• 제목/요약/키워드: KI12

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폐국균종의 임상적 고찰 (Clinical Characteristics of Pulmonary Aspergilloma)

  • 강태경;김창호;박재용;정태훈;손정호;이준호;한승범;전영준;김기범;정진홍;이관호;이현우;신현수;이상채;권삼
    • Tuberculosis and Respiratory Diseases
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    • 제44권6호
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    • pp.1308-1317
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    • 1997
  • 연구배경 : 폐국균종은 대부분 기존에 존재하는 공동성 폐병소에 이차적인 감염을 일으켜 주위조직의 침윤없이 집락을 형성하고 국소성장으로 균구을 보이는 질환으로 공동성 폐결핵환자의 약 15%에서 합병되는 것으로 알려져 있다. 지금까지의 국내보고는 주로 증례나 소수예에 대한 보고가 대부분이었기에 저자들은 대구 4개 대학병원에서 폐국균종으로 진단된 91예를 대상으로 임상적 특성을 알아보고자 하였다. 방 법 : 1986년 6월부터 1996년 5월까지 10년간 대구지역의 4개 대학병원에서 단순흉부촬영, 전산화단층촬영, 국균에 대한 혈청침강반응검사 및 생검을 통해 폐국균종으로 진단받은 91예를 대상으로 임상적 특성에 대한 후향적조사를 실시하였다. 총 91예중 10예(11.0%)는 임상적으로, 81예(89.0%)는 조직학적인 방법에 의하여 진단하였다. 결 과 : 1) 대상환자의 평균연령은 $45{\pm}12.04$세였고 연령 분포는 22세에서 65세까지였으며 남녀비는 남자 57예, 여자 34예로 1.7 : 1 이었다. 2) 증상은 객혈이 81예(89.0%)로 가장 흔했으며 기침, 호흡곤란, 무기력 체중감소, 발열, 흉통의 순이었다. 3) 기저질환은 폐결핵이 68예(74.7%), 기관지확장증 6예(6.6%), 공동성 종양 2예(2.2%), 폐 격리증 1예(1.1%)의 순이었으며, 14예(15.4%)는 원인 미상이었다. 4) 호발부위는 우상엽이 39예(42.9%), 좌상엽이 31예(34.1%)로 주로 상엽에 위치하였고 그밖에 좌하엽 13예(14.3%), 우하엽 7예(7.7%), 우중엽 1예(1.1%)의 빈도를 보였다. 5) 전체예중 단순흉부사진상에서는 57예(62.6%)에서, 전산화단층촬영을 같이 시행한 59 예중에서는 단순흉부사진에서 36예(61.0%)만이 발견되었으나, 전산화단층사진에서는 52예(88.1%)에서 전형적인 균구가 관찰되었다. 6) 대상환자 91예중 76예는 외과적 절제를 시행하였고, 공동내 항진균제 주입을 받은 4예를 포함한 15예에서는 내과적 치료를 받았다. 7) 수술적 절제방법은 폐엽절제 55예(72.4%), 폐구역절제 16예(21.1%), 전폐절제 4예(5.3%), 설절제 1예(1.3%)의 순이었으며, 수술에 따른 사망은 3예(3.9%)로 패혈증 2예와 객혈 1예였고, 술후합병증은 호흡부전, 출혈, 기관지흉막루, 농흉, 성대마비 각각 1예로 모두 6예(7.9%)였다. 8) 경과관찰이 가능했던 81예는 절제술후의 71예와 내과적 치료군의 10예였으며 각각 2예(2.7% vs 18.1%)씩의 재발성객혈을 보였다. 결 론 : 만성폐질환, 특히 폐결핵의 경과관찰중 단순흉부사진상에서 특징적인 균구의 소견이 관찰되지 않더라도 의심되는 환자에서는 추가적인 전산화단층촬영사진과, 또한 감별 및 임상적 진단을 위하여 혈청침강반응검사의 적극적인 활용이 필요하리라 생각된다. 그리고 외과적 절제술은 생명을 위협하는 대량객혈이나 반복성의 객혈에서 선택적으로 시행되어야 하며 공동내 항진균제 주입 등의 내과적 치료는 대조군과의 비교연구에 의한 재평가가 필요할 것으로 생각한다.

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일본 '고증파(考證派)' 의학에 관한 연구 (A Study on The 'Kao Zheng Pai'(考證派) of The Traditional Medicine of Japan)

  • 박현국;김기욱
    • 대한한의학원전학회지
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    • 제20권4호
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    • pp.211-250
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    • 2007
  • 1. The 'Kao Zheng Pai(考證派) comes from the 'Zhe Zhong Pai' and is a school that is influenced by the confucianism of the Qing dynasty. In Japan Inoue Kinga(井上金娥), Yoshida Koton(吉田篁墩) became central members, and the rise of the methodology of historical research(考證學) influenced the members of the 'Zhe Zhong Pai', and the trend of historical research changed from confucianism to medicine, making a school of medicine based on the study of texts and proving that the classics were right. 2. Based on the function of 'Nei Qu Li '(內驅力) the 'Kao Zheng Pai', in the spirit of 'use confucianism as the base', researched letters, meanings and historical origins. Because they were influenced by the methodology of historical research(考證學) of the Qing era, they valued the evidential research of classic texts, and there was even one branch that did only historical research, the 'Rue Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(儒學考證派). Also, the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(醫學考證派) appeared by the influence of Yoshida Kouton and Kariya Ekisai(狩谷掖齋). 3. In the 'Kao Zheng Pai(考證派)'s theories and views the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai' did not look at medical scriptures like the "Huang Di Nei Jing"("黃帝內經") and did not do research on 'medical' related areas like acupuncture, the meridian and medicinal herbs. Since they were doctors that used medicine, they naturally were based on 'formulas'(方劑) and since their thoughts were based on the historical ideologies, they valued the "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun" which was revered as the 'ancestor of all formulas'(衆方之祖). 4. The lives of the important doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai' Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢) Yamada Seichin(山田正珍), Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Mori Ritsi(森立之) Kitamura Naohara(喜多村直寬) are as follows. 1) Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢 1739${\sim}$1798) was born of lowly descent but, using his intelligence and knowledge, became a professor as a Shi Jing Yi(市井醫) and as a professor for 34 years at Ji Shou Guan mastered the "Huang Di Nei Jing" after giving over 300 lectures. Since his pupil, Isawara Ken taught the Lan Men Wu Zhe(蘭門五哲) and Shibue Chusai, Mori Ritsi(森立之), Okanishi Gentei(岡西玄亭), Kiyokawa Gendoh(淸川玄道) and Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Meguro Dotaku is considered the founder of the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'. 2) The family of Yamada Seichin(山田正珍 1749${\sim}$1787) had been medical officials in the Makufu(幕府) and the many books that his ancestors had left were the base of his art. Seichin learned from Shan Ben Bei Shan(山本北山), a 'Zhe Zhong Pai' scholar, and put his efforts into learning, teaching and researching the "Shang Han Lun"("傷寒論"). Living in a time between 'Gu Fang Pai'(古方派) member Nakanishi Goretada(中西惟忠) and 'Kao Zheng Pai' member Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡), he wrote 11 books, 2 of which express his thoughts and research clearly, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Cheng"("傷寒論集成") and "Shang Han Kao"("傷寒考"). His comparison of the 'six meridians'(3 yin, 3 yang) between the "Shang Han Lun" and the "Su Wen Re Lun"("素問 熱論) and his acknowledgement of the need and rationality of the concept of Yin-Yang and Deficient-Replete distinguishes him from the other 'Gu Fang Pai'. Also, his dissertation of the need for the concept doesn't use the theories of latter schools but uses the theory of the "Shang Han Lun" itself. He even researched the historical parts, such as terms like 'Shen Nong Chang Bai Cao'(神農嘗百草) and 'Cheng Qi Tang'(承氣湯) 3) The ancestor of Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣) was a court physician, and learned confucianism from Kao Zheng Pai 's Ashikawa Genan(朝川善庵) and medicine from Isawa Ranken and Taki Motokata(多紀元堅), and the secret to smallpox from Ikeda Keisui(池田京水). He later became a lecturer at the Edo Yi Xue Guan(醫學館) and was invited as the director to the Ji Zhong(濟衆) hospital. He also became the first owner of the Wen Zhi She(溫知社), whose main purpose was the revival of kampo, and launched the monthly magazine Wen Zi Yi Tan(溫知醫談). He also diagnosed and prescribed for the prince Ming Gong(明宮). His works include the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨"), "Shang Han Lun Si Ci"("傷寒論釋司"), "Huang Zhao Zhu Jia Zhi Yan Ji Yao"("皇朝諸家治驗集要") and "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun Lei Juan"("傷寒雜病論類纂"). of these, the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨") states that the Shi Gao(石膏) used in the "Shang Han Lun" had three meanings-Fa Biao(發表), Qing Re(淸熱), Zi Yin(滋陰)-which were from 'symptoms', and first deducted the effects and then told of the reason. Another book, the "Jiu Zhe Tang Du Shu Ji"("九折堂讀書記") researched and translated the difficult parts of the "Shang Han Lun", "Jin Qui Yao Lue", "Qian Jin Fang"("千金方"), and "Wai Tai Mi Yao"("外臺秘要"). He usually analyzed the 'symptoms' of diseases but the composition, measurement, processing and application of medicine were all in the spectrum of 'analystic research' and 'researching analysis'. 4) The ancestors of Mori Rits(森立之 1807${\sim}$ 1885) were warriors but he became a doctor by the will of his mother, and he learned from Shibue Chosai(澁江抽齋) and Isawaran Ken and later became a pupil of Shou Gu Yi Zhai, a historical research scholar. He then became a lecturer of medical herbs at the Yi Xue Guan, and later participated in the proofreading of "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方") and with Chosai compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("神農本草經"). He visited the Chinese scholar Yang Shou Jing(楊守敬) in 1881 and exchanged books and ideas. Of his works, there are the collections(輯複本) of "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing"(神農本草經) and "You Xiang Yi Hwa"("遊相醫話") and the records, notes, poems, and diaries such as "Zhi Yuan Man Lu"("枳園漫錄") and "Zhi Yuan Sui Bi"("枳園隨筆") that were not published. His thoughts were that in restoring the "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing", "the herb to the doctor is like the "Shuo Wen Jie Zi"("說文解字") to the scholar", and he tried to restore the ancient herbal text using knowledge of medicine and investigation(考據). Also with Chosai he compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("經籍訪古志") using knowledge of ancient text. Ritzi left works on pure investigation, paid much attention to social problems, and through 12 years of poverty treated all people and animals in all branches of medicine, so he is called a 'half confucianist half doctor'(半儒半醫). 5) Kitamurana Ohira(喜多村直寬 1804${\sim}$1876) learned scriptures and ancient texts from confucian scholar Asaka Gonsai, and learned medicine from his father Huai Yaun(槐園). He became a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan in his middle ages, and to repay his country, he printed 266 volumes of "Yi Fang Lei Ju("醫方類聚") and 1000 volumes of "Tai Ping Yu Lan"("太平禦覽") and devoted it to his country to be spread. His works are about 40 volumes including "Jin Qui Yao Lue Shu Yi" and "Lao Yi Zhi Yan" but most of them are researches on the "Shang Han Za Bing Lun". In his "Shang Han Lun Shu Yi"("傷寒論疏義") he shows the concept of the six meridians through the Yin-Yang, Superficial or internal, cold or hot, deficient or replete state of diseases, but did not match the names with the six meridians of the meridian theory, and this has something in common with the research based on the confucianism of Song(宋儒). In clinical treatment he was positive toward old and new methods and also the experience of civilians, but was negative toward western medicine. 6) The ancestor of the Taki family Tanbano Yasuyori(丹波康賴 912-955) became a Yi Bo Shi(醫博士) by his medical skills and compiled the "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"). His first son Tanbano Shigeaki(丹波重明) inherited the Shi Yao Yuan(施藥院) and the third son Tanbano Masatada(丹波雅忠) inherited the Dian You Tou(典藥頭). Masatada's descendents succeeded him for 25 generations until the family name was changed to Jin Bao(金保) and five generations later it was changed again to Duo Ji(多紀). The research scholar Taki Motohiro was in the third generation after the last name was changed to Taki, and his family kept an important part in the line of medical officers in Japan. Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡 1755-1810) was a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan where his father was residing, and became the physician for the general Jia Qi(家齊). He had a short temper and was not good at getting on in the world, and went against the will of the king and was banished from Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師). His most famous works, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Yi" and "Jin Qui Yao Lue Ji Yi" are the work of 20 years of collecting the theories of many schools and discussing, and is one of the most famous books on the "Shang Han Lun" in Japan. "Yi Sheng" is a collection of essays on research. Also there are the "Su Wen Shi"("素問識"), "Ling Shu Shi"("靈樞識"), and the "Guan lu Fang Yao Bu"("觀聚方要補"). Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡)'s position was succeeded by his third son Yuan Yin(元胤 1789-1827), and his works include works of research such as "Nan Jing Shu Jeng"("難經疏證"), "Ti Ya"("體雅"), "Yao Ya"("藥雅"), "Ji Ya"("疾雅"), "Ming Yi Gong An"("名醫公案"), and "Yi Ji Kao"("醫籍考"). The "Yi Ji Kao" is 80 volumes in length and lists about 3000 books on medicine in China before the Qing Dao Guang(道光), and under each title are the origin, number of volumes, state of existence, and, if possible, the preface, Ba Yu(跋語) and biography of the author. The younger sibling of Yuan Yin(元胤 1789-1827), Yuan Jian(元堅 1795-1857) expounded ancient writings at the Yi Xue Guan only after he reached middle age, was chosen for the Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師) and later became a Fa Yan(法眼), Fa Yin(法印) and Yu Chi(樂匙). He left about 15 texts, including "Su Wen Shao Shi"("素間紹識"), "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"), published in school, "Za Bing Guang Yao"("雜病廣要"), "Shang Han Guang Yao"(傷寒廣要), and "Zhen Fu Yao Jue"("該腹要訣"). On the Taki family's founding and working of the Yi Xue Guan Yasuka Doumei(失數道明) said they were "the people who took the initiative in Edo era kampo medicine" and evaluated their deeds in the fields of 'research of ancient text', 'the founding of Ji Shou Guan and medical education', 'publication business', 'writing of medical text'. 5. The doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai ' based their operations on the Edo Yi Xue Guan, and made groups with people with similar ideas to them, making a relationship 'net'. For example the three families of Duo Ji(多紀), Tang Chuan(湯川) and Xi Duo Cun(喜多村) married and adopted with and from each other and made prefaces and epitaphs for each other. Thus, the Taki family, the state science of the Makufu, the tendency of thinking, one's own interests and glory, one's own knowledge, the need of the society all played a role in the development of kampo medicine in the 18th and 19th century.

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일본 '고증파(考證派)' 의학에 관한 연구 (A Study on The 'Kao Zheng Pai'(考證派) of The Traditional Medicine of Japan)

  • 박현국;김기욱
    • 동국한의학연구소논문집
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    • 제10권
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    • pp.1-40
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    • 2008
  • 1.The 'Kao Zheng Pai'(考證派) comes from the 'Zhe Zhong Pai(折衷派)' and is a school that is influenced by the confucianism of the Qing dynasty. In Japan Inoue Kinga(井上金峨), Yoshida Koton(古田篁墩 $1745{\sim}1798$) became central members, and the rise of the methodology of historical research(考證學) influenced the members of the 'Zhe Zhong Pai', and the trend of historical research changed from confucianism to medicine, making a school of medicine based on the study of texts and proving that the classics were right. 2. Based on the function of 'Nei Qu Li'(內驅力) the 'Kao Zheng Pai', in the spirit of 'use confucianism as the base', researched letters, meanings and historical origins. Because they were influenced by the methodology of historical research(考證學) of the Qing era, they valued the evidential research of classic texts, and there was even one branch that did only historical research, the 'Rue Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(儒學考證派). Also, the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(醫學考證派) appeared by the influence of Yoshida Kouton and Kariya Ekisai(狩谷掖齋). 3. In the 'Kao Zheng Pai(考證派)'s theories and views the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai' did not look at medical scriptures like the "Huang Di Nei Jing"("黃帝內經") and did not do research on 'medical' related areas like acupuncture, the meridian and medicinal herbs. Since they were doctors that used medicine, they naturally were based on 'formulas'(方劑) and since their thoughts were based on the historical ideologies, they valued the "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun" which was revered as the 'ancestor of all formulas'(衆方之祖). 4. The lives of the important doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai' Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢) Yamada Seichin(山田正珍), Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Mori Ritsi(森立之) Kitamura Naohara(喜多村直寬) are as follows. 1) Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢 $1739{\sim}1798$) was born of lowly descent but, using his intelligence and knowledge, became a professor as a Shi Jing Yi(市井醫) and as a professor for 34 years at Ji Shou Guan(躋壽館) mastered the "Huang Di Nei Jing" after giving over 300 lectures. Since his pupil, Isawara Ken(伊澤蘭軒) taught the Lan Men Wu Zhe(蘭門五哲) and Shibue Chusai(澀江抽齋), Mori Ritsi(森立之), Okanishi Gentei(岡西玄亭), Kiyokawa Gendoh(淸川玄道) and Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Meguro Dotaku is considered the founder of the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'. 2) The family of Yamada Seichin(山田正珍 $1749{\sim}1787$) had been medical officials in the Makufu(幕府) and the many books that his ancestors had left were the base of his art. Seichin learned from Shan Ben Bei Shan(山本北山), a 'Zhe Zhong Pai' scholar, and put his efforts into learning, teaching and researching the "Shang Han Lun"("傷寒論"). Living in a time between 'Gu Fang Pai'(古方派) member Nakanishi Goretada(中西惟忠) and 'Kao Zheng Pai' member Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡), he wrote 11 books, 2 of which express his thoughts and research clearly, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Cheng"("傷寒論集成") and "Shang Han Kao"("傷寒考"). His comparison of the 'six meridians'(3 yin, 3 yang) between the "Shang Han Lun" and the "Su Wen Re Lun"("素問 熱論") and his acknowledgement of the need and rationality of the concept of Yin-Yang and Deficient-Replete distinguishes him from the other 'Gu Fang Pai'. Also, his dissertation of the need for the concept doesn't use the theories of latter schools but uses the theory of the "Shang Han Lun" itself. He even researched the historical parts, such as terms like 'Shen Nong Chang Bai Cao'(神農嘗百草) and 'Cheng Qi Tang'(承氣湯). 3) The ancestor of Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣) was a court physician, and learned confucianism from Kao Zheng Pai's Ashikawa Genan(朝川善庵) and medicine from Isawa Ranken(伊澤蘭軒) and Taki Motokata(多紀元堅), and the secret to smallpox from Ikeda Keisui(池田京水). He later became a lecturer at the Edo Yi Xue Guan(醫學館) and was invited as the director to the Ji Zhong(濟衆) hospital. He also became the first owner of the Wen Zhi She(溫知社), whose main purpose was the revival of kampo, and launched the monthly magazine Wen Zi Yi Tan(溫知醫談). He also diagnosed and prescribed for the prince Ming Gong(明宮). His works include the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨"), "Shang Han Lun Si Ci"("傷寒論釋詞"), "Huang Zhao Zhu Jia Zhi Yan Ji Yao"("皇朝諸家治驗集要") and "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun Lei Juan"("傷寒雜病論類纂"). of these, the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨") states that the Shi Gao(石膏) used in the "Shang Han Lun" had three meanings-Fa Biao(發表), Qing Re(淸熱), Zi Yin(滋陰)-which were from 'symptoms', and first deducted the effects and then told of the reason. Another book, the "Jiu Zhe Tang Du Shu Ji"("九折堂讀書記") researched and translated the difficult parts of the "Shang Han Lun", "Jin Qui Yao Lue"("金匱要略"), "Qian Jin Fang"("千金方"), and "Wai Tai Mi Yao"("外臺秘要"). He usually analyzed the 'symptoms' of diseases but the composition, measurement, processing and application of medicine were all in the spectrum of 'analystic research' and 'researching analysis'. 4) The ancestors of Mori Ritsi(森立之 $1807{\sim}1885$) were warriors but he became a doctor by the will of his mother, and he learned from Shibue Chosai(澁江抽齋) and Isawaran Ken(伊澤蘭軒) and later became a pupil of Shou Gu Yi Zhai(狩谷掖齋), a historical research scholar. He then became a lecturer of medical herbs at the Yi Xue Guan, and later participated in the proofreading of "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方") and with Chosai compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("經籍訪古志"). He visited the Chinese scholar Yang Shou Jing(楊守敬) in 1881 and exchanged books and ideas. Of his works, there are the collections(輯複本) of "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing"("神農本草經") and "You Xiang Yi Hwa"("遊相醫話") and the records, notes, poems, and diaries such as "Zhi Yuan Man Lu"("枳園漫錄") and "Zhi Yuan Sui Bi"(枳園隨筆) that were not published. His thoughts were that in restoring the "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing", "the herb to the doctor is like the "Shuo Wen Jie Zi"(說文解字) to the scholar", and he tried to restore the ancient herbal text using knowledge of medicine and investigation(考據), Also with Chosai he compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("經籍訪古志") using knowledge of ancient text. Ritzi left works on pure investigation, paid much attention to social problems, and through 12 years of poverty treated all people and animals in all branches of medicine, so he is called a 'half confucianist half doctor'(半儒半醫). 5) Kitamurana Ohira(喜多村直寬, $1804{\sim}1876$) learned scriptures and ancient texts from confucian scholar Asaka Gonsai(安積艮齋), and learned medicine from his father Huai Yaun(槐園), He became a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan in his middle ages, and to repay his country, he printed 266 volumes of "Yi Fang Lei Ju"("醫方類聚") and 1000 volumes of "Tai Ping Yu Lan"("太平禦覽") and devoted it to his country to be spread. His works are about 40 volumes including "Jin Qui Yao Lue Shu Yi"("金匱要略疏義") and "Lao Yi Zhi Yan"(老醫巵言) but most of them are researches on the "Shang Han Za Bing Lun". In his "Shang Han Lun Shu Yi"("傷寒論疏義") he shows the concept of the six meridians through the Yin-Yang, Superficial or internal, cold or hot, deficient or replete state of diseases, but did not match the names with the six meridians of the meridian theory, and this has something in common with the research based on the confucianism of Song(宋儒). In clinical treatment he was positive toward old and new methods and also the experience of civilians, but was negative toward western medicine. 6) The ancestor of the Taki family Tanbano Yasuyori(丹波康賴 $912{\sim}955$) became a Yi Bo Shi(醫博士) by his medical skills and compiled the "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"). His first son Tanbano Shigeaki(丹波重明) inherited the Shi Yao Yuan(施藥院) and the third son Tanbano Masatada(丹波雅忠) inherited the Dian You Tou(典藥頭). Masatada's descendents succeeded him for 25 generations until the family name was changed to Jin Bao(金保) and five generations later it was changed again to Duo Ji(多紀). The research scholar Taki Motohiro was in the third generation after the last name was changed to Taki, and his family kept an important part in the line of medical officers in Japan. Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡 $1755{\sim}1810$) was a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan where his father was residing, and became the physician for the general Jia Qi(家齊). He had a short temper and was not good at getting on in the world, and went against the will of the king and was banished from Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師). His most famous works, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Yi"("傷寒論輯義") and "Jin Qui Yao Lue Ji Yi"("金匱要略輯義") are the work of 20 years of collecting the theories of many schools and discussing, and is one of the most famous books on the "Shang Han Lun" in Japan. "Yi Sheng"("醫勝") is a collection of essays on research. Also there are the "Su Wen Shi"(素問識), "Ling Shu Shi"("靈樞識"), and the "Guan Ju Fang Yao Bu"("觀聚方要補"). Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡)'s position was succeeded by his third son Yuan Yin(元胤 $1789{\sim}1827$), and his works include works of research such as "Nan Jing Shu Jeng"(難經疏證), "Ti Ya"("體雅"), "Yao Ya"("藥雅"), "Ji Ya"(疾雅), "Ming Yi Gong An"(名醫公案), and "Yi Ji Kao"(醫籍考). The "Yi Ji Kao" is 80 volumes in length and lists about 3000 books on medicine in China before the Qing Dao Guang(道光), and under each title are the origin, number of volumes, state of existence, and, if possible, the preface, Ba Yu(跋語) and biography of the author. The younger sibling of Yuan Yin(元胤 $1789{\sim}1827$), Yuan Jian(元堅 $1795{\sim}1857$) expounded ancient writings at the Yi Xue Guan only after he reached middle age, was chosen for the Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師) and later became a Fa Yan(法眼), Fa Yin(法印) and Yu Chi(禦匙). He left about 15 texts, including "Su Wen Shao Shi"("素問紹識"), "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"), published in school, "Za Bing Guang Yao"("雜病廣要"), "Shang Han Guang Yao"("傷寒廣要"), and "Zhen Fu Yao Jue"("診腹要訣"). On the Taki family's founding and working of the Yi Xue Guan Yasuka Doumei(矢數道明) said they were "the people who took the initiative in Edo era kampo medicine" and evaluated their deeds in the fields of 'research of ancient text', the founding of Ji Shou Guan(躋壽館) and medical education', 'publication business', 'writing of medical text'. 5. The doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai' based their operations on the Edo Yi Xue Guan, and made groups with people with similar ideas to them, making a relationship 'net'. For example the three families of Duo Ji(多紀), Tang Chuan(湯川) and Xi Duo Cun(喜多村) married and adopted with and from each other and made prefaces and epitaphs for each other. Thus, the Taki family, the state science of the Makufu, the tendency of thinking, one's own interests and glory, one's own knowledge, the need of the society all played a role in the development of kampo medicine in the 18th and 19th century.

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소나무 천연집단(天然集團)의 변이(變異)에 관(關)한 연구(硏究)(III) -주왕산(周王山), 안면도(安眠島), 오대산(五臺山) 소나무집단(集團)의 차대(次代)의 유전변이(遺傳變異)- (The Variation of Natural Population of Pinus densiflora S. et Z. in Korea (III) -Genetic Variation of the Progeny Originated from Mt. Chu-wang, An-Myon Island and Mt. O-Dae Populations-)

  • 임경빈;권기원
    • 한국산림과학회지
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    • 제32권1호
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    • pp.36-63
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    • 1976
  • 1974년(年) 천연(天然)소나무집단(集團)에 대한 유전적변이(遺傳的變異)를 분석(分析)하고져 먼저 경북(慶北) 청송군(靑松郡) 소재(所在) 주왕산(周王山)소나무림(林), 충남(忠南) 서산군(瑞山郡) 소재(所在) 안면도(安眠島) 소나무림(林), 그리고 강원도(江原道) 평창군(平昌郡) 소재(所在) 소나무림(林)을 대상(對象)으로하여 각(各) 집단(集團)에서 되도록 소면적(小面積)의 범위내(範圍內)에 서있는 소나무 개체(個體)를 각(各) 20주(株)씩 총 60주(株)를 택(擇)하여 그 모수(母樹)에 대한 형태학적(形態學的) 특성(特性)등을 조사측정(調査測定)하고 집단간(集團間)에 보이는 차이(差異) 그리고 한 집단내(集團內)에 있는 각개체수목(各個體樹木)의 형질(形質)을 조사보고(調査報告)한바 있다(제일보고문(第一報論文). 1974년(年) 가을에 가계별(家系別)로 종자(種字)을 채취(採取)하여서 가계별(家系別) 및 산지별(産地別)의 차이(差異)를 분석(分析)하고 동시(同時)에 그 종자(種字)를 파종하여서 1-0묘(苗) 및 1-1묘(苗)를 대상(對象)으로 생장인자(生長因子)에 대한 측정(測定)을 하고 그 유전력(遺傳力)을 계산(計算)해 보았다. 그밖에 엽록소함량(葉綠素含量) 또는 monoterpene등의 함량(含量)의 차이(差異)를 분석(分析)해 보았다. 종자(種字)의 형태학적(形態學的) 특성(特性)에 있어서는 집단간(集團間) 또 가계간(家系間)에 유의차(有意差)를 보이지 않는 것도 있었으나 대체(大體)로 유의차(有意差)가 인정(認定)되었다. 그리고 각형질간(各形質間)의 상관(相關)을 보았는데 구과폭(毬果幅)과 종자익(種字翼)의 폭(幅), 구과장(毬果長)과 종자익(種字翼)의 길이간(間), 그리고 구과(毬果) 생중량(生重量)과 종자중량간(種字重量間)에는 정(正)의 상관(相關)이 보였다. 묘고(苗高)와 근원경(根元徑)의 성장(成長)에 있어서는 가계간(家系間) 그리고 집단간(集團間)에 차이(差異)가 인정되었다. 묘고(苗高)의 유전력(遺傳力)은 집단(集團)의 평균치(平均値)를 가지고 분석(分析)하였다. 즉 집단(集團)에 관계(關係)되는 분산(分散)을 유전분산(遺傳分散)으로 보고서 유전력(遺傳力)을 계산(計算)해 보았는데 1-0묘(苗)의 묘고(苗高)에서는 0.29, 1-1묘(苗)에서는 0.14가 그리고 근원경(根元徑)에 있어서는 1-0묘(苗)는 0.15, 1-1묘(苗)에서는 0.06이였다. 기공열수(氣孔列數)에 있어서는 집단간차이(集團間差異)가 있었으나 거치밀도(鋸齒密度)에는 차이(差異)가 없었다. 침엽(針葉)의 특성(特性)에 관(關)해서는 모수(母樹)와 차대간(次代間)에 상관(相關)이 없었다. 엽록소함량(葉綠素含量)은 집단간차이(集團間差異)는 보였으나 가계간차이(家系間差異)는 없었다. monoterpene의 성분(成分)에 있어서는 myrcene과 ${\beta}$-phellandrene의 함량(含量)으로 집단차(集團差)를 볼 수 있었다.

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농가부업(農家副業)의 소득향상(所得向上)을 위한 양육생산(羊肉生産) 및 모피가공(毛皮加工)에 관(關)한 연구(硏究) (Studies on the Meat Production and Woolskin Processing of Sheep and Korean Native Goats for Increasing Farm Income as a Family Subsidiary Work)

  • 권순기;김종우;한성욱;이규승
    • 농업과학연구
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    • 제5권2호
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    • pp.93-114
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    • 1978
  • 본(本) 시험(試驗)은 농가(農家)에서 부업(副業)으로 면양(緬羊)과 산양(山羊)을 사육(飼育)하여 농가수입(農家收入)을 향상(向上)시킬 수 있는 방안(方案)으로 모색(摸索)하고 아울러 면(緬) 산양(山羊)의 산육성(産育性), 산모성(産毛性), 모피이용성(毛皮利用性), 생리적(生理的) 특성(特性) 및 각(各) 경제형질간(經濟形質間)의 상호관계(相互關係)를 구명(究明)하기 위하여 1977년(年) 5월(月) 5일(日)부터 1977년(年) 11월(月) 26일(日)까지 충남대학교(忠南大學校) 농과대학(農科大學) 부속동물사육장(附屬動物飼育場)과 대전근교(大田近郊)의 농가(農家)를 선정(選定)하여 양(羊)의 발육성적(發育成績), 도체성적(屠體成績), 내장중량(內臟重量), 혈액(血液) 및 혈장성분(血漿成分), 채식성(採食性), 경제성(經濟性)을 분석(分析)하고 아울러 각(各) 경제형질간(經濟形質間)의 상관(相關)을 산출(算出)하여 비교검토(比較檢討)하였다. 본(本) 시험(試驗)에서 얻어진 결과(結果)를 요약(要約)하면 다음과 같다. 1. 산육성(産肉性) 및 육질(肉質) 1) 면양(緬羊)고 산양(山羊)의 발육성적(發育成績)은 196일간(日間)을 사육(飼育)한 결과(結果), 시험개시시(試驗開始時) 평균(平均) 체중(體重) 20kg와 8kg의 2배(倍)로 각각(各各) 증가(增加)되었다. 2) 면양(緬羊)은 사사구(舍飼區)와 방목구간(放牧區間)의 증체량(增體量)에 유의적(有意的) 차이(差異)가 없었다. 3) 산양(山羊)의 사육(飼育)은 전염성(傳染性) 질병(疾病)의 오염(汚染)이 없는 공주군(公州郡) 야산지대(野山地帶)에서 발육성적(發育成績)이 양호(良好)하였다. 4) 면양(緬羊)의 18개월령(個月齡) 체척측정치(體尺測定値)에서 체고(體高)에 대(對)한 비율(比率)은 십자부고(十字部高) 103%, 체장(體長) 104%, 흉심(胸心) 44%, 흉폭(胸幅) 31%, 요각폭(腰角幅) 23%, 흉위(胸圍) 135%, 전관위(前管圍) 15%였다. 재래산양(在來山羊)은 8개월령(個月齡)에서 십자부고(十字部高) 106%, 체장(體長) 109%, 흉심(胸深) 46%, 흉위(胸圍) 122%로서 면양(緬羊)보다 십자부고(十字部高), 체장(體長)과 흉심(胸心)의 비율(比率)이 높았으나 흉위(胸圍)의 비율(比率)은 낮았다. 5) 도체성적(屠體成績)에서 면양(緬羊)은 도체율(屠體率)은 $47.52{\pm}2.27%$, 골격비율(骨格比率) $9.75{\pm}1.49%$, 두골비율(頭骨比率) $2.68{\pm}0.42%$, 피모비율(皮毛比率) $20.95{\pm}2.14%$였으며, 재래산양(在來山羊)에서는 도체율(屠體率) $45.58{\pm}5.63%$, 정육율(精肉率) $27.62{\pm}3.81%$, 내장비율(內臟比率) $34.86{\pm}4.16%$, 골격(骨格), 두골(頭骨), 피모비율(皮毛比率)이 각각(各各) $11.66{\pm}1.86%$, $3.63{\pm}1.61%$, $9.26{\pm}2.41%$이었다. 6) 한국재래산양(韓國在來山羊)을 방목사사(放牧舍飼)할 경우 생산(生産)되는 도육(屠肉)의 수분(水分), 조단백(粗蛋白), 조지방(粗脂肪), 조회분(粗灰分) 함량(含量)은 근사(近似)한 차이(差異)를 나타내었다. 또한 방목(放牧) 및 사사(舍飼)한 면양도육(緬羊屠肉)을 분석(分析)한 결과(結果) 방목구(放牧區)는 사사구(舍飼區)에 비하여 수분(水分) 및 단백질함량(蛋白質含量)이 높고 지방함량(脂肪含量)은 감소(減少)하였다. 7) 각(各) 내장(內臟)의 중량(重量)은 면양(緬羊)과 재래산양(在來山羊)이 비교적(比較的) 유사(類似)한 변화(變化) 경향(傾向)을 보였는데 간장(肝臟), 심장(心臟), 신장(腎臟), 비장(脾臟)은 비교군간(比較群間)에 유의성(有意性)이 인정(認定)되지 않았으며, 제(第)1 제(第) 2위(胃) 및 대(大), 소장(小腸)은 방목구(放牧區)가 사사구(舍飼區)에 비(比)하여 유의(有意)하게 높은 값을 나타냈고 복강내(腹腔內)의 지방량(脂肪量)은 사사구(舍飼區)가 방목구(放牧區)보다 유의성(有意性)이 인정(認定)되는 높은 값을 나타냈다. 2. 산모성(産毛性) 및 모피(毛皮) 1) 7개월간(個月間) 사육(飼育)한 면양(緬羊)의 산모량(産毛量)은 $3.88{\pm}1.02kg$였으며 산모량(産毛量)은 $9.27{\pm}1.48%$, 모속량(毛束量)) $8.47{\pm}1.00cm$ 직선모장(直線毛長) $10.63{\pm}0.99cm$, 1일(日) 모성장(毛成長)은 $0.40{\pm}0.44cm$ Crimp수(數)는 $2.78{\pm}0.40$이였다. 2) 면양모피(緬羊毛皮)를 명(明)유제하여 부위별(部位別)로 항장력(抗長力) 및 인열강도(引裂强度)를 조사(調査)한 결과(結果) 둔부(臀部)가 항장력(抗張力) $1.35kg/mm^2$ 인열력(引裂力) $2.252kg/mm^2$로서 가장 강(强)하였으며 배부(背夫), 견부(肩部)의 순위(順位)로로 항장력(抗張力) 및 인열력(引裂力)을 나타내었다. 3. 초지(草地)의 이용(利用) 및 개량(改良) 1) 재래산양(在來山羊)의 방목(放牧) 및 계목시(繫牧時)의 채식량(採食量)은 오전(午前)에 비하여 오후(午後)가 많았으며 방목(放牧) 및 계목간(繫牧間)에는 큰 차이(差異)를 나타내지 않았다. 면양(緬羊)의 방목(放牧)과 계목시(繫牧時)의 채식량(採食量)은 방목(放牧)이 계목(繫牧)보다 우수하였으며 오전9午前)에 비(比)하여 오후(午後)가 다량(多量) 채식(採食)하였다. 2) 재래산양(在來山羊)과 면양(緬羊)을 이용(利用)하여 제경조성(蹄耕造成)한 목초지(牧草地)의 정착상태(定着狀態)를 조사(調査)한 결과 재래산양구(在來山羊區)는 6025% 면양구(緬羊區)는 77.35%로서 면양(緬羊)의 이용(利用)이 우수(優秀)하였고 재래산양(在來山羊)은 방목력(放牧力)의 부족(不足)으로 제경효과(蹄耕效果)가 적었다. 4. 각(各) 경제형질(經濟形質)의 상관(相關) 1) 면양(緬羊)의 산육성(産肉性)과 여러 형질(形質)사이의 상관(相關)은 생체중(生體重)과 일당증체량간(日當增體量間)에 높은 상관(相關)을 보여 주었고 기타(其他) 형질(形質)사이에서는 별로 상관(相關)이 없었으나 흉추(胸椎)길이와 생체중(生體重), 일단증체량(日當增體量), 정육율간(精肉率間)에서는 비교적(比較的) 높은 상관(相關)이 나타나고 있다. 재래산양(在來山羊)에 잇어서는 생체중(生體重)과 일당(日當) 증체량(增體量) 사이에 높은 상관(相關)이 있었으며 도체중(屠體重)과 정육량(精肉量) 사이에도 비교적(比較的) 높은 상관(相關)이 있었으나 내장중(內臟重)과 생체중(生體重), 일당(日當) 증체량(增體量) 사이에는 부(負)의 상관(相關)을 보여주고 있다. 2) 면양(緬羊)의 산모성(産毛性) 형질(形質) 상호간(相互間)의 상관(相關)에서는 산모량(産毛量)과 생체중(生體重), 일당(日當) 증체량(增體量), 산모율간(産毛率間)에 1% 수준(水準)에서 높은 상관(相關)을 나타내고 있어 성장(成長)이 빠른 개체에 산모량(産毛量)도 많다는 것을 추정할 수 있었다. 3) 산육성(産肉性) 형질(形質)과 체척측정치(體尺測定値) 사이의 상관(相關)은 면양(緬羊)에서는 생체중(生體重), 정육중(精肉重), 내장중(內臟重)과 흉위(胸圍), 체장(體長)사이에서 제일 높았고, 도체중(屠體重), 정육중(精肉重)과 비교적(比較的) 높은 부위(部位)는 흉폭(胸幅), 흉심(胸深)이었다. 따라서 면양(緬羊)의 체척측정(體尺測定)에 중점(重點)을 두는 것이 유효(有效)할 것으로 생각된다. 재래산양(在來山羊)의 산육성(産肉性) 형질(形質)과 체척측정치(體尺測定値) 사이에는 체척부위(體尺部位)의 대부분이 산육성형질(産肉性形質)과 높은 상관(相關)을 나타내고 있으며 특히 흉위(胸圍)와 생체중(生體重), 도체중(屠體重), 정육중(精肉重), 골격비율(骨格比率)사이에서는 0.922~0.974의 높은 상관(相關)을 보여주고 있다. 한편 산육성(産肉性) 형질(形質)과 흉심(胸深), 전관위(前管威), 체장(體長)사이에도 각각(各各) 0.759~0.911, 0.759~0.909, 0.708~0.872의 비교적(比較的) 높은 상관(相關)을 나타내고 있다. 따라서 재래산양(在來山羊)에 대한 산육성(産肉性) 추정(推定)은 흉부(胸部)에 대한 c체척치(體尺値)가 상당히 큰 의의(意義)가 있을 것으로 본다. 5. 혈액상(血液像) 및 혈장성분(血漿成分) 1) 적혈구수(赤血球數)와 평균(平均) 혈색소농도(血色素濃度)는 재래산양(在來山羊)이 각각(各各) $12.93{\times}10^6/mm^3$와 36.26%에 대하여 유의성(有意性)이 인정(認定)되는 높은 값을 나타냈다. 2) 혈색소량(血色素量), 적혈구용적(赤血球容積), 평균(平均) 적혈구용적(赤血球容積) 및 평균혈색소량(平均血色素量)은 재래산양(在來山羊)이 각각(各各) 10.92g/100ml, 3.02ml/100ml, $23.40{\mu}^3$ 및 10.94pg로서 면양(緬羊)의 11.73g/100ml, 36.25ml/ml, $33.97{\mu}^3$ 및 8.43pg에 비하여 낮은 값을 나타냈는데 모두 유의성(有意性)이 인정(認定)되었다. 3) 백혈구(白血球)의 수(數)는 재래산양(在來山羊)이 $11.64{\times}10^3/mm^3$을 나타내어 면양(緬羊) $9.32{\times}10^3/mm^3$보다 유의(有意)하게 높은 값을 나타냈다. 4) 백혈구(白血球)의 감별(鑑別) 수(數)에 있어서 호염구(好鹽球)는 재래산양(在來山羊)이 임파구(淋巴球)는 면양(緬羊)이 유의(有意)학 높은 값을 나타냈으며 호염구(好鹽區), 호산구(好酸球) 및 단핵구(單核球)는 차이(差異)가 없었다. 5) 혈장중(血漿中)에 함유(含有)되어 있는 총단백질(總蛋白質)과 포도당(葡萄糖)의 양(量)은 재래산양(在來山羊)이 각각(各各) 62g/100ml와 53.6mg/100ml로서 면양(緬羊)의 5.6g/100ml와 45.7mg/100ml보다 유의(有意)하게 높은 값을 나타냈으며, 총지질(總脂質)의 양(量)은 재래산양(在來山羊)이 127.6mg/100ml로서 면양(緬羊)의 149.6mg/100ml보다 유의성(有意性)이 인정(認定)되는 낮은 값을 나타냈다. 6) 비단백질태질소화합물(非蛋白質態窒素化合物), Cholesterol, Ca, P, K, Na 및 Cl의 함량(含量)은 면양(緬羊)과 산양간(山羊間)에 차이(差異)가 없었다. 6. 경제성분석(經濟性分析) 1) 면양(緬羊)과 산양(山羊)을 196일간(日間) 사육(飼育)하였을 때 농가수익(農家收益)은 1두당(頭當) 4,000원 정도(程度)였으며 농가(農家)에서 부업(副業)으로 사육(飼育)할 수 있는 적정규모(適正規模)는 5~10두(頭)이다.

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