• Korea journal of population studies
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• v.13 no.2
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• pp.1-18
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• 1990

This is a study which attempt to analyze changing patierns of economic active popu-lation, t o estimato- future patterns, and exa- mine vartons problems arises by changing c ire u mst ances of t he labor force market in- clunging soici al, economic ic, heathl th and demoi-graph ic aspects. We have constructed series of wotking life table which are useful in syt uiolyioig the lirocess of growth and structural change of labor force. Work i ng life tables represent ihie life eyele of econrmic' activity in hi ypothetical cohorts, that is. gen-erat i on of men Sn bject at eat' b period ot f their lives th given ra to's o mor tali it y and of par-- tici pation in economic activities. The tabloes prot' ide measorues of the alvet'age he ng t able of economically aeti \- e life. and agespecific rates of en trannee' into and retirement from the hahn' force. In const routing working life tables, age-specific activity rates and life tabole popula- titoto which represents contemporary condi-tions of moortality in Korea au'e the basic' maltoerials. We have derived the age-specific rates foorm economically active population survey, whoich were conducted by the Bureau of Statistics, Economic Planning Borard of the Korean government. Working life tables are constructed for men wtable these materi- als in the year of 1970, 1980 and 1988 by a modified Wolfbein-Wool's method. Some of the findings may be summerized as follow : 1) A central part of constructing working life table is calculation of stationary' economic active population, which represents the number of men in the stationtary population extoected to be in the labor force at each age group in the life span. The stationary economic active population by age have generally a universal pattern, where they rise sharply in the early twenties, approach its' peak in the thirties decline thereafter. at first graolually and then more rapidly at an advanced age. Korean men show the same general pa ttern of age distribution of stationary eco-- nomic active population with sharp increase hegining from the age interval of 20 to 24, reaching to maximum level at older age. The population. however, presumably, increased substantially due to increaseing school atte endance rates. Another difference exiSts in the youngest age groups, that is the activity rate in the year of 1988 is lower than that of Japan. The table shows an analysis of changes in the age distrihution of labor force between 1970, 1980 and 1988. 2) It was shown an analysis of changes in the age distribution and cause of separation from labor force. The entrance rate to labor force has increased from 18~\5 persons to 299 persons per 1000 head of stationary population between that of 1980 than that of 1988 for Korean men in 20~24 age group. The entrace rate to labor force shows a rapid entrance appearance concentrated on the 15~24 age group. The separation rate from labor force by retirment in Korea in the year of 1988 shows a great difference of the about four times as much as that of Japan. 3) The functions of table illustrate the patterns of working life of males in Korea in 1970, 1980 and 1988. The average remaining number of economically active years, e at age 15 in 1988 is 46.39 which is 2.12 years of increase compared with that of at age 15 in 1970,1980 and 1988 are 43.90,44.27 and 46.39 respectively, showing steadily increase dur- ing the past double decade the increase in the length of economically active life various age may be considered to have come both from extention of general life expectancy and from increasing entrance rate to economic activity in high age that of working is far greater in 1988 than that of 1980. The gaps between expectation of life and average remaining years of economically active widened due to rapid improvement of mortality level in Ko- rea. This observation together with the population pressure by the appearance of a group of younger population implies that constant increase of economically inactive population among older age group.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.30 no.1
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• pp.66-75
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• 2012

The Seoul Metropolitan Government selected the sign designs of cultural heritages through a public prize contest from a public design perspective and applied the selected design format to the signs of the cultural assets that were designated by the central and Seoul governments and located in Seoul Metropolitan area in 2008. For the purpose of monitoring the result, this study analyzed the installation state of the signs of Seoul tangible cultural properties located in Jongno-gu. The scope of the analysis of this study was expanded to cover the surrounding areas of cultural heritages in order to review the arrangement and design of such signs. The result of this study can be summarized as follows; firstly, not only the flow of travelers' movement but also the direction of sight, their locations in relation to the surrounding facilities or other installations and the integration with similar signs or notices were necessary to be considered in the arrangement of the signs; secondly, the current sings had low quality in terms of durability and readability and seemed utterly distance from the cultural assets indicated by the signs because they were finished with tempered glass; thirdly, the size, shape and materials of the signs were not harmonized with their surrounding areas as only one design was used in the entire cultural property sites without considering such natural or artificial backgrounds of individual signs as rocks, plants, walls or buildings. When selecting the design format of the signs of individual cultural properties that are located dispersively as Seoul tangible cultural properties, it is recommended to determine a group of most representative designs based on natural, man-made and cultural landscape rather than one unified design format and to use a unique well-matched sign for each cultural property. For this reason, this study selected alternative exemplary design models and proposed the type of signs appropriate for each cultural site.

• Journal of the Korean Society for Marine Environment & Energy
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• v.15 no.4
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• pp.337-348
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• 2012

The Yellow Sea Ecoregion Conservation Project is a joint international project which is carried out under the purposes of conserving the habitats in the Yellow Sea Ecoregion and biodiversity from various threats that damage ecosystems, informing the importance and value of the Yellow Sea Ecoregion, and promoting the understanding and interests of Korea, China and Japan. Subsequent to the Yellow Sea Ecoregion Planning Programme which had been performed during the period from 2002 to 2006, the Yellow Sea Ecoregion Support Project has been performed over 7 years in total from 2007 to 2014. Panasonic is sponsoring the financing of the project, and the organizations in charge of the project by country are Korea Institute of Ocean Science & Technology for Korea and World Wide Fund for Nature branches for China and Japan. While the Yellow Sea Ecoregion Planning Programme was focused on the biological assessment and the selection of potential priority area by scientific review, the Yellow Sea Ecoregion Support Project is oriented toward practical activities targeting more diversified stakeholder. Especially, this project plans to support direct conservation activities in the region and participation and cooperation from local residents. The project plan is comprised of 3 phases. During the first period from 2008 to 2009, small grant projects were operated targeting 16 institutions of Korea and China, and for the second period from 2010 to 2012, one place each was selected as demonstration site for habitat conservation in Korea and China respectively and supported for three years to introduce the conservation method based on international standards such as the management of marine protected areas, ecosystem-based management and community-based management and simultaneously to develop habitat conservation activities suitable for national and regional characteristics. During the period from 2013 to 2014 which is the last phase, the project plans to distribute the performance of small grant projects and demonstration site activities through a series of forums among stakeholder. Through the activities described above, the recognition of general public on the conservation of the Yellow Sea Ecoregion was changed positively, and community-based management began to be reflected in the policies for the marine protected areas of central and local government.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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• v.46 no.1
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• pp.72-85
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• 2018

This study focused on cases that led sustainable urban development through the construction and utilization of organic greenery systems linking green spaces of urban peripheries with metropolitan areas. To that end, Berlin - Brandenburg's regional parks in Germany and Milan's Raggi Verdi, a radial green axis project, in Italy were selected for analysis as case studies. As frameworks for this analysis, this study has established existing infrastructure accessibility and linkage, recycling and cooperative management. The results of the case study analysis are as follows: First, the specialized spatial strategy based on the individuality of the green space outside the city rather than a uniform landscape was used as the foundation of the sustainable development plan. Second, physical linkage from the center of the city to the periphery contributed to the sustainable development of the overall metropolis by improving the economic value of the surrounding area as well as ecological and environmental values. Third, the central management system was established to reduce the administrative inconvenience caused by multiple administrative districts in the green space of urban periphery. The implications of applying the above results to Seoul, Korea are as follows. First, it is necessary to establish a differentiation strategy by re-establishing the identity of a green landscape in the urban periphery, because the green spaces of Seoul's periphery are dispersed and mostly have a repetitious mountain landscape. Also, it is necessary to actively link peripheral mountains and urban green areas to create ecological value and economic value, and ultimately to help the sustainable development of the city. Finally, building an integrated management system is required to solve fragmented green space management departments in most of the urban periphery's green spaces. In conclusion, this study shows the significant possibility that the sustainable development of a metropolis can be derived from the utilization, linkage, and management of the green space in the urban peripheries, which is extraordinary compared to normal centralized urban development.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.31 no.2
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• pp.92-102
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• 2013

This study aimed to reveal the establishment process and spatial composition of TaiSho park in modern Busan. The TaiSho park is an athletic park which combines a playground and a rest facilities. The arguments on construction of playground commenced for commemorating Kameyama, Busan director official, when he moved to Taiwan in 1910. First Proposers which construct to sport park were businessman in that time. However, construction of playground was progress as a commemoration business of accession of Taisho Tenno. Playground construction got into stride by the proposal of the Busan mayor Wakamatsu in 1917. When it looks into process of discussion about a site selection candidate, norms of playground site selection are the paly ground which appropriate with effective site area and distance between park and a section of a city, in other hand, those are accessibility and budget. As a result of several arguments and actual site investigation, it was decide to select a site which enters to elementary school, after the isolation hospital relocates. The cost of construction of the TaiSho park is prepared by donation of the Busan civil. The donation fund raising committee was constituted by local commerce and industry people, a company, government, municipal offices and area, and funds was raised systematically. As a result, total amount of construction cost was made from the donation of local civil. The TaiSho park is broadly into two sectors; exercise area and rest and pleasure space. Entrance was set up in three aspects of the park and the subcontract planted. The baseball field took the seat in the central part of the park, and also prepared two tennis courts. Japanese Sumo field was also prepared for the north side of the park. The significance of the TaiSho park in Korea Park history can be summarized in South Korea's first sports park and which was made from the donation of local civil. The remained subjects from this study are to clarify the disappearance process of TaiSho park and a reason why modern Busan people want to get playground.

• Korean Security Journal
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• no.51
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• pp.317-334
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• 2017

The burden of addressing the damage and financial losses caused by disaster events falls primarily on local governments. Given this reality, preparing for disasters and assessing the effects of disaster management would be more effective if both were carried out at the local level. However, disaster management in South Korea is realized at the national level, revolving around the central government. The Ministry of Public Safety and Security, which was newly established after the sinking of MV Sewol, was criticized for failing to carrying out its role as a "disaster control tower" in dealing with the earthquakes near the city of Gyeongju in 2016. The criticism, as well as deep anxiety concerning the ministry's ability to effectively respond to disasters, means that there is a need for a practical alternative plan to the current method of dealing with disasters. As such, there is an increasing call to re-examine the role of the police force, which played an integral part in past disaster response efforts, in future disaster events. Among the various activities the police force performs, this study focused on one particular role and function of the police, namely community policing. Specifically, this study examined community policing within the context of local governments. The primary purpose of community policing is crime prevention. But the police must respond to citizens' expectations and desires that the police expand the scope of its role. Thus, to maximize public safety and order, the police must be actively engaged in conducting disaster response activities. Hence, this study concentrated on the measures, including community policing, that need to be taken to enable the police to respond rapidly and effectively to disaster events, thereby minimizing losses, and to contribute meaningfully to disaster recovery efforts. Because community policing requires public cooperation, community-oriented disaster response and disaster management are closely examined. This study basically seeks to expand the scope of community policing to strengthen disaster safety. Furthermore, this study aims to assert that disaster safety can be promoted by establishing a cooperation system between the police and private security; changing how the role of community policing in disaster response activities is perceived; increasing professional manpower and establishing a comprehensive and independent department dedicated to disaster-related matters; and merging consultative organizations into one organization. Additionally, this study states that an integrated CCTV platform and police cars on disaster prevention patrol duties would enhance the capability of the police to respond to disasters and perform their community policing activities.

• Journal of Korean Historical Folklife
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• no.45
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• pp.263-289
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• 2014

King Munjong(文宗), the eleventh King of the Goryeo Dynasty, was the son of King Hyeonjong(顯宗), the eighth king, and the younger stepbrother(異母弟) of King Jeongjong(靖宗), the 10th king. Although King Jeongjong had four sons, he abdicated the throne to King Munjong. King Taejo(太祖) had opened the possibility for sons other than the eldest son to succeed to the throne. When King Jeongjong died, his sons were children under the age of 10 years. In the early period of the Goryeo Dynasty, when kings had young sons, there were precedents of abdicating the throne to their grown-up younger brothers. In addition, King Jeongjong and Munjong had an identical blood background. During the period, Goryeo people also naturally accepted the fact that a former king's younger brother succeeded to the throne. In this background, King Munjong ascended the throne. However, King Munjong did not ascend the throne after identifying state affairs with politic power. Therefore, he needed to increase his authority as the king. Moreover, as the sons of King Jeongjong had grown up, they could stir up trouble in future succession to the throne. Therefore, King Munjong intended to concentrate power on himself and remove trouble in future succession to the throne by selecting his son as successor to the throne. After the installation of Wangtaeja(王太子, the Crown Prince), King Munjong expanded and organized Donggunggwan(東宮官, the establishment of Secretariat of Wangtaeja) and carried out various rituals related to Wangtaeja. The control system for Donggunggwan was completed institutionally in 1068. At this time, the newly organized Donggunggwan was operated as a miniature version of the central government office. In addition, the ritual for the installation of Taeja, which was held in 1054, complied with regulated procedures. After the ritual of the installation, a ceremony to congratulate on Jangheungjeol(長興節, the birthday of Wangtaeja) was held in 1056. In 1064, the wedding ritual of Taeja took place, and the ritual for Taeja regulated in Yeji(禮志) of "Goryeosa(高麗史)" was carried out. In addition, the installation of Wangtaeja was made known overseas, and the Taeja of Goryeo was proclaimed by the Kitan three times. Such various measures played an important role in strengthening the status of Taeja as the man of authority next to the king. Later, Taeja demonstrated his status as the man of authority following the king by participating in state affairs on behalf of King Munjong who was not able to move about freely in his later years.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.45 no.2
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• pp.38-53
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• 2012

The transition process of the Balhae's capital system(都城制度) is a step-by-step marker of the completion of the state's governing system(支配體制). The most important subject in investigating the formation process of the capital of Balhae is Shanggyeongsheng(上京城). That's because Shanggyeongsheng(上京城) with a threefold-castle structure(三重城) of royal palace(宮城)-internal castle(內城)-external castle(外城) in the side-to-side checkerboard type symmetrical structure has the most paradigmatic castle structure not only in Balhae but also in East Asia. Despite the fact that such structure of Shanggyeongsheng(上京城) has a lot of similarities in the type with Sudangchangansheng(上京城) in Chungwon, scholars were skeptical that it had the same structure with Sudangchangansheng(上京城) at the time when transferring the capital. If we review the result of excavation of Shanggyeongsheng(上京城) and the findings of the senior scholars, it can be understood that Shanggyeongsheng(上京城) has not only the structure of Sudangchangansheng(上京城) but also accepted the principle of construction projected in it. It was confirmed that there is room for reconsideration on the theory of step-by-step construction(段階別築造) which was claimed based on the point that the construction like today's construction was impossible with the level of national power at that time in that the layers whose difference in construction time between the place No. 2, the central point of the royal palace, and the palaces No. 3~5 could be found were not identified, in that the whole Shanggyeongsheng(上京城) was planned by the same standard scale and finally in that there is a good possibility of accepting Samjoje(三朝制). The Shanggyeongsheng(上京城) is the result of the construction conducted by careful planning from the beginning, and with its close relation with the King Mun's(文王) policy of civilian government(文治), it shows that the governing system of the state was completed during the reign of King Mun. Therefore, the construction of the capital and the principle of construction(造營原理) projected in it are based on the premise that the Chungwon culture(中原文化) was being understood to a considerable level, and this means that the view of the world(天下觀) that he wanted to implement expanded throughout the whole Balhae.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.40 no.1
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• pp.65-73
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• 2022

This paper analyzed the characteristics of ancient villages in Hongcun and the method of resetting the preservation area for the preservation of the changed historical and cultural space in Hongcun through the process of change. To this end, the current status of preservation areas and utilization areas in the village was identified through ancient documents, old paintings, policy materials, and interviews related to the village, and through this, the problem of resetting the preservation area was examined. As a result, the following conclusions were drawn. First, Hongcun is a village built under the influence of Confucianism, Buddhism, and Taoism, and the spatial organization was created according to the hierarchy of Confucianism. As a result, it was possible to inherit and preserve the heritage of ancestors even though the central government did not preserve it. Second, the concept of preservation in a limited sense has been applied as Hongcun has been recognized as a cultural heritage that has been passed down since ancient times, but the Great Leap Forward and the Cultural Revolution brought about changes in the village space. Since then, ancient buildings, water systems, and forests have been preserved through regulations on new construction and expansion of a building with the Hongchon preservation plan, but the development within the preservation area is underway due to changes in the lives of original inhabitants, which were followed by continued development pressure and reform and opening. Third, the original inhabitant of ancient villages had a high perception of the value of the heritage, but they demanded the preparation of measures to improve living conditions and create profits, and the active use of villages for this. Fourth, the forest consisting of old trees is being restored, but the gardens in the old house are showing a phenomenon that the garden space is reduced or transformed for use. The bridges and parking lots were newly built in the southern area, which was extended from the western area, the original entrance to the ancient village, resulting in changes in the existing entrance. This was found to be the primary cause of the spatial change of the ancient village, as the road system was modified to make it convenient for tourists to enter and exit. Fifth, the existing preservation area should be reset and preserved by resetting the preservation route centered on Wolso(half Moon Pool), while the surrounding area should be set as a direct and indirect experience space, and according to the hierarchy of each space, the utilization should proceed while the preservation is carried out by crossing the preservation and the utilization.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.40 no.2
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• pp.34-43
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• 2022

This study compared the characteristics of cultural heritage in China and Vietnam, which have developed in the relationship of mutual geopolitical and cultural influence in history, and the following conclusions were made. First, the definition of cultural heritage in China and Vietnam has similar meanings in both countries. In the case of cultural heritage classification, both countries introduced the legal concept of intangible cultural heritage through UNESCO, and have similarities in terms of intangible cultural heritage. Second, while China has separate laws for managing tangible and intangible cultural heritages, Vietnam integrally manages the two types of cultural heritages under a single law. Vietnam has a slower introduction of the concept of cultural heritage than China, but it shows high integration in terms of system. Third, cultural heritages in both China and Vietnam are graded, which is applied differently depending on the type of heritage. The designation method has a similarity in which the two countries have a vertical structure and pass through steps. By restoring the value of heritage and complementing integrity through such a step-by-step review, balanced development across the country is being sought through tourism to enjoy heritage and create economic effects. Fourth, it was confirmed that the cultural heritage management organization has a central government management agency in both countries, but in China, the authority of local governments is higher than that of Vietnam. In addition, unlike Vietnam, where tangible and intangible cultural heritage are managed by an integrated institution, China had a separate institution in charge of intangible cultural heritage. Fifth, China is establishing a conservation management policy focusing on sustainability that harmonizes the protection and utilization of heritage. Vietnam is making efforts to integrate the contents and spirit of the agreement into laws, programs, and projects related to cultural heritage, especially intangible heritage and economic and social as a whole. However, it is still dependent on the influence of international organizations. Sixth, China and Vietnam are now paying attention to intangible heritage recently introduced, breaking away from the cultural heritage protection policy centered on tangible heritage. In addition, they aim to unite the people through cultural heritage and achieve the nation's unified policy goals. The two countries need to use intangible heritage as an efficient means of preserving local communities or regions. A cultural heritage preservation network should be established for each subject that can integrate the components of intangible heritage into one unit to lay the foundation for the enjoyment of the people. This study has limitations as a research stage comparing the cultural heritage system and preservation management status in China and Vietnam, and the characteristic comparison of cultural heritage policies by type remains a future research task.