• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.39
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• pp.457-507
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• 2019

The purpose of this study is to explore the formal and content features of the material for the Changgeuk album , which was produced and released in 1971. Changgeuk album was produced and published as a headword for "Changgeuk". However, it differs from the style of Changgeuk which is treated as a stage drama in that the narrative is developed around the commentary and dialogue in the formal aspect and the Pansori is only partially used. The styles of Changgeuk, implemented through gramophone record, radio broadcasts and television broadcasts, varied widely, unlike those of Changgeuk established in the 1930s. Pansori music wasn't the only center, and traditional performers weren't even the main members of the play. The characteristic form of the Changgeuk album is an experiment of Changgeuk that emerged naturally with radio reading and the advent of radio dramas in the 1950s and 1960s. So it is necessary to pay attention to the Changgeuk album in that it shows diverse forms of experiments conducted by Changgeuk in the newly introduced culture and media in the middle and late 20th century As for the contents of the Changgeuk album , the work embraces Lee Jong ik 's novel (1957), but develops the narrative centering on the life of Saint Sa-myung(四溟大師). And it is faithfully portraying the life of a Buddhist monk and the national salvation hero who pursued the original work. This content composition can be understood in the will of singer Lee Yong bae, the soundman who produced the album, and in the flow of historical dramas that summon the historical hero of the old country of the time to the stage. Singer Lee Yong bae reflects on his life in the past when he was full of greed and conceit through his life as a monk of Saint Sa-myung(四溟大師) and is greatly impressed by the personal aspect of Saint Sa-myung(四溟大師), and these emotions encouraged his creative will. Also, the Changgeuk record is meaningful in that it is one of the specific materials that embodies the national hero as a record and a traditional play under the discourse of the people, the nation in the 1970s.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.23
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• pp.37-61
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• 2011

The Noh(能) performance is a traditional drama that represents Japan. The Noh performance was approved in the background of religious thought such as Shintoism(神道), Buddhisms(佛敎), and Syugendo(修驗道). Especially, the influence from Shugendo is large. Shugendo was active in the Middle Ages. Especially, the influence from Shugendo is large. Shugendo was active in the Middle Ages. The Noh was approved while receiving a large influence from Shugendo. It can know the feature of the Shugen(修驗) culture in the Middle Ages through the consideration of . Moreover, the appearance of the training of 'Yamabusi(山伏)' can be seen. "Yamabusi" has not been paid to attention up to now in the research of . And, the focus was appropriated to Yamabusi and it researched in this text. Moreover, the problem of "Chigo(稚子)" is thought through . "Chigo culture" was general in the Middle Ages. It is thought that "Chigo culture" is reflected in . is an Noh performance for the boy named 'Wakamatsu' to enter the mountain and to train. It is because mother's sickness was cured. However, the boy gets sick while it is training. It was dropped to the valley according to the law of Shugendo, and it died. However, it revives by the Yamabusi's prayers. 'Taniko' is to drop to the valley and to bury it when the Yamabusi gets sick while lived. The title of the Noh originated in here. has elements of history, content of training of Shugendo, "Filial piety", and the Chigo culture, etc. These are features of the culture in the Middle Ages. It is not only a sad content though this is a content of the cruel remainder. It is because of the revival though waited rapidly at the end. As for the difficulty of training is drawn in the round, and the appearance of the training at that time is understood well. The essence of Shugendo is to train in the mountain. Supernatural power can be obtained through training. Moreover, it was thought that it was able to be newly reborn through training. The leading part of Shugendo is an Yamabusi. The Yamabusi took an active part in not only the mountain but also the village. The Yamabusi is ordinary people's lives and because the relation is deep, an important factor it knows the folk customs of Japan. The word 'Chigo' is not written in . However, a spectator at that time is 'Chigo' Wakamatsu and is already sure to have understood 'Chigo'. Because everyone knew the Chigo culture in the Middle Ages. A religion at that time and knowledge of the society are necessary to understand the play of Nho well.

• Sim-seong Yeon-gu
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• v.26 no.2
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• pp.149-188
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• 2011

This thesis presents the research of analytical psycholoy in respect of Jindo Dasiraegi. In a funeral of Jindo, situated in the southern island of Korea, there is a theatrical performance which is called Dasiraegi(rebirth). This research manifested a basic, universal meaning of psychological approach related the implicit of death in performing theatre from a analytic psychological point of view. The characteristics of this theatrical feast are like these ; 1) funeral festival 2) entrance of clown(the existence of antipole and conflict) 3) eroticism 4) active participation of female character 5) difficulty in her delivery 6) the moment of joy thanks to childbirth. The prerequisite of this feast should be a propitious mourning of person dying old and rich. That is, after having a complete life, it could be an entire death. Three main roles in Dasiraegi ; a bat-blind buddhist devotee, a strolling actor teasing men, an apostate monk, theses characters lock horns in a form of triangle conflict relations, then they keep a balance with a fake mourner as a protagonist , modulator and narrator. These characters are indeed clowns who manifested a metaphor as a decent, sacred and reasonable part of shadow regards group consciousness. The alive and the deceased, mourner and fake mourner, piety and confusion, wail and laugh, silence and grumble, death and birth, diverse antipole all coexist then theses are in harmony. The blind devotee and the monk are in antipole, the entertainer(anima) provokes a conflict between them. The infant is a solution as same as a result of conflict. This conflict seems to be eased by birth of a baby which is a symbol of wholeness(ganzheits) but the conflict of antipole is reenacted as insisting his parental right so this solution is leaving the baby to the chief mourner who is fourth character and the first beginning. Unconsciousness, hereby, is negotiating with appeared reality. The Images in unconsciousness are conscious and this new energy in unconsciousness is proceeding towards consciousness, then it became a therapeutic power for the loss of consciousness. Dasiraegi is the play of consolation much more for the alive than the deceased. The death signified not a loss but a resurrection and this intends a transition of new leading independent role for the alive. These make us have more prudent consideration concern the double sense of renewal for the dead and the alive. It is preserved as only a form of drama on stage after disappearance of Dasiraegi in a funeral recently. Dasiraegi was a manifestation of unconsciousness for compensation about the unilateral attitude of group consciousness to the strict death excessively. Therefore, this will enable reflect the relativeness and the attitude which regards the death as the end today.

• Journal of Popular Narrative
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• v.26 no.3
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• pp.45-86
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• 2020

In this article, the "modernization of the tradition" constructed on the cultural politics and the way in which it appropriated in the korean theatre in the 1970s were analyzed. It is trying to reveal its implications. It is also a work to critically review the aspects of self-censorship in the korean theatre in the 70s. To that end, we looked at the theatre company Minye Theatre, which preoccupied the traditional discussions in the 1970s by creating national dramas. Until now, the evaluation of the theatre company Minye Theatre in the 1970s has focused on the achievement on the directing of Heo Gyu, who promoted the succession and transformation of tradition. However, the traditional ideology constructed in the state-led cultural politics in the 70s and the way in which it was operated cannot be evaluated only in terms of artistic achievement. The ideology of tradition is selected according to the selective criteria of the subject to appropriate tradition. What's important is that certain objects are excluded, discarded, re-elected, re-interpreted and re-recognized in the selection process of selected traditional ideology. This is the situation in the '70s, when tradition was constantly re-recognized amid differences between the decadent and the disorder that were then designated as non-cultural, and led to a new way of appropriate. The nation-led traditional discussion of the '70s legalized the tradition with stable values, one of the its way was the national literary and artistic support. Under the banner of modernization of tradition, theatre company Minye preoccupied the discussions on the tradition and presented folk drama as a new theatre. As an alternative to the crisis of korean theatre at the time, the Minye chose the method of inheriting and transforming tradition. It is noteworthy that Heo Gyu, the representative director of the theatre company Minye, recognized the succession and transformation of traditional performance as both a calling and an experiment. For Heo Gyu, tradition was accepted as an irresistible stable value and an unquestionable calling, and as a result, his performance, filled with excessive traditional practices, became overambitious, especially when it failed to reflect the present-here reality, the repeated use of traditional expression tools resulted in skilled craftsmanship, not artistic creation. The traditional ideology of the 70s unfolds in a new aspect of appropriation in the 80s. In 1986, Son Jin-Cheok, Kim Seong-nyeo, and Yoon Mun-sik, who were key members of the theatre company Minye Theatre, left the theatre to create the theatre company Michu, and secured popularity through Madangnori(popular folk yard theatre). Son Jin-Cheok's Madangnori is overbearing through satire and humor. It gained popularity by criticizing and mocking state power. On the other hand, not only the form of traditional performance, but also the university-centered Madanggeuk movement, which appropriated on the spirit of resistance from the people to its traditional values, has rapidly grown. In the field of traditional discussions of the 70s, Madanggeuk was self-born through appropriation in which the spirit of resistance of the people is used as a traditional value. Madanggeuk as well as Michu that achieved the popularization of Madangnori cannot be discussed solely by the artistic achievement of the modernization of tradition. Critics of korean theatre in response to state-led traditional discussions in the 70s was focused only on the qualitative achievement of performing arts based on artistry. I am very sorry for that. As a result, the popular resistance of the Madanggeuk and the Madangnori were established in the 'difference' with the traditions of the theatre company Minye Theatre. Theatre company Minye Theatre was an opportunity for the modernization of tradition, but the fact that it did not continuously produce significant differences. This is the meaning and limitation of the "tradition" of the theatre company Minye Theatre in the history of korean theatre in the 1970s.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.41
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• pp.285-320
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• 2020

This study aims to examine the processes of changes of the two main roles, Sangjwa(the young Buddist monk) chum and Omjung(the monk with a boil on his face) chum, performed in Yangju Byeolsandae Nori, on the basis of Chumsawi (dance-movement). Above all, having studied many artistic remains performed by Jo jong sun, Jung han gyu, Park jun seup, Kim sung tae from 1929 to 1942, two main roles, in which Geodeureum chum is now an essential part in almost all performances, were then played only in Kkaekki chum to Taryong Jangdan without performances of Geodeureum chum. In case of Sangjwa chum, players had performed ad libitum and without restraint only on the basis of five sorts of Kkaekki chum's movements. In Omjung chum, witty remarks along with the drama had become more important factors than dances. Let alone two main roles, other parts then also showed no big changes in dance performance. Performers just tried to maintain its slender existence within stifling atmosphere because of oppressions and restraints during the Japanese imperialism. After the restoration of independence in 1945, Kim sung tae and his disciples made a great effort on the restoration of Talnori. During the Korean war, many players also endeavored to keep a good track of Talnori, teaching and training their young followers. Especially performers such as Park jun seup, Park sang hwan, Kim sung tae, and Lee jang sun put much more efforts on restoring Talnori. From that time, Geodeureum chum began to appear in two main roles' performances. In Sangjwa's performances, Byeogsa ritual dance, which was performed to Taryong Jangdan, changed into performances to Yeombul Jangdan, and Kkaekki chum -originally slow and ritual dance, became very fast and active one. Geodeureum chum, called Yongteulim, was added in Omjung chum, so that dance had more important role in performance. Even at this time, dance movements were not clearly and completely organized and arranged, because Geodeureum chum's performance was not clearly defined as orderly dance movements but was regarded as just a movement. After Geodeureum chum being designated as a cultural treasure, Lee byeong kwon took over the task from Park sang hwan, Sangjwa chum's performer, so Geodeureum chum became much more well organzied, arranged and orderly. Geodeureum chum played by Sangjwa had almost the same order of scenes and movements as Geodeureum chum played by Yeonnip. Based on this performance, the order of dances and movements was consistently arranged and settled. Following Park jun seup's performances, Jangsam was more widely applied and used in Omjung chum than ever before, so Omjung chum became much more organized and arranged. Well-arranged Omjung chum had also almost the same dances and movements as Nojang chum's. Yeonnip and Nojang's performances were not directly and intentionally studied and applied to two main roles in Yangju Byeolsandae Nori. Players seemed to borrow those parts naturally through many times of performances. Through their persistent efforts, Jangdan and dance movements have more clearly and completely been organized, establied, and improved through many years' performances. And dance movement can be performed exactly to Jangdan, so we have more complete and orderly types of dance movements. Thanks to many performers' efforts, Sangjwa chum has been established as one that only top performer can play, and Omjung chum has become an integral part in Yangju Byeolsandae Nori.

• Journal of Global Scholars of Marketing Science
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• v.20 no.3
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• pp.231-238
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• 2010

The anthropomorphism of brands, defined as seeing human beings in brands (Puzakova, Kwak, and Rosereto, 2008) is the focus of this study. Specifically, the research objective is to understand the ways in which brands are rendered humanlike. By analyzing consumer readings of stories found on food product packages we intend to show how marketers and consumers humanize a spectrum of brands and create meanings. Our research question considers the possibility that a single brand may host multiple or single meanings, associations, and personalities for different consumers. We start by highlighting the theoretical and practical significance of our research, explain why we turn our attention to packages as vehicles of brand meaning transfer, then describe our qualitative methodology, discuss findings, and conclude with a discussion of managerial implications and directions for future studies. The study was designed to directly expose consumers to potential vehicles of brand meaning transfer and then engage these consumers in free verbal reflections on their perceived meanings. Specifically, we asked participants to read non-nutritional stories on selected branded food packages, in order to elicit data about received meanings. Packaging has yet to receive due attention in consumer research (Hine, 1995). Until now, attention has focused solely on its utilitarian function and has generated a body of research that has explored the impact of nutritional information and claims on consumer perceptions of products (e.g., Loureiro, McCluskey and Mittelhammer, 2002; Mazis and Raymond, 1997; Nayga, Lipinski and Savur, 1998; Wansik, 2003). An exception is a recent study that turns its attention to non-nutritional packaging narratives and treats them as cultural productions and vehicles for mythologizing the brand (Kniazeva and Belk, 2007). The next step in this stream of research is to explore how such mythologizing activity affects brand personality perception and how these perceptions relate to consumers. These are the questions that our study aimed to address. We used in-depth interviews to help overcome the limitations of quantitative studies. Our convenience sample was formed with the objective of providing demographic and psychographic diversity in order to elicit variations in consumer reflections to food packaging stories. Our informants represent middle-class residents of the US and do not exhibit extreme alternative lifestyles described by Thompson as "cultural creatives" (2004). Nine people were individually interviewed on their food consumption preferences and behavior. Participants were asked to have a look at the twelve displayed food product packages and read all the textual information on the package, after which we continued with questions that focused on the consumer interpretations of the reading material (Scott and Batra, 2003). On average, each participant reflected on 4-5 packages. Our in-depth interviews lasted one to one and a half hours each. The interviews were tape recorded and transcribed, providing 140 pages of text. The products came from local grocery stores on the West Coast of the US and represented a basic range of food product categories, including snacks, canned foods, cereals, baby foods, and tea. The data were analyzed using procedures for developing grounded theory delineated by Strauss and Corbin (1998). As a result, our study does not support the notion of one brand/one personality as assumed by prior work. Thus, we reveal multiple brand personalities peacefully cohabiting in the same brand as seen by different consumers, despite marketer attempts to create more singular brand personalities. We extend Fournier's (1998) proposition, that one's life projects shape the intensity and nature of brand relationships. We find that these life projects also affect perceived brand personifications and meanings. While Fournier provides a conceptual framework that links together consumers’ life themes (Mick and Buhl, 1992) and relational roles assigned to anthropomorphized brands, we find that consumer life projects mold both the ways in which brands are rendered humanlike and the ways in which brands connect to consumers' existential concerns. We find two modes through which brands are anthropomorphized by our participants. First, brand personalities are created by seeing them through perceived demographic, psychographic, and social characteristics that are to some degree shared by consumers. Second, brands in our study further relate to consumers' existential concerns by either being blended with consumer personalities in order to connect to them (the brand as a friend, a family member, a next door neighbor) or by distancing themselves from the brand personalities and estranging them (the brand as a used car salesman, a "bunch of executives.") By focusing on food product packages, we illuminate a very specific, widely-used, but little-researched vehicle of marketing communication: brand storytelling. Recent work that has approached packages as mythmakers, finds it increasingly challenging for marketers to produce textual stories that link the personalities of products to the personalities of those consuming them, and suggests that "a multiplicity of building material for creating desired consumer myths is what a postmodern consumer arguably needs" (Kniazeva and Belk, 2007). Used as vehicles for storytelling, food packages can exploit both rational and emotional approaches, offering consumers either a "lecture" or "drama" (Randazzo, 2006), myths (Kniazeva and Belk, 2007; Holt, 2004; Thompson, 2004), or meanings (McCracken, 2005) as necessary building blocks for anthropomorphizing their brands. The craft of giving birth to brand personalities is in the hands of writers/marketers and in the minds of readers/consumers who individually and sometimes idiosyncratically put a meaningful human face on a brand.

• Cartoon and Animation Studies
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• s.39
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• pp.215-231
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• 2015

The Cultural Revolution in the history of Chinese animation hinder the development of the initial animation, and after a negative assessment instrument provided the cause is to become sluggish growth of the Chinese animation. So this time animation are things that are the subject of academic research studies or analysis has been depreciating almost uniformly without evaluation. However, of all the cultural and artistic creation it is developing in its own specific historical conditions and has the aesthetic results. This paper puts the primary purpose is to hold in consideration the aesthetic principles that led to cultural and artistic creativity and objective perspective the achievements the Chinese animation of the time period of the Cultural Revolution. Cultural Revolution is avoided to the previous period in accordance with the socialist ideology of Mao Ze-dong(毛澤東) sikindaneun highlight the culture of the proletariat and placed our goal to create a new class culture. Therefore, cultural and artistic creation of this period is often inconsistent with this part of our aesthetic principles generally accepted character has a non- elitist and anti properties. Best drama is a creative one hand as a model to implement the principles of aesthetics, art and culture Cultural Revolution period kkophimyeo reference for understanding the aesthetic principles that animated the Chinese Cultural Revolution period of orientation. This paper has San Tu Chu(三突出), Hong Guang Liang(紅光亮), and Gao Da Quan(高大全) at the time of the Cultural Revolution aesthetic principles are reflected in how the concrete work, the Cultural Revolution when the animation is how to accommodate these aesthetic principles and placed emphasis on comparative studies on best pole and correlation of the Cultural Revolution when the Chinese animation to ensure that adaptation in own way. First, after analyzing whether the aesthetic principles of focusing on the similarities of the best pole time of the Cultural Revolution and China, and how to implement animation in the works, these aesthetic principles according to the analysis of positive and negative influence on the creation of Chinese animation It was described as neutral. The detailed analysis and comparative study courses were trying to access in two significant aspects of the characters and scenes directing. In terms of character animation of the Cultural Revolution in China when a young boy or girl, emphasis should emphasize the health tinged with red lips and cheek blush to highlight the desired Gong Nong Bing(工農兵) shape as the main character and smooth texture and sophisticated highlights the glittering feeling to the touch, it was confirmed focused hayeoteum to implement the principle of 'Hong Guang Liang', highlighting the brilliant colors with a clean, bright colors. Highlighting a number of protagoniste compared to the antagonist in the animated scene of the Cultural Revolution a few times in terms of production and, among a number of protagoniste also emphasizes the outstanding hero figure, "yet three outstanding heroes heroic figures also emphasize the leading figures among the the director of the extrusion step-by-step approach "('San Tu Chu')was used. In addition, the hero figure is generally high and low angle by directing a large and perfect aesthetic appearance was to faithfully implement the principle of 'high-charged'('Gao Da Quan').

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.43
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• pp.5-46
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• 2021

The film Moranbong is the product of a trip to North Korea in 1958, when Armangati, Chris Marker, Claude Lantzmann, Francis Lemarck and Jean-Claude Bonardo left at the invitation of Joseon Film. However, for political reasons, the film was not immediately released, and it was not until 2010 that it was rediscovered and received attention. The movie consists of the narratives of Young-ran and Dong-il, set in the Korean War, that are folded into the narratives of Chunhyang and Mongryong in the classic Chunhyangjeon of Joseon. At this time, Joseon's classics are reproduced in the form of the drama Chunhyangjeon, which shares the time zone with the two main characters, and the two narratives are covered in a total of six scenes. There are two layers of middle-story frames in the movie, and if the same narrative is set in North Korea in the 1950s, there is an epic produced by the producers and actors of the Changgeuk Chunhyangjeon and the Changgeuk Chunhyangjeon as a complete work. In the outermost frame of the movie, Dong-il is the main character, but in the inner double frame, Young-ran, who is an actor growing up with the Changgeuk Chunhyangjeon and a character in the Changgeuk Chunhyangjeon, is the center. The following three OST albums are Corée Moranbong released in France in 1960, Musique de corée released in 1970, and 朝鮮の伝統音樂-唱劇 「春香伝」と伝統樂器- released in 1968 in Japan. While Corée Moranbong consists only of the music from the film Moranbong, the two subsequent albums included additional songs collected and recorded by Pyongyang National Broadcasting System. However, there is no information about the movie Moranbong on the album released in Japan. Under the circumstances, it is highly likely that the author of the record label or music commentary has not confirmed the existence of the movie Moranbong, and may have intentionally excluded related contents due to the background of the film's ban on its release. The results of analyzing the detailed scenes of the Changgeuk Chunhyangjeon, Farewell Song, Sipjang-ga, Chundangsigwa, Bakseokti and Prison Song in the movie Moranbong or OST album in the 1950s are as follows. First, the process of establishing the North Korean Changgeuk Chunhyangjeon in the 1950s was confirmed. The play, compiled in 1955 through the Joseon Changgeuk Collection, was settled in the form of a Changgeuk that can be performed in the late 1950s by the Changgeuk Chunhyangjeon between 1956 and 1958. Since the 1960s, Chunhyangjeon has no longer been performed as a traditional pansori-style Changgeuk, so the film Moranbong and the album Corée moranbong are almost the last records to capture the Changgeuk Chunhyangjeon and its music. Second, we confirmed the responses of the actors to the controversy over Takseong in the North Korean creative world in the 1950s. Until 1959, there was a voice of criticism surrounding Takseong and a voice of advocacy that it was also a national characteristic. Shin Woo-sun, who almost eliminated Takseong with clear and high-pitched phrases, air man who changed according to the situation, who chose Takseong but did not actively remove Takseong, Lim So-hyang, who tried to maintain his own tone while accepting some of modern vocalization. Although Cho Sang-sun and Lim So-hyang were also guaranteed roles to continue their voices, the selection/exclusion patterns in the movie Moranbong were linked to the Takseong removal guidelines required by North Korean musicians in the name of Dang and People in the 1950s. Second, Changgeuk actors' response to the controversy over the turbidity of the North Korean Changgeuk community in the 1950s was confirmed. Until 1959, there were voices of criticism and support surrounding Taksung in North Korea. Shin Woo-sun, who showed consistent performance in removing turbidity with clear, high-pitched vocal sounds, Gong Gi-nam, who did not actively remove turbidity depending on the situation, Cho Sang-sun, who accepted some of the vocalization required by the party, while maintaining his original tone. On the other hand, Cho Sang-seon and Lim So-hyang were guaranteed roles to continue their sounds, but the selection/exclusion patterns of Moranbong was independently linked to the guidelines for removing turbidity that the Gugak musicians who crossed to North Korea had been asked for.