• Journal of Society of Preventive Korean Medicine
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• v.7 no.1
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• pp.17-28
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• 2003

We met results like the followings through the literatures and questionnaires about the tasks and solutions about the insurance fee of packed medical herbs. 1) It's turned out that 74.8% of herb doctors agrees to the insurance fee of packed medical herbs. However, in comparison with the same survey of the herb doctor association the percentage of general approval went somewhat lower, and especially the percentage of 'positive approval' became notably lower$(43.7%{\rightarrow}26.5%)$ and the percentage of 'active objection' raised about 2 times$(6.8%{\rightarrow}12.9%)$. Inquiring into the approval reasons on the insurance fee application of packed medical herbs some heads such as 'development toward treatment medical science' and 'decrease of publics burden' were higher than the one of 'management income and expenditure.' 2) As a result of the research, 36.0% of the patients and 42.8% of the residents recognized that the pay range of Chinese herb health insurance is narrow. They recognized that less people have the experiences of Chinese medical hospital use and internal application of the packed medical herbs as they are older, men rather than women. 85.4% of the patients and 74.9% of the residents agreed on the insurance pay of packed medical herbs. It's shown that they agree on the Chinese medical hospital use more as the economic standard is lower, on the insurance pay as they have ever taken the packed medical herbs. In the aspect of increase of insurance fee, 66.7% of the patients and 44.3% of the residents agreed on the insurance pay of packed medical herbs, and 18.1% and 36.1% disagreed on the insurance pay of packed medical herbs. The main objective reason why they disagree on the insurance pay of packed medical herbs was 'because the insurance fee goes up higher,' which answered 95.2% of the patients and 78.8% of the residents. 7.22% of the patients and 1.80% of the residents answered that they can pay more insurance fee in case of the insurance pay of packed medical herbs. However, in the priority order of the insurance pay, it hold the 5th position between 2 target research groups which was less than medical examination, charges for hospital accommodation and taking MRI. 3) According to the result of analysis about the cost of packed medical herbs, current practice price is 115,000 won and the average prime cost of a packed medical herb is 73,000 to 106,000 won. It's examined that the herb doctors regard that 95,000 won will be reasonable when the packed medical herb is payed in insurance. However, it was found out that the public generally thinks that the price would be appropriate on the level of 30,000 to 40,000 won and the percentage of the answers of 20,000 won to 30,000 was fairly high. 4) the central system of a prescription should be change into the central system of demonstration and the sick and wounded. 5) To solve this problem, the government should regulate it to pass by the circulation gradation of [importer, $peasantry{\rightarrow}manufacturer{\rightarrow}wholesaler{\rightarrow}distributor$(Chinese medical hospital, pharmacy dispensary of Chinese medicine)]And it should intervene into the quality and the circulation steps of Chinese medicine through 'the office or organization which is in charge of certification of Chinese medicine' and 'the office or organization which is in charge of the circulation of Chinese medicine.' And some actions such as simple severance, lavation, drying should be included into the conception of manufacture and the boundary between food and medical supplies should be made at a manufactory. And the regulation of standardized goods at one's own house should be improved so that, the peasantry can sell the materials of Chinese medicine only to the manufacturer. 6) In company with the insurance pay of packed medical herbs, the study about the separation of dispensary from medical practice in the Chinese medicine should be accomplished.

• Asia-Pacific Journal of Business Venturing and Entrepreneurship
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• v.15 no.1
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• pp.71-94
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• 2020

Korea's innovation cluster policy has been implemented since 2005 with the goal of balanced regional development. The purpose of this study is to investigate the factors affecting the sustainability of innovative cluster tenants by using Pangyo Techno Valley as an example. Pangyo Techno Valley was established under the leadership of the local government (Gyeonggi-do) rather than the central government and it is called "Silicon Valley of Korea" and "Asia Silicon Valley" and is becoming more representative. The growing number of companies in Pangyo Techno Valley decreased in 2017 compared to 2016. This is because Pangyo Techno Valley's business ecosystem will change from 2019. In this paper, quantitative and qualitative studies were conducted to investigate the influencing factors. Quantitative research was conducted based on the survey and qualitative research was applied through interviews. The quantitative research examined the factors affecting the sustainability of Pangyo Techno Valley, and the qualitative research examined the specific reasons and additional factors for the quantitative research results. The quantitative results showed that factors affecting sustainability in terms of changes in corporate internal conditions, human and physical infrastructure, cooperation and synergy, and occupancy patterns. The specific reason for the impact appeared in the qualitative research process. The support category of local governments did not show any significant factors in quantitative research. In addition, qualitative research suggested 'Good image of Pangyo Techno Valley' as the category that has the greatest impact on sustainability. It is shown that companies are passive and expect the role of local governments in activating cooperation network in Pangyo Techno Valley. In this paper, based on the results of the study, Pangyo Techno Valley is presented with a realistic plan based on real estate issues and an ideal plan with a long-term perspective.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.54 no.4
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• pp.174-191
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• 2021

Gangdo (江都), a reproduction of Gaegyeong, was the capital of Goryeo for 39 years. However, due to the urgent wartime situation of the Mongol invasion and the geographical features of Ganghwa Island, the castle system and palace layout were somewhat different from those of Gaegyeong. Gangdo's castle can be understood as a triple castle system consisting of outer castle, middle castle, and inner castle. First, the outer castle was the first to be completed, and it was built at the forefront to prevent the Mongol army from invading in the first place. It is presumed that the section was between Huamdon and Hwadodon in the outer castle during the Joseon Dynasty. The middle castle can be seen as the present 'Middle Castle', a castle built of earth on the outskirts of the Ganghwa-mountain Castle. Considering the sophistication and robustness of the construction method confirmed in the archaeological research, this castle is thought to have been built under a meticulous plan. In other words, as the capital city, it was completed 'at last' as recorded in the Koryo History, after a long 18-year construction process to protect palaces, government offices, and private houses. The inner castle was a castle with the character of a palace. This corresponds to the Old Castle of Ganghwabu (江華府) during the Joseon Dynasty, and it almost coincided with the scale of the composition of Gaegyeong's palace castle. It was a complex functional space, featuring the integration of the palace and the imperial castle, where the main government offices and ancillary facilities, including the palace, were located. Based on the documentary record that these palaces were similar to Gaegyeong's palace, the palace map was overlapped with that of Gaegyeong. The central axis of the building from Seungpyeongmun (昇平門) to Seongyeongjeon (宣慶殿) coincided with Kim Sangyongsunjeol Monument in Ganghwa- Goryeo Palace. Therefore, it seems that the palace of Gangdo had the same basic structure as that of Gaegyeong. However, the inner palace and annexed buildings must have been arranged in consideration of the topographical conditions of Ganghwa, and this is estimated to be the Gunggol area in Gwancheong-ri.

• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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• no.21
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• pp.323-353
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• 2009

This study examines current states of Professionals of records management after "Records Management of public instituition Act(공공기관의 기록물 관리에 관한 법률)" was enacted in 1999. The law forced to arrange records manager in Records Center. However the hire of Professionals of records management became in earnest in 2005. Records Manager among the research officials was established in 2005 February in the Participatory Government. Because of this regulation, in 2005 July, Professionals of records management were arranged in each of 45 central department for the first time. Going through many trial and error, Professionals of records management contributed to systemizing record management of center department and office. According to "Public Records Management Act(공공기록물 관리에 관한 법률)" totally revised in 2007, sixteen major cities and its public office of education decided to employ Professionals of records management until the end of 2007. In addition, minor cities which consists of people over 150,000 and public office of education which consist of the number of students over 70,000 are supposed to have Professionals of records management until 2008, but it is not accomplished yet. Furthermore, when recruiting professionalists of records management, it is necessary to employ not as a contract or a part-time employee or but as a regular or a full-time worker. Especially, if the specialists of record management were employed as a part-time employee, they would not concentrate on their work because of their unstable social positions. It means that changes from a contract worker to a regular employee are needed without further delay. At first, records managers who were recruited at the Central Department in May 2007 had various kinds of difficulties and experienced trial and error. These days, however, they show their expertise with finding their own works. Someday in Korea, the records manager is expected to be a professional career with their know-hows and active movements.

• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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• no.36
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• pp.35-67
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• 2013

As the office of crown properties expanded to financial structure having jurisdiction over various nation's purse in the Great Han Empire, its official document form has been changed. Unlike the early days, they had used official paper stamped with the words 'the Office of Crown Properties' eliminating 'Department of the Royal Household'. Also, the title on stamp of government position changed to 'Recipient of the Official of Crown Properties'. As the office of crown properties expanded as a great financial structure, it has grown in stature as an independent structure, and it was reflected in official document form. Such change was shown in document distribution system. The recipient of report from each district was the First Lord of Department of the Royal Household until 1897; however, the recipients of reports were mostly the office of Crown Properties from 1899. The Office of Crown Properties could not issue an official order before Aug 1899, since then the Office of Crown Properties had issued official orders to each district. However, the Office of Crown Properties could not handle the document in an equal position to the central organization yet. However, from Sep. 1900, the Office of Crown Properties handle the document with district organizations in equal position to the central organization, and a records office had been established in the Office of Crown Properties. Also, the Office of Crown Properties had handled official documents as an independent organization getting out of belonging organization to the department of Royal Household. Since the records office was established in Sep. 1900, the Office of Crown Properties had written receipt book autonomously. Comparing the receipt books in 1901 to the receipt books in 1905 and 1906, receipt numbers had been appeared from the book in 1905 and the organization in charge of the documents was recorded on some documents. Since no receipt book was found in 1902~1904, it is unknown when receipt number had been started indicating on the book. Seeing that the receipt number on the book of 1905 matched with contents on the receipt stamp, the receipt number has started indicating from around July, 1902; the period the receipt stamp has been started to use. Unlike the receipt stamp, the department in charge was indicated on the receipt book. It is because that the Office of Crown Properties changed writing system. Instead of classifying divisions, the Office of Crown Properties recorded in a book by order to receive, provided serial number, and wrote the department on the bottom of receipt book to classify by department in charge. Since establishment of the records office in Sep. 1900, the Office of Crown Properties had confirmed the receipt of document by stamping 'receipt of the Office of Crown Properties' and made receipt books as the office had started handled documents independently. Also, the Office of Crown Properties changed its system integrating division and recording in one book from the intial system classifying the book by division then receipt number and department in charge were indicated on the book. Also, receipt system has stabilized by stamping the receipt date and number on the received document.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.29 no.2
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• pp.166-182
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• 1994

Kyonggi Province in the late Chosun dynasty was a center of superior government offices including 'Han' River water-road transportation and was located in the middle of an 'X'-shaped arterial road network. Because of these reasons, Kyonggi Province had a faster inflow of commodities, informations and technics compared with the other province. At this period of time, every local 'Eup' (name of administrative district) had not been affected by their above administrative districts and had their own autonomy. For this reason, every 'Eup' could be developed as a town, even if its size was small when it had sufficient internal growing conditions. Moreover, the markets ('Si-Jon') in big towns and periodical markets which were spread over the Kyonggi Province played role of commercial functions of town. And because military bases for the defence of the royal capital in Kyonggi Province also took parts of a non-agricultural city role, Xyonggi Provinc had much more possibilities of growing as a town rather than the other provinces. The towns of the late Chosun Dynasty were, except the capital and superior administrative districts which were governed by the 'You-Su', small towns which had only about 3, 000-5, 000 people. Most of the town dewellers were local officials, nobles, merchants, craftmen and slaves. And the farmers who lived near town became a pseudo-towner through suburb agriculture. Among these people, the merchants were leaders of townization. The downtowns were affected by the landform and traffic roads. The most fundamental function of towns were administrative. The opcial's grade, which was dispatched to the local administrative district ('Kun' or 'Hyun'), was decided by the size of population and agricultural land of each county. Large county which was governed by a high ranking opcial had more possibilities to develop as a large town. Because they supervised other opcials of lower rank and obtained more land and population for the town. The phonomena of farm abandonment after the Japanese Invasion of Korea in 1592-1598 stimulated the development of towns for commercial function. The commercial functions of towns were evident in the Si-Jon or Nan-Jon (names of markets) in the big cities such as Hansung and Kaesung, meanffwhile in the local areas it was emerged in the shape of periodical market networks as allied with near markets (which were called as Jang-Si) or permanent markets which were grown up from periodical markets. These facts of commercial development induced the birth of commercial town. Kyonggi Province showed the weak points of its defense system during both wars (Japanese Invasion in 1592 and Manchu's Invasion in 1636). The government reinforced its defense system by adding 4 'You-Su-Bus' and several military bases. Each local districts ('Eup'), where Geo-Jins were established, were stimulated to be a town while Jin-Kwan system were, adjusted and enforced. Among Dok-Jins(name of solitary military bases), Youngjongjin was grown up as a large garrison town which only played a role of defense. The number of towns that took roles of non-agricultural functions in Kyonggi Province was 52. Among these towns, 29 were developed as big towns which had above 3, 000 people and most of these towns were located on the northwest-southeast axes of 'X'-shaped arterial trafic network in the Chosn Dynasty, This fact points out that the traffic road is one of the important causes of the development of towns. When we make hierarchy of the towns of Kyonggi Province according to its population and how many functions it had, we can make it as 6 grades. The virst grade town 'Hansung' was the biggest central town of administration, commerce and defdnse. The 2nd grade town includes 'Kaesung' which had historical inertia that it had been the capital of the Koryo Dynesty. The 3rd grade towns include some 'You- Su-Bus' such as Soowon, Kanghwa, Kwangju and also include Mapo, Yongsan and from this we can imagine that the commercial development in the late Chosun Dynasty extremely affected the townization. The 4th-6th grade towns had smiliar population but it can be discriminated by how many town functions it had. So the 4th grade towns were the core of administration, commerce and defense function. 5th grade towns had administrative functions and one of commercial and defense functions. 6th grade towns had only one of these functions. When we research and town conditions of each grades as the ratio of non-agricultural population, we can find out that the towns from the 1st grade to 4th grade show difference by degree of townization but from the 4th grade to 6th grade towns do not show big difference in general.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.69
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• pp.83-114
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• 2017

The purpose of this article is to analyze the standings of working-level officials belonging to Jongbusi (Court of the Royal Clan) holding the rank of "jeong" and below between the 18th and mid-19th Century. Jongbusi, which was headed by a Grade-3 official, was in charge of the compilation of royal genealogy and supervision of royal relatives. During the late Joseon Period, its officials were composed of its chief, jeong, jubu (Grade-6 official), and jikjang (Grade-7 official). By 1864, it was incorporated into Jongchinbu (Office of the Royal Relatives). Jongbusi nangcheong seonsaengan (Register of Staff Officials at the Court of the Royal Clan), which is preserved at the Jangseogak Archives of the Academy of Korean Studies, lists the officials who served at the office between 1794 and its incorporation into Jongchinbu in 1864. The register also includes the officials' ranks, names, DOBs, family clans, their ranks in the offices they were transferred from, their ranks in the office they were transferred to, etc. Those interested view it as a precious relic that provides valuable information on the officialdom of the dynasty. A majority of the officials who served at Jongbusi were those who passed the higher civil service examination. Many of them at the level of jikjang were those who passed the licentiate examination. Their designation as an official was part of the "muneum" system, which granted official posts to descendants of those who accomplished a distinguished service for the country or served as a high-ranking official. They were those transferred from equal or lower positions in another office. Many of jubu-level officials of Jongbusi were those transferred from honorable and important posts of other offices or local administrative offices. Many of jikjang-level officials of Jongbusi were those who previously served as dosa (assistant officials) at Uigeumbu (Bureau of Crime Investigation) headed by a Grade-1 official. The officials' transfer to an office with a lower position like Jongbusi appears to have been for the provision of placing them in working-level positions rather than letting them remain in positions only carrying an honorary title. As for the transfer of officials of Jongbusi to other offices, many of those with the rank of jeong were transferred to lower positions. Supposedly it was because not many Grade-3 positions were vacant. Many of them were transferred to honorable and important posts. Some of them were also transferred to positions at local government offices, supposedly to avoid an excess of personnel at the central government. Those at the level of jubu or jikjang of Jongbusi were transferred to equal or higher posts in other offices. Particularly, most of those holding the position of jikjang (Grade-7) were transferred to higher posts. The family clan that produced the largest number (10%) of Jongbusi officials was the Jeonju Yi Clan, which produced the largest number of those who passed the higher civil service examination. It was also found that the top 20 family clans produced about half of the entirety of Jongbusi officials. According to the aforesaid Jongbusi nangcheong seonsaengan, about 90% of the cases of promotion of Jongbusi officials occurred after the revision of Seonwon boryak (Royal Genealogy of the Joseon Dynasty). It is speculated that the supervision of royal family members, one of the two leading functions assigned to Jongbusi, was suspended in the late Joseon Period. The relevant function does not appear even in chronicles pertaining to the Joseon Dynasty. The reason being had something to do with the sharp decrease in the number of royal family members during the reign of King Injo (r. 1623-1649). Their number was decreased to the extent that royal ceremonies could not be adequately carried out. Naturally, the meaning of supervising royal family members faded. Witnessing such a sorry state of the royal family, Heungseon Daewongun, King Gojong's father who served as the regent, incorporated Jongbusi into Jongchinbu in an effort to enhance the status and authority of the royal family.

• Journal of Korean Port Research
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• v.6 no.2
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• pp.65-92
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• 1992

The Korean central government has not appreciate the full extent of the impact of seaports on the national economy. As a consequence port investment has not been given sufficient priority and capacity has failed to keep pace with demand. The principal reason for this failure is the fact that the linkages (or relationships) of the port transport industry with other sectors have not been quantified and fully appreciated. To overcome this dificiency this paper developed a port input-output model to determine the economic impact of the port industry on the national economy. This impact study was conducted by analysing the impact of the Korean port industry upon the national economy from the macroeconomic viewpoint, and identifying the spreading effects of port investments upon the nation's economy. The analysis of the economic impact of the port industry suggests that its contribution to the Korean economy is substantial. What the model shows is, in quantifiable terms, there are the strong economic linkages between the port industry and the other sectors of the national economy. The contribution of the port industry to the Korean economy was summarised in the Conclusion section.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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• v.36 no.2
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• pp.80-98
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• 2008

In the past, the purpose of urban landscape planning was to beautify cities. Now, that is changing as cities with their own characteristic identities and images are focusing on the making of livable cities. The subject of international competition is turning from a country objective to that of individual cities. To increase the attraction of the urban image will, therefore, be the most important and urgent policy in all cities. A city without global competitiveness will be demoted to a sub-city. This study intends to suggest strategic ways to improve the urban image suitable for Korean cities by the analysis and classification of the advanced cases in other countries. This study can be summarized as follows: 1. The image of cities is promoted by diverse strategies such as establishing landmarks, making meaningful places, hosting festivals and sports events, and making cultural policies. These strategies can be classified by three factors: the landscape and ecological factor, the historical and cultural factor, and the administrative and economic factor. 2. Korean cities are making efforts to promote their images through a variety of ways. Mega cities in Korea are steadily carrying out projects to use the administrative and economic factor such as expanding the infrastructure, supporting enterprises, advertising and marketing with accumulated capital. However, local small cities mainly depend on festivals and simple events or programs that are of interest but which lack characteristic identity. 3. Cities of advanced western countries are upgrading their images by finding and applying strategic methods to reflect characteristic identity and to keep in step with the changes of the times. On the other hand, cities in Japan try to promote urban image with traditional native festivals and with the making of livable places based on resident participation. The central government in Korea needs to establish a master plan considering the regional balance to improve the image of each city. Local governments should carry out these diverse strategic methods. The task after benchmarking advanced cities with beautiful landscapes will be to find an 'All-Korean Style' and apply it to cities with characteristic image.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.55 no.2
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• pp.66-79
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• 2022

In the mid-Kofun period, the technology employed in the southern part of the Korean Peninsula had reached the Japanese archipelago, and a Japanese-style unglazed earthenware called Sueki was produced. During the early period of the spread of technology, regional elements from all over the Korean Peninsula remained strong, with production on the Japanese archipelago carried out only in very limited regions. After that, production in all parts of the archipelago began gradually. The Sueki culture was introduced to the Japanese archipelago with the technology of the Korean Peninsula; however, many excavations have been reported in the Korean Peninsula(these excavations are even called Suekitype). Many of these excavations were conducted in Jeolla-do, Yeongnam, and the Yeongsan River basin. As revealed in previous studies, however, many imitations were excavated around Jeolla-do, while Sueki of the Japanese archipelago were excavated from tombs in the Yeongnam area. The excavation period was generally from the late 5^th century to the early 6^th century(especially from the TK23 to MT15 stage), which is fundamentally different from that of Jeolla-do. Regarding the locations where Sueki were excavated, the majority were found in the tombs of local authorities. They were rarely excavated from the tombs of the royal people. Furthermore, there is no evidence of special meaning given to funeral ceremonies or Sueki in the Japanese archipelago form; therefore, most of them are thought to have been treated the same as unglazed earthenware. Considering the tombs as a whole, influential people(groups, families, and forces) were not only connected to certain areas of the Gaya region but also had complex and larger relationships. In other words, the Sueki excavated from the Yeongnam area may reflect the rise and fall of the forces in each Gaya region and the changes of the Yeongnam period. The role of negotiation and exchange can be seen not only from the fact that influential people in the central government of the Gaya region were involved but also from the existence of areas(groups, families, forces) discovered in the Gaya region indicating mutual relationships.