• SUVANNABHUMI
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• v.7 no.2
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• pp.177-196
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• 2015

This study on Mahāsammata Model of Kingship in Mrauk U Period from the 15^th to 18^th centuries attempts to demonstrate how the kings of Mrauk U or royal officials tried to claim this legitimating model of kingship and how they accepted this model of kingship and under what conditions the legitimate order of this model was lost. Vital to the adaptation of Mahāsammata model of kingship in the Mrauk U period is the claim that Mrauk U's rulers were direct lineal descendants of the first Buddhist king of the world, Mahāsammata and thence the clan of Gotama Buddha, Sākiya clan. This ideological model of kingship has a recognizable effect on the political stability of Mrauk U kingdom. While the Mahāsammata model of kingship performed as a belief of legitimizing kingship within the arena of royal court, the kings of Mrauk U tried to perform the related models of Mahāsammata, the ideal models of Buddhist kingship as dhammarāja and a cakkavatti. However, the conditions that fail to maintain the Mahāsammata model of kingship saw the weakening of the other related models of kingship, which eventually led to the decline of the kingdom.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.35
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• pp.123-154
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• 2014

In the 17th and 18th centuries, when the Ryukyu kingdom had been invaded and controlled by Japan, some official texts about 'history' were documented. In that texts, there are some myths about the kings-Syunten(舜天), Eiso(英祖), Satto(察度), Syouhasi(尙巴志), Syouen(尙圓)-who founded dynasties of Ryukyu kingdom. This study attempts to delineate the features and meaning of those founder myths as a polotial discourse for kingship. The results of this study are as follows. 1. The founder myths are discourses to describe the genealogy of the Ryukyu kingdom as the result of Mandate of Heaven(T'ien Ming, 天命). 2. In ancient okinawa, the sun was a symbol of ruler. The king of Ryukyu kingdom was thought as 'son of the sun', 'Tedako(てだこ, 太陽子) in the time of Syou dynasty(尙王朝). But in the founder myths, the only one Tedako is Eiso. 3. In the myths, the 'historical' founders are described as the king for agriculture. They were said to make the farming instruments with iron and rule the spring water for farming. The iron and water for fariming was thought to represent the power of king and the kingship. 4. The writers of myths aimed to be separated from the mythical kingship of past Ryukyu(古琉球). So, they threw the idea of Tedako(=mythical kingship) into the prison of mythical ages by rewriting myth of King Eiso. Instead of it, they built up the new image of agriculture-king who rules and controlls the iron and water for good farming. The meaing of this change, from 'shiny sun' to 'cultural king', is that the abstract and general power of kingship was turned into a concrete and restricted power of kingship. On the bases of it, there was the confucian political ideas from China, T'ien Ming thought(天命論). Under the influence of not only China but also Japan, the writers of myths attempt to find a new way for their kingdom by reconstructing kingship with ruminating over the kingship of past. The myth of founders in the 17th and 18th Centuries shows the aspects of kingship of Ryukyu kingdom and tells us that those myths are the political discourses identifying kingship and Ryukyu kingdom.

• Acta Via Serica
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• v.4 no.2
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• pp.1-27
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• 2019

Beginning in the northwestern region of India, and spreading through Central Asia and the rest of Asia along the Silk Road, the making of colossal Buddha statues has been a major theme in Buddhist art. The colossal Buddha statues predominantly feature Śākyamuni (the Historical Buddha), Maitreya (the Future Buddha), and Vairocana (the Transcendant Buddha), and they were fashioned out of religious devotion and frequently in conjunction with notions of Buddhist kingship. This paper examines the religious, social and political circumstances under which these colossal statues were made, focusing on examples from Central and East Asia made during the first millennium CE. Beginning in the 1990s, there was a revival of making colossal Buddha statues across China and elsewhere. The paper also briefly compares the current wave of building colossal Buddha statues with historical examples.

• SUVANNABHUMI
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• v.2 no.2
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• pp.53-68
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• 2010

In this paper, we examine the traditional culture features of Vietnam, Cambodia, and Thailand and above this we try to find out the evidences that traditional culture features are shown up through the Constitutions of three countries. First, for Vietnam, unlike the other two countries, we could find out the traditional culture feature of strong resistance and struggle against the foreign powers like China throughout the history. Also, the loyalty for the community and country could be added as the traditional culture features as well. In contrast, for Cambodia and Thailand, we could see other aspects of traditional culture features, such as the promotion and protection of Buddhism, historically sustained Kingship and respect for the King, the opportunistic foreign policy for the foreign powers to national survive. Furthermore, we could find out the evidences that these traditional culture features are shown implicitly or explicitly in the Constitutions of the three countries in all. Although three countries have different historical backgrounds, experiences, cultures, and value systems, we could see that the Constitution of the three countries show that the traditional culture features are vigorously alive in it. Thus, we can say that this proves that the flow of traditional culture features are not easily changed or stopped by an era or ideology and still alive in the heart of the people.

• Journal of Internet of Things and Convergence
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• v.8 no.2
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• pp.61-70
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• 2022

Connectivity and knowledge are the main keywords of the IoT. In this paper, I analyzed how the two civilizations, Christianity and Islam, were connected through Mughal paintings and what result they have brought in the spread of knowledge. For that, I analyzed literature as well as paintings of those days. In terms of theme matter, Western painting was used as a means of strengthening the royal authority of the Mughal Emperor. In terms of style, perspective and shading from the Western Paintings began to be used in Mughal painting. Later, Christian symbols and themes were linked to absolute power of kingship, and further utilized them to develop into the concept of kingship = spirituality = divinity, creating an original art style that was unprecedented in the history of world painting. By analyzing the two disparate cultures in terms of 'connectivity' and 'knowledge' of the Internet of Things, such research could serve as a platform for future humanities research on the Internet of Things.

• Acta Via Serica
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• v.5 no.1
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• pp.57-86
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• 2020

This article is an analysis of the tale Munhŭi who bought a dream which has been reported, with few variants, both in Samguk sagi and Samguk yusa. As the tale narrates a very particular and old dream, in which a urine flood forecasts kingship and royalty, it has not been investigated here on the basis of a modern psycho-analytical approach, but within eastern and western ancient cultural patterns regarding humans' consideration for excreta and criteria of dreams interpretation. The research led the author to propose for Munhŭi's dream an archaic (and today lost) archetype of interpretation, whose origin is perhaps to be found in the Ancient Middle-East.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.21 no.2
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• pp.43-75
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• 2011

The article focuses on the impact and Acceptance of Hindu culture in Modern Southeast Asian Buddhism. The purpose of this study is to examine critically the influential epic Ramayana on Siam culture, Thai Ramayana version 'Ramakien', reveal instances of Buddhist Modification. The Ramayana by the great sage Valmiki is considered by Indians to be the first great literary work to be produced in India. The influence of this work is to be seen not only through centuries but even in other countries, such as Thailand where there are modified modern versions. In this paper, I have three objectives : (1) I may discuss the epic Ramayana of India gave birth to the Ramakien of Thailand. In modern times Valmiki's epic was made to fit the spiritual trends current in the new Chakri dynasty, which were themselves based on Brahmanic tradition and Theravada buddhism. With regarding to the structure of the Traibhumi cosmography, and the relationship between merit and power implied by this cosmography ranks all beings from demons to deities in a hierarchy of merit which accrues according to karma the actions of past lives. (2) I analyze how to have attempted to dissect the Hindi and Thai version of the Ramayana. The Hindu concept of kingship is also depicted in the life of Rama. The Hindus see in Rama the norm of a true Hindu life characterized by the Caste and Dharma. In Thai transformed version, it does not preach Hindu values of personal or social life. The Ramakien emphasized that the Buddhism were higher than all other laws, and that the King is regarded as the incarnation of Phra Ram, and thus is also the narration of the righteous buddhist ruler. (3) I discuss how cultural or social contexts can influence the structure of the royal Wat. The whole epic was painted by the order of Rama I in the galleries of the Wat Phra Keo. In other words, it is the very centre of the dynastic cult enshrining the Emerald Buddha, the most iconic expression of the Ramakien tradition were officially amalgamated. Rama I was continued the process of elaborating and stabilizing the complex religious pattern, with Buddhism at the pinnacle. My finding will support the idea that the Ramakien is particularly appealing to the Thai people because it presents the image of an ideal king, Rama, who symbolizes the force of virtue or dharma while Thotsakan represents the force of evil. Eventually the force of good prevails. Being Buddhists, the Thai poets bring into the story the Buddhist philosophy(especially, the law of cause and effect, karma). This paper examines the role of the Hindu epic Ramayana in the historical and cultural contact between Hindu India and Buddhist Southeast Asia. It should now be possible to evaluate what elements of Hindu culture were transmitted into Thai through the Rama story.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.52 no.3
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• pp.130-145
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• 2019

The palaces in South Korea are largely divided into primary palaces (法宮) and secondary palaces (離宮). In the early Joseon period, the primary palace was Gyeongbokgung Palace, and the secondary palace was Changdeokgung Palace. Additionally, there is the concept of imperial palaces (正宮). Gyeongbokgung Palace was the primary palace and the imperial palace. The topography of Gyeongbokgung is based on Mt. Baegak, which is the symbol of royal authority. The location of the palaces was chosen to highlight the king's dignity and authority. The three gates and three courts (三門三朝) were positioned on a straight line based on one axis along the ridge of Mt. Baegak to establish the legitimacy, hierarchy, and unity of the kingship. The secondary palace was built according to the demands of the king and the royal family or the political situation. It was created as a royal living space; thus, creating independent and diverse spaces along multiple axes. The primary palace was chosen to be built on the terrain of Yang, and the secondary palace was chosen to be built on the terrain of Yin; the criteria for laying buildings in the palace areas had to be different. The most important point in the formation of Joseon palaces was that the secret vital energy for the king (王氣) originated from the sacred mountain. Important elements of the palace were the secret vital energy chain of feng shui (風水氣脈) and the forbidden stream (禁川). The secret vital energy chain of feng shui was the gateway to the secret vital energy for the king, and the forbidden stream was a method of preventing the king from leaving the palace grounds. Gyeongbokgung Palace, which is on typical feng shui terrain, faithfully reflects the principles of feng shui. On the other hand, the secondary palace was built on incomplete and irregular feng shui terrain. Feng shui was part of the nature and the geography of the ruling classes in the Joseon Dynasty. By examining their geography, I believe that the perfection of traditional culture inheritance and restoration can be improved.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.32
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• pp.103-128
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• 2008

King Jeongjo had lost his father, Sado-Seja(Prince Sado) by Noron(Older Faction). Especially those who tried to kill Sado-Seja and king Jeongjo consisted of king's family-in-law of king Youngjo and Sado-Seja. Therefore king Jeongjo's first goal was to strengthen his kingship than other things because he could gain the throne overcoming the strong hinderance of Noron and king's family-in-law. King Jeongjo requested his subjects to be "Kukbyon-In"(國邊人: a person for king) pointing out the harm of the king's family-in-law and "Tangpyong-Dang"(蕩平黨: the strongest faction consisted under the rule of king Youngjo). For the purpose, king Jeongjo built up "Gyujang-Gak". Gyujang-Gak was spoken to contain and protect the writings of earlier kings superficially, but in reality, it was an apparatus to gain and train the friendly subjects for king Jeongjo. Like that, it was the most important for king Jeongjo to suppress the king's family-in-low and to win Neo-Confucian lterati over to himself's side. Until now, the politics of Joseon Dynasty had been mainly explained on the point of view of "Seonghak-Non"(聖學論). "Seonghak-Non" means that Neo-Confucian lterati were treated as real hero, not kings in the political space of Joseon Dynasty and the role of factions were recognized important. But king Jeongjo denied these ideological stream and tried to change that political system. King Jeongjo wanted to strengthen the throne through the method which insisted the king as a hero in politics. For the purpose, king Jeongjo criticized the Neo-Confucian literati's viewpoint about politics and learning at that time and anticipated to be sole leader of politics and learning on that critique. King Jeongjo aimed to destroy the dignity of "Salim"(山林: Neo-Confucian Sages) with attacking their wrong behaviors. King Jeongjo also criticized the period of king Injo when the regime of "Sarim"(士林: pure Neo-Confucian lterati) faction fully appeared as the starting period when the factional harms were getting worse. King Jeongjo wanted to previously block the oppositions to win subjects over to himself's side with criticizing the period of king Injo and to take away the initiative from his opponents with insisting "Salim-Muyongnon"(山林無用論: a theory ignoring Neo-Confucian Sages). King Jeongjo's critique was not limited just on the system of factional politics. "Seonghak-Non" eventually took root in Neo-Confucianism. Therefore king Jeongjo criticized Neo-Confucianism. He insisted that the essence of Chinese Classics was pragmatical learning, not Neo-Confucianism. Through that critique, king Jeongjo aimed to destroy the ideological base of his opponents. However, king Jeongjo failed to be a sole leader of his subjects in the both boundaries of politics and learning even though he criticized the Neo-Confucian lterati's viewpoint about politics and learning. Because he abruptly died leaving his reformational scheme behind as well as his loyal subjects guarding himself against Noron Byeok-Pa(老論 ?派: the opposing party in Older Faction) were gone behind himself. The politics of Joseon Dynasty returned to more powerful politics for king's family-in-law after king Jeongjo's death.

• Sim-seong Yeon-gu
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• v.37 no.2
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• pp.99-148
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• 2022

This study aims at the psychological elucidation of some conscious aspects of the personality of Yi Sun-sin (1545-1598), the Korean national hero, and the unconscious teleologic meanings of his dreams mentioned in Nanjung Ilgi (Diary in War Time) from the viewpoint of analytical psychology of C.G. Jung. Yi Sun-sin was a man of discipline, incorporated with the spirit of Confucian filial piety, hyo (hsiao) and royalty, chung. He was a stern man but with a warm heart. In his diary, Yi Sun-sin poured forth his feelings of suffering, despair, and extreme solicitude caused by slanders of his political opponents, his grief for the loss of mother and son, and his worries about the fate of his country, which the Japanese invaders now plundered. The moon night offered him the opportunity to touch with his inner soul, by reciting poems, playing Korean string, 'Keomungo', and flute. Further, he widened his scope by asking for the answers from the 'Heaven' through divination and dream. Yi Sun-sin's attitude toward his mother who raised the future hero and maternal principles were considered in concern with the Jungian term 'mother complex'. Won Gyun, Yi Sun-sin's rival admiral, who persistently accused Yi Sun-sin of 'slanders,' certainly represents the unconscious shadow image of Yi Sun-sin. The reciprocal 'shadow' projection has intervened in the conflicting relationship between Yi and Won. In concern to the argument for the suicidal death of Yi Sun-sin, the author found no evidence supporting such an argument, No trace of latent suicidal wish was found in his dreams. For Yi Sun-sin, the determination of the life and death depends on Heaven. 32 dreams from the diary and 3 from other historical references were reviewed and analyzed in the Jungian way. Symbols of anima, Self, and individuation process were found. His dream repeatedly suggests that Yi Sun-sin is an extraordinary man chosen by the divine man (神人). In the dream, Yi Sun-sin was a disciple of the divine man receiving instructions on various strategies, and he alone could see the great thing or events. The dream of a beautiful blue and red dragon, whom he was friendly touching, indicates Yi Sun-sin's eligibility for the kingship. Yi Sun-sin seemingly did not aware of this message of the unconscious. Perhaps he sensed something special but did not identify with 'the disciple of gods' and 'royal dragon' in his dream. His modest attitude toward the dream has prevented him from falling into ego inflation. There were warning signals in two dreams that suggested disorders in the dreamer's instinctive feminine drive. Spirits of the dead father and brothers appear in the dream, giving advice or mourning for the death of Sun-sin's mother. Though Yi Sun-sin was a genuine Confucian gentleman, a dream revealed his unconscious drive to destroy the Confucian authoritative 'Persona' by trampling down the cylindrical traditional Korean hat. To the dreams of synchronicity phenomena Yi Sun-sin immediately solves the problem in concrete reality. He understood dreams as valuable messages from the superior entity, for example, the Confucian Heaven (天) or Heaven's Decree (天命). Furthermore, the 'Heaven' presumably arranged for him the way to the national hero and imposed necessary trials upon him. Both his persecutors and advocates of him guided him in the way of a hero. Yi Sun-sin followed his destiny and completed the living myth of the hero. His mother, King Seon-jo, and prime minister Liu Seong Yong, all have contributed to embodying the myth of the hero. Yi Sun-sin died and became god, the divine healer of the nation.