• Korean Journal of Oriental Medicine
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• v.2 no.1
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• pp.71-83
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• 1996

Hyang-Yack-Ku-Keup-Bang(鄕藥救急方) is our own, medical work written about the middle of the time of Korea Dynasty. I restored and researched this book because it needed to be illuminated about its medico-historic value and then I came to some conclusions as follows. 1. Hyang-Yack-Ku-Keup-Bang was published in Dae-jang-do-kam(大藏都監) of Kanghaw island(江華島) about the middle of Korea Dynasty. Choi Ja-ha(崔自河) republished it on original publication ground in Euiheung(義興) of Kyungsang-Province(慶尙道) in July, Taejong's(太宗) 17th year of Chosen Dynasty (A.D.1417) and this book was published again in Chungcheng Province(忠淸道) in Sejong's(世宗) 9th year(A.D.1427). The book published in Taejong's days was in the possession of books department of Kung-nae-cheng(宮內廳) in Japan and was the oldest medical book of existing ones. 2. Bang-Jung-Hyang-Yack-Mock-Cho-Bu(方中鄕藥目草部) of this book was originally intended to be adjusted in each division with the title of Bang-Jung-Hyang-Yack-Mock(方中鄕藥目). But Herb part(草部) only followed editing progress of Jeung-Lew-Bon-Cho(證類本草), the rest is not divided into each part and is together arranged at the below of Herb part with the title of Bang-Jung-Hyang-Yack-Mock-Cho-Bu. The Korean inscriptions on some drugstuffs in this book are different between Native Name(鄕名) of three volumes of provisions and general-spoken(俗云) of Bang-Jung-Hyang-Yack-Mock-Cho-Bu. In this, it is estimated that the publishing time and editor of tile volume of provisions and Bang-Jung-Hyang-Yack-Mock-Cho-Bu are different. I think Choi Ja-ha compiled this behind three volumes of provisions when he published. 3. This book picked some prescriptions which consisted of obtainable drugs with ease in Korea in the books of Chell-Keum-Yo-Bang(千金要方), Oi-Dae-Bi-Yo(外臺秘要), Tae-Peong-Sung-Hye-Bang(太平聖惠方), Ju-Hu-Bang(?後方), Kyung-Hum-Yang- Bang(經驗良方) Bo-Je-Bon-Sa-Bang(普濟本事方) Bi-Ye-Baik-Yo-Bang(備預百要方) and so on and got together our own prescriptions. On the whole Bi-Ye-Baik-Yo-Bang was a chief referrence book, On this, other books referred to and corrected. 4. In provisions quoted from Hyang-Yack-Jip-Sung-Bang(鄕藥集成方), there are seven provisions; leg-paralysis part, coughing part, headache part, obstetrics part, etc. don't show in this book. This is why Choi Ja-ha published only certain texts on Dae-jang-do-kam edition his own posession. So we can think the existing edition has a little misses compared with original edition. 5. This book recorded only names of drugstuffs in animal drug department like fowls, crab, goldbug, earthworm, etc. and didn't tell us ways of taking those. This is effect of Buddhist culture on medicine. This is efforts to practice 'Don't murder';one of Five Prohibition of Buddhism. 6. Beacause this book was published at the time, when our originative medicine would be set forth. This followed the Chinese ways in Theory, Treatment, Prescription and used 'Hyang Yack' in Medication out of theory of Korean medicine, which was a transitional form. So this is all important material which tell us aspects of development of 'Hyang Yack' the middle of Korea Dynasty.and this is also the beginning of originative, medical works like Dong-Eui-Bo-Kam(東醫寶鑑), Dong-Eui-Su-Bo-Won(東醫壽世保元). 7. There are few contents based on 'Byen-Jeung-Lon-Chi(辨證論治)'in this book. So we can see this book is not for doctors who study medical thoughts but for general public who suffer from diseases resulted from war. Because this book was written for a first-aid treatmeant, this is an index of medical service for the people those days. And this is also an useful datum for first-aid medicine or military medicine in these modern days. 8. Nowadays, parts of learned world of Korean medicine disregard essential theories and want to explain Korean medicine only by the theories or the methods of Western medicine. Moreover they don't adopt Chinese and Japanese theorys & thoughts about Oriental medicine in our own style and just view in there level. What was worse, there is a growing tendency for them to indulge in a trimming policy of scholarship and to take others' ideas. I think these trends to ignore our own medical thoughts involving growth of 'Hyang Yack' in the middle of Korea Dynasty, Dong-Eui-Bo-Kam and Dong-Eui-Su-Se-Bo-Won. So we, as researchers of Korean medicine, must get out of this tendency, and take over brilliant tradition and try to develop originative Korean medicine.

• Korean Journal of Agricultural Science
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• v.23 no.2
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• pp.301-322
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• 1996

This study is first aimed at identifying the possibility of labour saving and production cost decreasing in rice production with respect to seed broad casting technology. Comparison of labour inputs and production costs of rice in-between USA and Korea and recommendation of policy guidelines for the continous rice cultivation are the second objective of this study. Under the WTO system, rice enterprice is the most vulnerable crop in the sense of labour productivity and price competitiveness in the international market. How to adapt labour saving technology and how to decrease production costs are the most imminent problems to be solved in rice production. To achieve the objectives, survey on nine rice enterprice farms were made in Daeho tidal farmland with respect to the size of farm, labour inputs, productivity, farm mechanization and farm land base development. The existing data on labour saving technology by seed broadcasting which had surveyed by Rural Development Administration were collected to compare the surveyed data from Daeho tidal farm land The study results and policy recommendation are summarized as follows; 1. Labour requirements per 10a for rice enterprise farms with seed broadcasting and with transplanting were estimated 11.4 and 18.5hours respectively. 'This above labour inputs were equivalent to 1/3-1/5 of the national average labour inputs of 53.6 hours which were included transplanting and harvesting by machinery. Considering the labour requirement of 1.7 hours per 10a for the USA rice production, Korea rice culture has possibility to decrease labour demand upto USA level of labour inputs. 2. Production cost of rice in Korea were estimated US$4,181 per ha which were higher than that of USA by 3.00 times and production costs per ton were shown as US$313 for USA rice and US$1,018 for Korean rice. 3. Land productivity of rice per 10a in America was reached to 4,325kg and the counterpart of Korea was about 4,181kg in recent year. In the sense of land productivity, both yields of rice were comparable. 4. The price of japonica type rice similar to Korean traditional rice in international market in 1994 was f.o.b US$466 per ton which was equivalent to import parity price of US$830 per ton in domestic market. The price of rice purchased by Korean G't and received by farmers were amounted to US$ 2,013 and US$ 1,663 respectively in the same year. Domestic prices mentioned above were higher than the import parity price as US$830 by 2.0-2.4 times. 5. American rice production competitive to Korean rice was equivalent to 17,012 thousand tons, 1.28% of the world production of rice in 1991 and consumption of rice in America was amounted to 2,633 thousand tons. Exportable quantity of USA rice were estimated as 4,379 thousand tons of which 52.3%, 2,300 thousand tons, were exported indeed in the same year. 6. The quantity of Korean rice produced in 1991 was estimated 1.00% of the world production. The world amount of rice exported in 1991 was reached to 2.45% of the world production of which 34.2% was occupied by USA The remaining quantities of world exported rice were dominated by Tiland, Pakistan and Vietnam where produced indica variety. 7. Under the given technology, labour inputs per 10a for rice production could be possible to save by 70% of the national average labour requirement of 53.6 hours through implmenting complete farm mechanization with land consolidation and on-farm development and improvement of fanning practices like seedbroad casting txchnology etc. On the other hand, prduction costs of rice could be decreased by 10% rather than 49% as target indicated in the Rural Development Counter Measures of Korean Government in 1994 owing to increasing farm mechanization cost and interest on land service with high price. Accordingly production cost of rice per kg could be decreased only by 10% of the 1994 production cost. 8. Rice policy of Korean government in the future should take into account the labour saving technology to solve labour shortage in rural area and to enhance off-farm incomes by creating job opportunities in agro-industrial zones and special production area. On account of the staple food and main energy source for people's health, rice production even encountered vulnerable economic settings should be continued without price distortion policies and discouraging farmer's intention to cultivate rice by importing institutionally the direct income subsidy system.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.53 no.4
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• pp.60-77
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• 2020

An assumption can be made that, as a start point for the recognition and utilization of cultural heritage, the "choice" of such would reflect the cultural ideology of the ruling power at that time. This has finally been proved by the case of Korea in the 20th century. First, in the late Korean Empire (1901-1910), the prevailing cultural ideology had been inherited from the Joseon Dynasty. The main objects that the Joseon Dynasty tried to protect were royal tombs and archives. During this time, an investigation by the Japanese into Korean historic sites began in earnest. Stung by this, enlightened intellectuals attempted to recognize them as constituting independent cultural heritage, but these attempts failed to be institutionalized. During the 1910-1945 Japanese occupation, the Japanese led investigations to institutionalize Korean cultural heritage, which formed the beginning of the current cultural heritage management system. At that time, the historical investigation, designation, protection, and enhancement activities led by the Japanese Government-General of Korea not only rationalized their colonial occupation of Korea but also illustrated their colonial perspective. Korean nationalists processed the campaign for the love of historical remains on an enlightening level, but they had their limits in that the campaign had been based on the outcome of research planned by the Japanese. During the 1945-2000 period following liberation from Japan, cultural heritage restoration projects took places that were based on nationalist ideology. People intended to consolidate the regime's legitimacy through these projects, and the enactment of the 'Cultural Heritage Charter' in 1997 represented an ideology in itself that stretched beyond a means of promoting nationalist ideology. During the past 20 centuries, cultural heritage content changed depending on the whims of those with political power. Such choices reflected the cultural ideology that the powers at any given time held with regard to cultural heritage. In the background of this cultural heritage choice mechanism, there have been working trade-off relationships formed between terminology and society, as well as the ideological characteristics of collective memories. The ruling party has tried to implant their ideology on their subjects, and we could consider that it wanted to achieve this by being involved in collective memories related to traditional culture, so called-choice, and utilization of cultural heritage.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.38
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• pp.349-383
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• 2019

This discussion is focused on Donghaeanbyulsingut's 'gutchum-pan to pray'. 'Gutchum-pan to pray' is repeated in almost all of the geori in Byulsingut, so it is a crucial chum-pan that can never be disregarded in understanding Byulsingutchum. Meanwhile, it supposes that Donghaeanbyulsingut is grounded on the activity of producing 'praying (words) and dance (motions)' within its relationship with the structure of capitalistic society along with the context of traditional rituals. The motion that is newly generated as a response to the concrete expression of 'praying' conducted by a mudang (a shaman), that is, the expression coming from the inside associated with the praying is seen as gutchum. This dance is bound to be in competition and interest among shaman groups, and they tend to influence one another. If praying leads to dance, a mudang can gain profits from capital as well as the value of labor. When the mudang succeeds in forming a bigger bond of sympathy with her praying, the object of praying gets more eager to select byulbi and dances a heoteunchum (impromptu dance) more vigorously. This means that a mudang's ability to perform a ritual is associated with the object of praying's consumption. With his impromptu motions, the object of praying comes to go into 'the field of consumption' within the structure of capitalistic competition before he is aware of it. Behind the communication that praying leads to dance, a lot of things are associated with one another organically. 'Gutchum-pan to pray' is generated by the continuous movement of diversity and unity that the time has within the ritual of the mudang and the object of praying. It continues to create the future 'self' that is different from the present 'self', and it means that he expects variability from the present 'self' through 'gutchum-pan to pray'. The mudang also prays for him arranging the variability of the other (the object of praying) inside her labor. In a big picture, of course, the mudang expects the variability of herself, too, which is connected to the value of her labor. The variability that they expect forms a crucial axis that determines where the flow of time and space that the 'gutchum-pan to pray' has is directed to. The contents of praying are directly related with the villagers' lives, and what leads to dance is mostly related with their jobs. This implies that what the mudang experiences in her everyday consuming activity is directly associated with the villagers' activity for earning money. In other words, the contents of that praying change constantly according to the flow of capitalistic economy. Also, those striving to respond to it before anyone else also expect better life for them by substituting their self to the 'gutchum-pan to pray' eagerly. If so, who are the ones that generate 'gutchum-pan to pray'? This can be understood through relationship among mudangs, relationship between the mudang and villagers, and also relationship among villagers. Their relationships can never be free from the concepts like labor in capitalistic society, consumption and expenditure, or time; therefore, they come to compete with the other, the present self, or the better self within the diverse relationships. This gets to be expressed in any ways, words or motions. And the range that covers the creation of either group or individual 'gutchum-pan to pray' in the village is the village community. Outside the range, it is upsized to the competition of the village unit, so individual praying may become diminished more easily. Although mudangs pray in each geori, it does not mean all praying leads to dance. Within various relationships between mudangs and villagers, 'gutchum-pan to pray' comes to be generated, repeated, and extinct. As it is mitigated to more positive competition, it does not lead to gutchum any longer. In other words, repeating 'gutchum-pan to pray' previously created has turned the object of praying into the state different from the former. Also, the two groups both have experienced the last step of Byulsingut, and at that point, praying does no longer lead to dance. In other words, from the position of the shaman group, it is the finish of their labor time and ritual performance, and from the perspective of the villagers, it means the finish of consuming activity and participation in a ritual. The characteristics of 'gutchum-pan to pray' can be summarized as follows. First, it goes through the following process: competition in the village group → competition in the group → competition among individuals. Second, repeated praying does not lead to 'gutchum'. Third, in the cases of praying for each of the occupation groups, the mudang can induce a bond of sympathy from the objects of praying directly, and this lead to dance. Fourth, the group that fails in being included in the category of praying gets to be alienated from 'gutchum-pan to pray' repeatedly.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.41
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• pp.95-105
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• 1998

SOO-BAL(Hair Style) is a method Which match hair style to face and clothes with using hair covering and protecting the head. Also SOO-BAL includes personal ornaments using to avoid one's hair be disheveled. In a standpoint of beauty and spirit, etiquette SOO-BAL is a very important thing as one being dressed up. Until now, since just a form of hair style have been studied, hair styling process is nothing to be known and studied. Time after time, our unique traditional SOO-BAL is forgotten with clothes and then this th-esis will be classified hair styling form follow-ing a form of hair style in royal palace of the C-hosun dynasty. According to the record of HAE DONG HISTORY, it shows the same of attire between Ko-rean and chinese style in ae of the chosun. The reason in that there were no any certain boundary border and the interaction of culture between two countries was happened spontaneously at ancient time like the GOCHO-SUN age. Until the period of the three states, the korean attire be changed had gone with chinese one s-imilarly. The chinese form gave to influence on the EONJIN MEURI·POON-GI-MYEONG MEURI·JJO-CJIN MEURI·MOOK-EUN GOONG-BAL MEURI·OL-LIN MEURI·SSANGSANG-TU ME-URI be drawn wall painting in the KOKUR-YU. And a gold chignon accesso-ry unearthed in a MOO-RYOUNG royal mausoleum is proof of the korean attrire be changed with chinese. In the shilla dynasty at three years after Cjin-Deuk(A.D. 649) reign. It was recorded that the dynasty let women wear the form of chinese attire. Also in the koryo dyn-asty, a rod-like hairpin (BIN-YEU) and DANG-GI employing EON-JIN MEURI was used. The SOO-BAL based on the Confucianism had lots of regulations which limited to use ornaments with classes of society in the CHOSUN dynasty. Until YOUNG CHO and CHUNG CHO period. EONJIN MEURI be decorated GACHAE was announced by dynasty as ind-ulging in luxury. Women of yangban used a rod-like hairpin and a chignon accessory made by jewerly. And 1-owly women weared a rod-like hairpin made of born and wood to perfom EONJIN MEURI with PUNCHAE. Most unmarried women decorated with DDA-AH-NEULIN MEURI, GUI-MIT MEURI, specially in palace with SAE-ANG MEURI. At palace, one put on a full dress with KEUN MEURI, and a simple dress with ER-YEO MEURI be decorated DDERL-JAM The CHOP-JI MEURI manifested social rank, class. Kids at CHO-SUN age had BA-DUK-PANMEURI and JONG-JONG MEURI. The ornament things are GACHE, DDERL JAM with EON-JIN M-EURI, and all kinds of rod-like hairpin and chignon accessory used in JJOK MEURI. IN DANGGE, JE-BI-BURI DANGGI used by ummarried women. DO-TOO-RAK DANGGI and AP DANGGI on a dress suit, and BE-SSI DANGGI used by 3∼4 years ungrown kids etc. were used. And at palace, kinds of CHUPJI used with JJOK MEURI showed social rank. In CHOSUN age, women want to keep shiny hair washed at TA-NO festival day, a treatment of bald hair used a forked remedy. In CHOSUN age, woman Soo-Bal hair style has DAE-SOO·DDEU-KOO-JI MEURI·CHO-P-GI MEURI·EON-JIN MEURI·SAE-ANG MEURI· and so on. We could find out Soo-Bal was developed very well by these variety hair styles. I attatched all of the hair style pictures step by step, and also explained detail my research foll owing these pictures.

• Korean Journal of Family Social Work
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• no.58
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• pp.5-36
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• 2017

This study aims to empirically analyze whether the women's cognitive attitude toward gender role, which is formed through social norms, enforces the gender division of housework. In this study, 4,435 married women aged 18-59 years from the 5th wave dataset of Korean Longutudinal Survey of Women and Family Data were selected for analysis. Using the Structural Equation Model(SEM), we examine the direct effect of "attitude toward behavior" and "subjective norm" on the domestic working hours and whether those two independent variables, such as "attitude toward behavior" and "subjective norm," influence the mediator variable "Behavior Intention" which in turn affect the dependent variable. The study reveals that "attitude toward the gender division of housework" has a statistically significant direct effect on the domestic working hours as well as an indirect effect operating through "behavior intention." And"subjective norm "has only a statistically significant indirect effect on the domestic working hours, operating through "behavior intention." Despite the fact that many women are now aware that various work-life balance policies are avaliable to mitigate the gender inequality of domestic works, it is proven that the gender division of housework becomes worse. The reason behind this is not only because there exist some problems in implementing the institutions themselves, but also because women's deeply internalized self-perception of gender role based on the traditional patriarchal culture somehow exacerbates the gender division of housework. Hence, in order to instill a progressive change in gender division of housework, it is important for women to try to change the way they perceive the stereotypical gender roles as well as for men to treat women equally.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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• v.47 no.1
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• pp.57-75
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• 2019

Soundscapes have the potential to help people experience the historical background and cultural traditions by the scenery of a local area and to be used as a cultural and tourism resource. This concept was first explained in detail by M. Schafer and has been developed as a new way of experiencing landscapes using various senses. This research studied the soundscape of Kyodong Island, the so-called "Island of Peace" and designed new cultural acoustic content for education and tourism. Kyodong Island is located right below the Northern Limit Line and the whole island is in the Civilian Controlled Area. The political and economic status of the island has been changed dynamically by the Korean War and the division of the country. These days, the island needs to realize the vision of the "Island of Peace" in a more creative way using local resources, including its "cold war landscape" and the natural scenery of the region. This research applied the concept of a soundscape to document the island, and to reproduce it in an artistic way. A workshop was conducted to learn concepts and techniques of soundscapes with a sound artist. Listening, recording, conducting interviews, and literature research was used to study the soundscape of the island. After that, this research reconstructed the soundscape of the island through a soundscape composition. The main theme of the composition story was the "Hope and Wish for the Harmony and Peace" to show the vision of the "Island of Peace". The initial sub-theme for the introduction part was "First Encounter with Kyodong Island" arranging the representative soundscape, which could be the first impression of the region. The second sub-theme was "War and Tension" using several soundscapes as a metaphor for the tragedy of the Korean War. The third sub-theme was "Everyday Life of Kyodong Island" which described the energy of the present day, after the wounds of the war have healed. The final sub-theme was "Harmony and Peace" using traditional music and keynote sounds of the region as a reminder of the peaceful past, before the war. The recording files were documented as two types of sound maps. One was a two-dimensional map to show the soundscapes from one point of view, and the other used the online application called "Sound Around You". The final artwork was displayed at an exhibition and uploaded on YouTube to be shared publicly. Through this project, we discovered the potential of soundscapes as a medium to preserve the history and local identity, as well as presenting a new vision. The artwork will be exhibited at historically and culturally meaningful places on the Island to utilize the underused places as local tourist attractions and educational resources.

• The Korean Journal of Food And Nutrition
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• v.25 no.1
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• pp.26-31
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• 2012

For the purpose of production of GABA-rich tomato paste, this study was carried out to investigate GABA producing lactic acid bacteria from Korean traditional fermented food, Kimchi and optimize the culture conditions. As a result of fermentation, Lactobacillus brevis B3-20 among lactic acid bacteria isolated at the pre-experiments was the best producer of GABA at the tomato paste medium with 50%(wet-base) levels of dionized water. At the result of fermentation on the tomato paste medium with 0.5%(w/w) yeast extract, as a source of nitrogen, 3%(w/w) MSG(monosodium glutamate) and dionized water(the ratio of tomato paste and water was 2:8), Lb. brevis B3-20 produced the maximum GABA concentration, 143.38 mM. GABA-rich tomato paste showed the activity of free radical scavenging. Because GABA-rich tomato paste have functional ingredients such as ascorbic acid, lycopene, carotenoid, as well as GABA by lactic acid bacteria fermentation, GABA-rich tomato paste can be considered high functional materials.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Food Science and Nutrition
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• v.43 no.12
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• pp.1835-1842
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• 2014

Various microorganisms are involved in the fermentation of Mageoli, Korean traditional liquor. Among them, the most predominant microorganism is yeast, including Saccharomyces cerevisae. This study investigated the effects of crude polysaccharides separated from Mageoli mash (CP-M) on activation of peritoneal macrophages in cell culture medium. Four types of yeasts, S. cerevisae 89-1-1, 98-2, 268-3, and 113-4, were used. When peritoneal macrophages were treated with $10{\mu}g/mL$ of CP-M fermented with S. cerevisae 113-4, the concentration of nitric oxide (NO) in the medium was highest ($33.3{\mu}M$). The concentrations of IL-6 and -12 were also highest at 116.3 pg/mL and 59.8 pg/mL, respectively. In the case of CP-M cultured at 15, 20, and $30^{\circ}C$ after inoculation with S. cerevisae 113-4 and fermented at different temperatures, production of NO and IL-6 by peritoneal macrophages did not change compared to the control. For CP-M obtained after fermentation at $25^{\circ}C$, however, NO concentration increased 2.7~3.3 fold and IL-6 concentration by 5.7 fold compared to the control. Furthermore, the effect of fermentation period on expression of CP-M functionality was examined. NO production by CP-M of the 5th day mash was highest, increasing 2.2 fold compared to 0-day CP-M. However, there were no significant differences in concentration of IL-6 or -12 according to different fermentation periods, although CP-M showed a large decrease after 10 days. The results show that fermentation conditions with the highest activity were observed in CP-M inoculated with S. cerevisae 113-4 and fermented at $25^{\circ}C$ for 5 days. CP-M consisted of 78.6% neutral sugar, 11.6% acidic polysaccharide, and 9.8% protein. In particular, the sugar composition of neutral sugar consisted of mannose (47.8%), glucose (29.6%), and galactose (12.7%). Based on the results, CP-M is assumed to be an extracellular polysaccharide originating in yeast with high mannose content.

• Korean Journal of Agricultural Science
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• v.14 no.1
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• pp.164-185
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• 1987

The Korean economy has been developed rapidly in the course of implementing the five year economic development plans since 1962. Accordingly the industrial and employment structure have been changed from the traditional agriculture to modem industrial economy. In the course of implementing export oriented industrialization policies, rural farm economy has been encountered labour shortage owing to rural farm population drain to urban areas, rural wage hike and pressure on farm operation costs, and possibility of farm productivity decrease. To cope with the above problems the Korean government has supplied farm machinery such as power tillers, tractors, transplanters, binders, combines, dryers and etc. by means of the favorable credit support and subsidies. The main objectives of this study are to identify the investment effects of farm mechanization such as B/C and Internal Rate of Return by machinery and operation patterns, changes of labour requirement per 10a for rice culture since 1965, partial farm budget of rice with and without mechanization, and estimation labour input with full mechanization. To achieve the objectives Saemaeul farm mechanization groups, common ownership and operation, and farms with private ownership and operation were surveyed mainly in Nonsan granary area, Chungnam province. The results of this study are as follows 1. The national average of labor input per 10a of paddy has decreased from 150.1Hr in 1965 to 87.2Hr in 1985 which showes 42% decrease of labour inputs. On the other hand the hours of labour input in Nonsan area have also decreased from 150.1Hr to 92.8Hr, 38% of that in 1965, during the same periods. 2. The possible labor saving hours per 10a of Paddy was estimated at 60 hours by substituting machine power for labor forces in the works of plowing, puddling, transplanting, harvesting and threshing, transporting and drying The labor savings were derived from 92.8 hours in 1986 deducting 30 hours of labor input with full mechanization in Nonsan area. 3. Social benefits of farm mechanization were estimated at 124,734won/10a including increment of rice (10%): 34,064won,labour saving: 65,800won,savings of conventional farm implements: 18,000 won and savings of animal power: 6,870won. 4. Rental charges by works prevailing in the area were 12,000won for land preparation, 15,000won for transplanting with seedlings, 19,500won for combine works and 6,000won for drying paddy. 5. Farm income per 10a of paddy with and without mechanization were amounted to 247,278won and 224,768won respectively. 6. Social rate of return of the machinery were estimated at more than 50% in all operation patterns. On the other hand internal rate of return of the machinery except tractors were also more than 50% but IRR of tractors by operation patterns were equivalent to 0 to 9%. From the view point of farmers financial status, private owner-operation of tractors is considered uneconomical. Tractor operation by Saemaeul mechanization groups would be economical considering the government subsidy, 40% of tractor price. 7. Farmers recommendations for the government that gained through field operation of farm machinery are to train maintenance technology for rural youth, to standardize the necessary parts of machinery, to implement price tag system, to intercede spare parts and provide marketing information to farmers by rural institutions as RDA,NACF,GUN office and FLIA.