseok adjacent to the First Gok and Fengshui facilities, centered on Yonghoseowon and Yonghojeong, Yonghogugok can be understood as a unique valley culture formed with the thoughts of Confucianism, Buddhism, Taoism and Fengshui. 'Yonghogugok-Gyeongseungannae' provides very useful information to understand the place name, called by locals and landscaping aspects of Yonghogugok in the late Joseon Dynasty. In addition, the meaning of "Nine dragons" and even though 12 chu(湫: pond) of Yonghogugok Yongchudong including Bulyeongchu, Guryongchu, Isuchu, Goieumchu and Daeyachu are mentioned on Yongseongji, a part of them cannot be confirmed now. Various place names and facilities relevant to Guryong adjacent to Yonghogugok are the core of the place identity. In addition, the accurate location identification and the delivery of the landscaping significance of the 12 ponds is expected to provide landscaping attractiveness of Yonghogugok and become very useful contents for landscaping storytelling and a keyword of storyboard.

• Journal of Korean Society of Transportation
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• v.33 no.4
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• pp.379-392
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• 2015

Freight flow data in Korea has been collected for a variety of purposes by various organizations. However, since the representation and format of the data varies, it has not been substantially used for freight analyses and furthermore for freight policies. In order to increase the applicability of those data sets, it is required to bring them in a table and compare for finding the differences. Then, it is shown that the raw data can be aggregated by a particular criterion such as mode, origin and destination, and type commodity. This study aims to examine the freight data issue in terms of three different points of view. First, we investigated various freight volume data sets which are released by several organizations. Second, we tried to develop formulations for freight volume data. Third, we discussed how to apply the formulations to network models in which particular OR (Operations Research) techniques are used. The results emphasized that some data might be useless for modeling once they are aggregated. As a result of examining the freight volume data, this study found that 14 organizations share their data sets at various aggregation levels. This study is not an ordinary research article, which normally includes data analysis, because it seems to be impossible to conduct extensive case studies. The reason is that the data dealt in this study are diverse. Nevertheless, this study might guide the research direction in the freight transport research society in terms of data issue. Especially, it can be concluded that this study is a timely research because the governmemt has emphasized the importance of sharing data to public throughout 'government 3.0' for research purpose.

• The Journal of Korean Medical History
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• v.18 no.2
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• pp.137-187
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• 2005

This thesis study of the medical concept Qiu Zheng Lu (求正錄) is discussed in the Lei Jing Fu Yi (類經附翼), a book authored by Zhang Jie Bin (張介賓) a medical doctor during the Chinese Ming (明) dynasty (1368-1683). The meaning of Qiu Zheng Lu (求正錄) is "searching for the rightness." In his book Zhang Jie Bin (張介賓) intended to clarify Qiu Zheng Lu (求正錄) by delineating the concept into four categories. These are: Sanjiao Baoluo Mingmen Bian (三焦包絡命門 辨) the theory of the triple warmer, the Pericardium, the Gate of Life ; Da Bao Lun (大寶論) the theory of the great treasure of the human body; Zhen Yin Lun (眞陰論) the theory of true-yin fluid; and Shi Er Zang Mai Hou Bu Wei Lun (十二臟脈候部位論) the theory of the part of the pulse and its condition in regards to the twelve viscera. Sanjiao Baoluo Mingmen Bian (三焦包絡命門辨), the theory of the triple warmer, the Pericardium, the Gate of Life. The triple warmer (三焦: Sanjiao) is composed of three parts: the upper, middle, and lower. This concept is also connected with the functions and roles of the vital organs. The upper burner is related to the heart and lungs. The middle burner is related to the liver and spleen. Whereas, the lower burner is related to the kidneys. Bao-Luo (包絡) is the Pericardium, the envelope of the heart, serving as the protector of the heart. Ming-Men (命門) is the Gate of Life, reffering to the vitals of life. It functions as kidney-yang which is considered as the origin of yang-energy of the human body, and serves partly as the function of cortico-adrenal gland in modern medicine. Zhang Jie Bin (張介賓) discussed the Da Bao Lun (大寶論) as the most important function in the human body because the Da Bao (大寶/great treasure) is the true-yang (眞陽) which is the affective force for physiological functions, and as the source of energy for life activities. Moreover, true-yang (眞陽) functions both as a heater and thermometer that warms the human body and indicates vitality by levels of body warmth respectively. The Zhen Yin Lun (眞陰論) theory states that if true-yang (眞陽) is energy, then true-yin (眞陰) is the source of energy. This can be likened to a tree with roots which absorbs nutrients from the ground (source), and spreads the nutrients (energy) through its branches. Thus, true-yin (眞陰) is the root cause for later functional activities of true-yang (眞陽). In Shi Er Zang Mai Hou Bu Wei Lun (十二臟脈候部位論) the theory of the pulse (脈 /Mai) and its condition in regards to the twelve viscera, Zhang Jie Bin (張介賓) insisted that when a diagnoses by the pulse is made the five vital organs and the six viscera (五臟六腑) of a human body should be harmoniously arranged in accordance with its respective part of the pulse. Furthermore, Zhang Jie Bin (張介賓) supported his theory with evidence from earlier Chinese medical doctors. And, by stating that human beings must cultivate and preserve their true-yin (眞陰) and true-yang (眞陽) energies he therefore created four new prescriptions called: Zuoguiyin (左歸飮), Youguiyin (右歸飮), Zuoguiwan (左 歸丸), Youguiwan (右歸丸). To further clarify his theory Zhang Jie Bin (張介賓) considered that the function of true-yang (眞陽) and true-yin (眞陰) is expressed by Ming-Men (命門). This theory is that for humans to be spiritually and physically healthy they must live in accord with natural law. Also, within the framework of natural law, astronomical and geographical factors must be considered for complete, holistic, health. Thus, Ming-Men is the basis for healthy living in the modern world.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Groundwater Environment
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• v.5 no.4
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• pp.177-191
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• 1998

For various kinds of waters including surface water, shallow groundwater (＜70 m deep) and deep groundwater (500∼810 m deep) from the Pungki area, an integrated study based on hydrochemical, multivariate statistical, thermodynamic, environmental isotopic (tritium, oxygen-hydrogen, carbon and sulfur), and mass-balance approaches was attempted to elucidate the hydrogeochemical and hydrologic characteristics of the groundwater system in the gneiss area. Shallow groundwaters are typified as the 'Ca-HCO$_3$'type with higher concentrations of Ca, Mg, SO$_4$and NO$_3$, whereas deep groundwaters are the 'Na-HCO$_3$'type with elevated concentrations of Na, Ba, Li, H$_2$S, F and Cl and are supersaturated with respect to calcite. The waters in the area are largely classified into two groups: 1) surface waters and most of shallow groundwaters, and 2) deep groundwaters and one sample of shallow groundwater. Seasonal compositional variations are recognized for the former. Multivariate statistical analysis indicates that three factors may explain about 86% of the compositional variations observed in deep groundwaters. These are: 1) plagioclase dissolution and calcite precipitation, 2) sulfate reduction, and 3) acid hydrolysis of hydroxyl-bearing minerals(mainly mica). By combining with results of thermodynamic calculation, four appropriate models of water/ rock interaction, each showing the dissolution of plagioclase, kaolinite and micas and the precipitation of calcite, illite, laumontite, chlorite and smectite, are proposed by mass balance modelling in order to explain the water quality of deep groundwaters. Oxygen-hydrogen isotope data indicate that deep groundwaters were originated from a local meteoric water recharged from distant, topograpically high mountainous region and underwent larger degrees of water/rock interaction during the regional deep circulation, whereas the shallow groundwaters were recharged from nearby, topograpically low region. Tritium data show that the recharge time was the pre-thermonuclear age for deep groundwaters (＜0.2 TU) but the post-thermonuclear age for shallow groundwaters (5.66∼7.79 TU). The $\delta$$\^$34/S values of dissolved sulfate indicate that high amounts of dissolved H$_2$S (up to 3.9 mg/1), a characteristic of deep groundwaters in this area, might be derived from the reduction of sulfate. The $\delta$$\^$13/C values of dissolved carbonates are controlled by not only the dissolution of carbonate minerals by dissolved soil CO$_2$(for shallow groundwaters) but also the reprecipitation of calcite (for deep groundwaters). An integrated model of the origin, flow and chemical evolution for the groundwaters in this area is proposed in this study.

• Korean Journal of Soil Science and Fertilizer
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• v.38 no.6
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• pp.301-306
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• 2005

Asian dust was collected in Korea and soils in the arid area of northern China were analysed for its physical and chemical properties, and mineral compositions for in order to interpret the origin of Aeolian soils and estimate the effect of dust wind on the soil environment in Korea. Asian dust was collected at Suwon in Korea from 2002 to 2004. Soil samples were collected from the desert and Loess plateaus around Gobi desert in China. As a result of analysis of desert soil distributed on northern region and Loess soils in China, it was observed that soil pH was about 9, organic matter 11 to $23g\;kg^{-1}$, and CEC 7.1 to $18.4cmolc\;kg^{-1}$, showing a high spatial variation among different sampling locations. About 62 to 80% of particles were composed of quartz and feldspars, 2 to 14% calcite ($CaCO_3$) and dolomite [$Ca{\cdot}Mg(CO_3)_2$], and trace other clay minerals. All the dust particles in Korea were below 50 m in diameter, and the mineral compositions were quartz, mica, feldspar and some clay minerals. Major components of clay mineral of Asian dust was mainly illite as compared to the kaolin of soils in Korea. The base saturation of exchangeable Ca, Mg, K and Na in the Asian dust was above 250% due to the high content calcite. Most of upland soil in Suwon was thin and sharp type, but Asian dust in Korea was the spherical shape. Asian dusts in Suwon, Korea, did not show a definite mineralogical variation of the dust during the collection period. Difference between the Asian dust collected in Korea and the soils in arid area of China was observed in the physical and chemical properties, especially for particle size distribution, cations such as Ca, Mg, K and Na. However, some similarities were found on the mineral compositions and chemical properties between Asian dust collected in Korea and the loess of China.