• The Research Journal of the Costume Culture
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• v.31 no.5
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• pp.573-585
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• 2023

Comprehending the prevailing ideals of the body within a specific era requires grasping the intricate interplay between social phenomena and the evolution of clothing. Accordingly, this study investigates the distinctive facets of the perception of the Neo-Confucian body as reflected in men's dress during the Joseon Dynasty. We examine a comprehensive body of scholarship, literature, and historical records concerning the body and dress. Additionally, we also employ a framework developed by M. Y. Kim, which categorizes the Neo-Confucian body in three ways: as the natural body, the cultural body, and the body as a fully-realized moral subject. Our findings unveil three crucial insights: firstly, guided by Neo-Confucian discourse positing appearance as a manifestation of innate energy (氣), men's dress was deliberately designed to demarcate stylistic distinctions in women's dress; secondly, the Chinese gwan (冠) was employed as a tool of self-cultivation (修身) to symbolize the legitimacy of Joseon's Neo-Confucian governance; and thirdly, sim-ui (深衣), a philosophical emblem of Confucianism extensively represented across through an intensified exploration of historical sources, served as a means to consolidate the political standing of the Neo-Confucian faction. As a consequence of these factors, the attire of noble men conferred upon them both sexual and moral ascendancy as political entities; men's dress became a visual manifestation of the legitimacy of their power, thus embodying Neo-Confucian ideals. This study carries significance by applying a discourse analysis approach to Korean dress research and elucidating the factors underlying the development of men's dress during the Joseon Dynasty.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.35 no.1
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• pp.57-67
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• 2017

Based on the study on place name, meaning analysis of buddhist temple Palgyeng, and classifications of instructions and characteristics of writings on rocks, the main results of the study showed the following. Cheongamsa is located in the upstream of Muheulgugok Valley which was run by Hangang Jeong Gu(寒岡 鄭逑), a typical young man in the middle of the Joseon Dynasty, and overlaps with chief monk Byukam Lee Dukjin's(1896~?) object of Cheongamsa Palgyeng during Japanese colonial era. Including the mountain embracing Cheongamsa called Bullyeong-san, various characteristics of writings on rocks such as use of combination of place names including Sudosan, Seonlyeongsan, and Sinseondae, as well as Cheongamsa Temple, Bullyeongdongchun(佛靈洞天), Namuabitabul, Hogye(虎溪), Yeosan Waterfall(廬山瀑布), and Sejinam(洗 塵巖) show co-existence of Confucianism and Taoism mixed together in the temple. Especially for Cheongamsa Valley Hogye and Samsocheon(三笑泉) which is in the precincts of the temple, are realized as the symbol of the scenery of the three religion consilience of Confucianism, Buddhism, and Taoism through announcement using Hogyesamso(虎溪三笑) which originated from Yeosan Donglimsa, Jiangxi, China. Also, there are Yeosan Waterfall with a noble sense of place by negotiating with god, writing on rocks imprinted, and Yeosangyo(廬山橋) in Cheongamsa. As such, cultures of the three religion remain in various layers with the spirit of Hogyosamso symbolizing the consilience and coexistence of the three religion in Cheongamsa without the exclusiveness of Buddhism. Besides, the third precept of Yukhwagyeongbub, known to be practiced in Buddhist temples, which says "Do not only express self-assertion and ignore others" according to the dogma of working together in harmony, is in accordance with the spirits of Hogyesamso. As shown, Gimcheon Cheongamsa which is adorned with cultural landscapes of Hogyesamso, Gugokdongcheon(九曲洞天), and Palgyeng(八景), is not only good enough for the way of Buddhism and Confucianism but also for a place for the three religion consilience embracing the three religion.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.23
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• pp.317-347
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• 2008

Huang Gan(1152 - 1220, pen-name Mian-zhai) was a famous scholar of Zhu-zi xue in the Southern Song period. Zhu-zi xue was also called Daoxue(道學), because it was based on the Cheng-Zhu xue(程朱學) and had very severe idea of Daotong(道統). Therefore, Zhu-zi xue emphasized practical movements of spreading Confucianism. The view of the Daotong(道統) developed in two aspects: protection of Confucianism and exclusion of Daoism Buddhism. Zhu Xi completed the idea of Daotong(道統), and his disciples, especially Huang Gan, continued his efforts. Zhu Xi's disciples searched the ultimate teaching of Confucianism through studying Four-books(四書). In due of their effort, Zhu-zi xue played a reading role in those academic fields. Huang Gan look upon himself as the successor to Zhu-zi xue. He expounded and missionized Zhu Xi's philosophical thought. In his later years, he accepted many students and passed the Zhu Xi's thought on to his students. He fostered "Jin-hua school(金華學派)"-He Ji(何基), the representative of this school. There is the relation of thought on the theory of knowledge and learning centering around Daotong between Huang Gan and Jin-hua school(金華學派). Especially, the most schools leading the academic society of Yuan period founded their thought on Huang Gan's. And it explained Huang Gan's historical influence and contributions to the Zhu-zi xue in the Yuan period.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.35
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• pp.275-308
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• 2012

This article aims to investigate the studies of Yi Xue Qi Meng(易學啓蒙) performed by the researchers of Neo-Confucianism in Ki Ho region in later Chosun period. Philologically speaking, these studies were mainly performed by Han Won Jin and his colleagues. While the study of Yi Hwang(李滉)'s Qi Meng Zhuan Yi(啓蒙傳疑) performed by the researchers of Toegye(退溪) School lasts from the end of the sixteenth century to the nineteen's century, the Ki Ho(畿湖) scholars' study of Yi Xue Qi Meng are centered in the eighteenth century and hardly any significant work on this text is found before and after this century. In order to single out the distinctive features of Ki Ho School of Neo-Confucianism, this article examines three subjects the Ki Ho scholars delved into: (i) their theory of Tai Ji(太極), (ii) their theory of He-Tu(河圖) and the formation of eight trigrams, and (iii) the so-called Wu Wei Xiang De Shuo(五位相得說) discussed in one of the sections in Yi Xue Qi Meng titled the Source of He-Tu and Luo Shu[本圖書]. The Ki Ho scholars are remarkable in interpreting Tai Ji in Yi Xue Qi Meng in the context of the theory of Li-Qi and the theory of human nature. There are differences in opinion among the Ki-Ho scholars with regard to the relation between He-Tu and the formation of eight trigrams. Eventually, they withhold Zhu Xi(朱熹) and Hu Fang Ping(胡方平)'s attempt to synthesize He-Tu, the rectangular diagram of Fu Xi(伏羲)'s eight trigrams, and the circular diagram of Fu Xi's eight trigrams into one single principle. Han Won Jin tries to explain the relation between He-tu and the formation of eight trigrams in terms of the relation between He-Tu and the circular diagram, and his attempt is widely supported by his colleagues. This theory runs counter to traditional model of explaining truth. My conjecture is that such academic trend is further developed by the defenders of Practical Learning such as Hong Dae Yong(洪大容), who vigorously reject traditional system of truth and science, and that it partly explains why the study of Yi Xue Qi Meng ceases in the nineteenth century.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.54 no.1
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• pp.238-259
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• 2021

Gameunsa Temple is a Buddhist temple from the mid-Silla period. Construction began during the reign of King Munmu and was completed during the second year of King Sinmun's reign (682). This study is based on the results of excavations at the Gameunsa Temple site, exploring the findings presented in the literature in the field of history. This study also investigates the characteristics of the construction plan of Gameunsa Temple and its correlation with the political, social, and religious environment of the time. The results of the study are as follows: (1) First, it is confirmed that all of the buildings in the central block of Gameunsa Temple, such as the pagoda and corridor, the central gate, and the auditorium, fit within 216 cheoks by 216 cheoks (Goguryeo unit of measurement, estimated dimensions 353.30 mm), in terms of the base structure. This fact is highly significant considering the intent of the King in the mid-Silla period to advocate Confucian political ideals at the Donghaegu sites (Daewangam, Igyeondae Pavilion, and Gameunsa Temple), as confirmed by the relationship between the 'Manpasikjeok legend' and the Confucianism of the etiquette and the music; the relationship between the name of the 'Igyeondae Pavilion' and the 'I Ching'; and the relationship between the 'Taegeuk stones excavated from the Gameunsa Temple site' and the 'I Ching.' Additionally, it may be presumed that the number in the "Qian 216" on the Xici shang of 'I Ching' was used as a basis for determining the size of the central block in the early stages of the design of Gameunsa Temple. The layout of the halls and pagodas of Gameunsa Temple was planned to be within a 216-cheok-by-216-cheok area, from the edge to the center, i.e., on the central axis of the temple, in the following order: the central gate and auditorium, the north-south position of Geumdang Hall, the south corridor, the east-west buildings of the auditorium and the winged corridor, the east-west corridor, and the central position of the east-west stone pagoda. (2) Second, the coexistence of Confucianism and Buddhism in the architecture of Gameunsa Temple is based on the understanding of the Golden Light Sutra, originating from the aspirations of King Munmu to obtain the immeasurable merits (陰陽調和時不越序 日月星宿不失常度 風雨隨時無諸災横) and the light of the Buddha, which is metaphorically represented by the sun and the moon illuminating the whole world of Silla, a new nation with a Confucian political ideology, for a long time by "circumambulating the Buddha (旋繞)". It is also presumed that Gyeongheung, who was appointed by King Munmu to be the Guksa in his will and appointed as the Gukro after the enthronement of King Sinmun, was deeply involved in the conception and realization of the syncretism of Confucianism and Buddhism.

• Korean Institute of Interior Design Journal
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• v.13 no.6
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• pp.74-81
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• 2004

Much evidence points to the fact that Korean traditional architecture has long reflected traditional Korean philosophy. If what this evidence points to Is true, there is much more insight to be gained about this connection. It is important to begin with the idea that Korean culture stemmed from Confucianism, Buddhism, and Taoism. All three share similar ideas, and this study will set out to prove that topology, an anti-Euclidean school of thought created at the end of the 19th century, shares many of the same core ideas as the three mentioned above. Transitively, if Korean traditional culture is reflected in Korean traditional architecture, and topology shares many of the same core ideas, it seems that topology should be accepted into the mainstream of architectural design. This study will aim to interpret space structure forms and space constructions of the Korean traditional architecture from the topological perspective.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.50 no.8
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• pp.57-66
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• 2000

The purpose of this study describe about aesthetic of korean art and costume. Therefore we understand the beauty of korean style well. Methods of this study are the analyst of the paper before published on the aesthetic and costume aesthetic. Especially in the global postmodern age. the understanding of the value of korean beauty and costume are very Important. This study define of the special character. That is as follows. 1) Beauty of form a. Harmony of line different character b. Composition of plane make super space aesthetic c. Beauty of asymmetric, non formal, freedom of dressed man d. Beauty of symbolic color 2) Beauty of mend a. Aesthetic of the north nomads feeling b. View of the naturalism c. Ceremony of confucianism d. Preservation of original form, koreanization from heterogeneity

• The Journal of Korean Medical History
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• v.29 no.1
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• pp.33-45
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• 2016

Yeongnyeon-euisaeng (永年醫生) was a licensed Euisaeng (醫生) without time limit. Yeongnyeon-euisaeng was a member of bridging the gap between Joseon Dynasty and the Japanese colonial period in hanuigye (韓醫界). This study aims at better understanding the Yeongnyeon-euisang. In methods, several statistics have been served about Yeongnyeon-euisaeng on the basis of the Official gazette. The following facts have been found through the Official gazette. First, the time limitted licenses have been issued mixed with a permanent license. Secondly, Yeongnyeon-euisaeng lived longer than other people. Third, the residence of Yeongnyeon-euisaeng was a very high proportion in South Hamgyong Province. Fourth, Yeongnyeon-euisaeng played an important role in Korean medical doctor (韓醫師) system after the liberation. In addition, the correlation of multilateral for Yeongnyeon-euisaeng and Confucian doctor were examined. Area of the Confucian doctor decreased since the 17th century. Confucian doctor's region and position declimed during the Japanese occupation. But Confucian doctors were also culled as status of Korean medicine and Neo-Confucianism declimed.

• Korean Journal of Child Studies
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• v.28 no.4
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• pp.169-185
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• 2007

Participant observations, in-depth interviews, and analyses of documents were used for collecting data. Children separated from their parents were living with grandparents because their parents were working abroad. Results included socio-cultural and psycho-social factors. (1) The socio-cultural grounded factors or the common characteristics of young children's family life in both living circumstances included early childhood academic achievement orientation, demands of responsibility and obedience, limited opportunity for social development, and societal phenomenadeveloping wide family concept affected by China's Confucianism and Korean-Chinese social culture. (2) Psycho-social grounded factors included the present care-givers' perceptions of the child's agency and their beliefs in the importance of play and friendship. This affected interactions between child and care-giversand child's self-esteem and friendships.

• English Language & Literature Teaching
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• v.15 no.2
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• pp.93-119
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• 2009

Internalized Confucian cultural scripts trigger meta-pragmatic thinking in Korean communication. Commonly shared cultural knowledge acts as a powerful constraint upon the behavioral patterns of each participant and this knowledge can be strategically manipulated to avoid confrontations. The strategic use of address reference terms utilizes cultural values as a face-redress mechanism to achieve situation-specific goals. This paper offers a view of Korean address reference terms that rests on four revisions of politeness theory (Brown & Levinson, 1978, 1987). First, the notion of discernment - or 'wakimae' - as a culture-specific mechanism is reanalyzed. Secondly, culture-specific values as another R (ranking of imposition) variable are introduced. Thirdly, a reevaluation of the notion of positive face (respect) is discussed. Finally, the address reference terms in combination with other honorifics by the speaker that can be strategically applied either to threaten or to enhance the face of the hearer is observed. Because Confucianism is embedded in Korean cultural identity, teaching cultural values integrated and their roles in situation-dependent politeness is required in order to understand interactional nature of politeness occurring from particular discourse contexts.