• Title/Summary/Keyword: Joseon Dynasty period

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A Study of the Transmission of Community Religion in Seoul Focussing on the Shrine of the Authorities and the Change (서울지역 공동체신앙 전승과정 고찰 조선시대 각사(各司) 신당(神堂)의 존재양상과 변화를 중심으로)

  • O, Mun Seon
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.41 no.2
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    • pp.5-25
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    • 2008
  • Seoul's community beliefs originated from the ritual performed by the shrines affiliated to each government office in the Joseon Dynasty. Lower branches of government officials were assigned to perform these rituals. Generally, these shrines were called Bugundang(府君堂). Records show that Bugundang(府君堂) was generally one to three units and enshrined the portrait of Bugun(府君), the worshipped, inside. According to historical records, the worshipped were mostly General Choi Young(崔瑩將軍) or Madame Song(宋氏夫人). In fact, however, each Bugundang(府君堂) worshipped different persons. Some of the worshipped were historical characters from the Goryeo Dynasty or the founding period of Joseon Dynasty, Guan Yu(關羽) and Zhuge Liang(諸葛孔明) that became gods after the Japanese Invasion of 1952, Wanggun(王建), Dangun(檀君), General Nam Yi(南怡將軍), Kim Yoo Shin(金庾信), Lim Gyeong Up (林慶業), King Gongmin(恭愍王), King Taejo(Lee Sung Gye, 太祖 李成桂), Joban(趙?) who is one of the supporters of the foundation of Joseon Dynasty, Sir Hong(洪氏大監) and his women who appear in the legend of Nanhansanseong(南漢山城) area, and many other historical figures. It is difficult to compare the rituals of these shrines from community Gut(Shaman ritual) performances of Seoul. According to historical records, Gut and ceremony coexisted in rituals. As time passed, these rituals spread as the community Beliefs of commoners and have been transmitted in the context of Seoul's cultural change. This study examined the existence of affiliated shrines of local government offices in the Joseon Dynasty and discussed the cases of Jangchung-dong Gwanseong Shrine(將忠洞 關聖廟), Bangsan-dong Seongje Shrine(方山洞 聖帝廟), and Seobinggo Bugundang(西氷庫 府君堂) to trace the succession of rituals at these shrines as folk customs of commoners. Bangsan-dong Seongje Shrine(方山洞 聖帝廟) spread to the public as Gwanwoo(關羽), who was considered the god of soldiers, transformed into the god of merchants along with historical transition. It clearly shows the process as to how merchants from a certain region developed a community religion. Jangchung-dong Gwanseong Shrine(將忠洞 關聖廟) is Bugundang(府君堂) of the soldiers of Nampyoug(南營). As the ritual was succeeded by a ritual group called Yeoungsinsa(永信社), composed of nearby residents, it was naturally spread and succeeded by the residents in local community. Seobinggo Bugundang(西氷庫 府君堂) was related to the changes in the historical background of ice gathering in the late Joseon Dynasty.

A Study on Taoism Scripture included in Maurice Courant's Bibliographie Coreenne (모리스 꾸랑의 『한국 서지(Bibliographie Coreenne)』에 수록된 도교경전 연구)

  • Kim, Youn Gyeong
    • The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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    • no.50
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    • pp.269-303
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    • 2016
  • There are two ways of viewing the Taoism of the Joseon dynasty. One is to view it from the point of view in Joseon, another is to view it from the outside of Joseon, i.e. foreigners' point of view. Maurice Courant(maurice courant,1865~1935)'s Bibliographie Coreenne is the Korean first bibliography(書誌) recorded from the latter's point of view. This research examined the Taoist scripture in Maurice Courant's Bibliographie Coreenne. Maurice Courant classified the Taoist scripture of the Joseon into three: '1. Sacred books(經書類)', '2. Worship of Gwanseongjegun(關聖帝君), Munchangjegun(文昌帝君), Buwoojegun (孚佑帝君)', '3. Various works'. Through this category, it was determined that the belief in three gods (Gwanseongjegun Munchangjegun Buwoojegun) was widely prevalent in the Joseon dynasty in the late 19th century. In the chapter 1, he composed the books of representative Taoist scripture as Lao-tzu and Chuang-tzu, 'God(太上)', and 'King of heaven(九天上帝)'. Maurice Courant determined in chapter 2 that 1890s' Joseon Gwanwoo (關帝) belief was activated, and mentioned 'Musangdan(無相壇)', namely, Joseon's first religious organization. However, he could not determine that the scriptures relevant to three gods were recorded to be divine revelations uttered by gods. 19th century's 'Musangdan' was not introduced by being imported with Chinese Taoist scripture, but was published with the Joseon Taoist scripture through Gangpil(降筆: recording divine revelations uttered by gods). Also, through Maurice Courant's Bibliographie Coreenne, the point that 'belief in three gods' was prevalent in the social leader group during that period could be determined. The reason how such research could be possible seems, because Maurice Courant had Korean assistants who were good at Chinese classics. In chapter 3, Maurice Courant arranged the books based on Taoist ethic and the scriptures on Taoist social practical movement. Through the interpretation of Taoism bibliographies included in Maurice Courant's Bibliographie Coreenne, first, it could be determined that belief based on the three gods(三聖信仰) was prevalent during the 19th century, second, there were lots of the Taoist scriptures made in the late Joseon, third, the first Taoist religious organization and Taoist social movement form could be investigated.

A Study on the History and Species of Street Trees in Seoul (서울시 가로수 역사와 수목 고찰)

  • Song, Suk-Ho;Kim, Min-Kyung
    • Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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    • v.38 no.4
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    • pp.58-67
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    • 2020
  • The present study was conducted as part of basic research for selecting species of street trees with historical value in Seoul. It also made up a list of traditional landscape trees for a variety of alternatives. The following results are shown below. As to the history of street trees in Korea, records on to-be-estimated street trees are found in historical documents written in King Yangwon during the second year of Goguryeo Dynasty (546) and King Myeongjong during 27 year of Goryeo (1197). However, it is assumed that lack of clarity is found in historical records. During the 23 year of King Sejong in the early Joseon Dynasty (1441), the record showed that the state planted street trees as guideposts on the postal road. The records revealed that Ulmus spp. and Salix spp. were planted as guidance trees. The street tree system was performed in the early Joseon Dynasty as recorded in the first year of King Danjong document. Pinus densiflora, Pinus koraiensis, Pyrus pyrifolia var. culta, Castanea crenata, Styphnolobium japonicum and Salix spp. were planted along the avenue at both left and right sides. Morus alba were planted on streets during the five year of King Sejo (1459). As illustrated in pieces Apgujeong by painter Jeongseon and Jinheonmajeongsaekdo in the reign of King Yeongjo, street trees were planted. This arrangement is associated with a number of elements such as king procession, major entrance roads in Seoul, place for horse markets, prevention of roads from flood and indication. In the reign of King Jeongjo, there are many cases related to planting Pinus densiflora, Abies holophylla and Salix spp. for king procession. Turning king roads and related areas into sanctuaries is considered as technique for planting street trees. During the 32 year of King Gojong after opening ports (1985), the state promoted planting trees along both sides of roads. At the time, many Populus davidiana called white poplars were planted as rapidly growing street trees. There are 17 taxa in the Era of Three Kingdoms records, 31 taxa in Goryeo Dynasty records and 55 taxa in Joseon Dynasty records, respectively, described in historical documents to be available for being planted as street trees in Seoul. 16 taxa are recorded in three periods, which are Era of Three Kingdoms, Goryeo Dynasty and Joseon Dynasty. These taxa can be seen as relatively excellent ones in terms of historical value. The introduction of alien plants and legal improvement in the Japanese colonial period resulted in modernization of street tree planting system. Under the six-year street tree planting plan (1934-1940) implemented as part of expanding metropolitan areas outside the capital launched in 1936, four major street trees of top 10 taxa were a Populus deltoides, Populus nigra var. italica, Populus davidiana, Populus alba. The remaining six trees were Salix babylonica, Robinia pseudoacacia, platanus orientalis, Platanus occidentalis, Ginkgo biloba, and Acer negundo. Beginning in the mid- and late 1930s, platanus orientalis, Platanus occidentalis were introduced into Korea as new taxa of street trees and planted in many regions. Beginning on 1942, Ailanthus altissima was recommended as street trees for the purpose of producing silks. In 1957 after liberation, major street tree taxa included Platanus occidentalis, Ginkgo biloba, Populus nigra var. italica, Ailanthus altissima, Populus deltoides and Salix babylonica. The rank of major street tree species planted in the Japanese colonial period had changed. Tree planting trend around that period primarily representing Platanus occidentalis and Ginkgo biloba still holds true until now.

The Periodical Formation and Phase of Change of Cheongpyeongsa Temple Zen Garden (청평사(淸平寺) 선원(禪園)의 시대적(時代的) 형성(形成)과 변천상(變遷相))

  • Yoon, Young Hwal
    • Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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    • v.29 no.1
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    • pp.1-13
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    • 2011
  • Cheongpyeongsa Temple was originally built in the early years of Goryeo Dynasty, but its current structural framework was made by the Lord Jinrakgong Lee Ja Hyeon(1061-1125) of the middle Goryeo period based on the Zen thought after he began living in the Cheongpyeong mountain around the temple in 1089. The purpose of this study is to conceptualize, based on old documents, historical changes of the appearance and survival of man-made structures with in the Zen garden formed and developed after Lee Ja Hyeon laid the foundation for Munsuwon Zen garden. Among the eight, outside-the-temple hermitages built at the time of Lee Ja Hyeon's Munsuwon Zen garden, only three hermitages, which are Sik-am, Gyeonseong-am, Yangshin-am had been remaining thanks to restoration and repair until late Joseon Dynasty and preserved as symbolic hermitages. Also, the Yeongji Pond built at the time of Lee Ja Hyeon still remains as precious landscape relics which is meaningful as a genuine Goryeo-period pond. The nine pine trees said to be planted by Lee Ja Hyeon remained until middle 1800s through their descendant trees. When the Buddhist monk Bowoo Daesa(1509-1565)changed the name to Cheongpyeongsa Temple in middle Joseon based on the Munsuwon Zen garden built by Lee Ja Hyeon and greatly expanded it, he newly built and expanded all buildings inside the temple except for Neunginjeon(main temple building), resulting in the present temple structure. In addition, by greatly enhancing the level of scenery by reconstructing Yeongji Pond outside the temple area and transplanting garden plants from the royal court, he made Cheongpyeongsa Temple the most prosperous Zen garden in its history. But after the mid-1800s, which is late Joseon period, Cheongpyeongsa Temple failed to thrive further and began to decline, and so currently most buildings of the Zen garden have disappeared except for some parts of the temple and other facilities are neglected.

The Origin and Philosophy of the "Northerners School(北人)," and their Perception of the world (북인(北人) 학파의 연원과 사상, 그리고 현실인식)

  • Shin, Byung Ju
    • The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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    • no.32
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    • pp.43-78
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    • 2011
  • The two schools which eventually came to form the "Northerners party" in the middle period of the Joseon dynasty, were Nam'myeong school and Hwadam school. Nam'myeong's philosophy, which emphasized the importance and merit of acting upon respect and righteousness(敬義), encouraged many people to organize righteous militias during the war with the Japanese in the 1590s, and when Jeong In-hong established himself as the leader of the Northerners party during the reign of King Gwang'hae-gun, the philosophy of the party and the school continued to thrive. Also, Hwadam's philosophy, which tried to understand Neo-Confucianism from a flexible point of view and demonstrated a level of openness toward it, had a considerable influence upon the Northerners school as well. It seems Nam'myeong Jo Shik and Hwadam Seo Gyeong-deok were the ones who ultimately enabled the Northerners party to be more active in their operations of the government and also to approach more freely toward the ideology of Neo-Confucianism. Prime examples of the party's stance and attitude, and also of the school's philosophy and perception of the world, were figures like Jeong In-hong and Heo Gyun from the 'Majority Northerners(大北) party,' and Kim Shin-guk and Nam I-gong from the 'Minority Northerners(小北) party.'Since the time of King Injo's ascension to the throne in 1623, the philosophical society of Joseon came to be occupied by schools who were deeply committed and dedicated to the teachings of Ju Hi and his Neo-Confucianism, such as the Twe'gye and Yulgok schools, and as a result the Northerners' philosophy was pushed away from its former formidable status. Their political philosophy was also partially responsible for their fall, as they believed only them were the ideal Confucian figures(君子黨), and never appreciated the stances of other political factions. In the middle of the 17th century, passing through a war with the Manchurian Qing dynasty as well, they further became a mere undercurrent. Yet their thinking and philosophy partially survived, as it managed to affect and influence the Southerner school scholars who were living in the vicinity of the capital in the mid and late 17th century, as well as the "Shilhak" scholars such as Yi Ik/李瀷 in the 18th century, on a certain level. The Northerners faction was a party and a school which led the political and philosophical societies of Joseon, alongside the Westerners and Southerners, in the middle period of the Joseon dynasty. Recently, studies of Jo Shik and Seo Gyeong-deok, figures who were the roots of the Northerners faction, and studies of how the Northerners' political philosophy was inherited to the following generations, have been published and announced. All these efforts will enrich future studies dealing with the political history and philosophical history of the middle and latter periods of the Joseon dynasty.

A Study on the Creation and Use of Nokgakseong and Underwater Wooden Fence (조선시대 녹각성과 수중목책의 조성 및 활용에 관한 연구)

  • SHIM Sunhui;KIM Choongsik
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.56 no.4
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    • pp.230-246
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    • 2023
  • The wooden fence(木柵), which began to appear in the Bronze Age and is presumed to be the oldest defense facility in human history, was used as a fortress for the purpose of further strengthening military defense functions until after the Japanese Invasion of Korea in 1592 in the Joseon Dynasty(壬辰倭亂). As it was established as the concept of a fortress or a fence installed outside a fence castle(城柵) or barracks fence(營柵), its importance as an essential facility for defense was further highlighted. This study is the result of exploring wooden fence that were used as official facilities during the Joseon Dynasty, focusing on literature surveys such as 『Annals of the Joseon Dynasty』 and 『New Jeungdonggukyeojiseungram』 In this study, in particular, the conclusion of this study is as follows, focusing on the use and function of Nokgakseong(鹿角城), underwater wooden fence, installation methods, and materials of wooden fences, is as follows. The conclusions of this study, which focused on the materials of the wooden fence, are as follows. First, as invasions by foreign enemies became more frequent in the late Goryeo and early Joseon Dynasty, wooden fences played a major role as a major out-of-castle defense facility((防禦施設). In addition, wooden fences were modified and installed into various types such as wooden fences(木柵城), Nokgakseong, a fence made up of large branches in the shape of a deer antler, and underwater wooden fences(水中木柵) according to the circumstances of the times, government policy, and location environment. Second, wooden fences were installed in strategic locations in defense facilities for military purposes, such as mountain fortress(山城), fortresses(營), camps(鎭), forts(堡), and castles(邑城) in strategic locations, and were used for defense in case of emergency. According to the urgency of farming, it was installed in accordance with the non-farming season, when it is easy to mobilize manpower to avoid the busy farming season. The size of the wooden fence of the Joseon Dynasty, which are confirmed through literature records, was converted into Pobaekchuk(布帛尺), and the circumference was very diverse from 4,428chuk(2,066m) to 55chuk(25m). Third, Nokgakseong is an efficient combat support facility that is more aggressive than a general wooden fence, and the records of Nokgakseong in the Annals of the Joseon Dynasty appeared during the King Sejong period the record was 20 times, the most. By region, it was found that it was mainly installed in coastal rugged areas such as Pyeongan and Hamgildo(12), which are the 6-jin areas of the 4th Army. Fourth, in the early 15th century, as the royal court established a maritime defense strategy for the coastal area of the southern coast, after the Sampo Invasion(三浦倭亂), riots by Japanese settlers in Sampo in 1510, major military posts including eupseong(邑城), camps, and forts were established. The installation of underwater barriers around various government facilities rapidly increased as a defense facility to block the warships of Japanese pirates around various government facilities. Fifth, between the 15th and 17th centuries before and after the Japanese Invasion of Korea in Sampo, underwater fences were installed in the Southern coast and Ganghwa Island. In particular, in the 15th century, underwater fences were intensively installed in coastal areas of Gyeongsangnam-do, such as Jepo. Pine trees and Oaks are the main materials used for underwater fences, but other materials such as Oldham's meliosma, Loose-flower hornbeam and The vines of arrowroots were also used as materials for wooden fences.

A Study on the Historical Values of the Changes of Forest and the Major Old Big Trees in Gyeongbokgung Palace's Back Garden (경복궁 후원 수림의 변화과정 및 주요 노거수군의 역사적 가치규명)

  • Shin, Hyun-Sil
    • Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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    • v.40 no.2
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    • pp.1-13
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    • 2022
  • This paper examined the history and development of Gyeongbokgung Palace's back garden based on historical materials and drawings such as Joseon Ilgi(Diaries of Joseon Dynasty), Joseon Wangjo Sillok(the Annals of the Joseon Dynasty), Doseongdaejido(the Great Map of Seoul), Bukgwoldohyeong(Drawing Plan of the Northern Palace), the Bukgung Palace Restoration Plan, Restoration Planning of Gyeongbokgung Palace and the following results were derived. First, it was confirmed that the Back Garden of Gyeongbokgung Palace was famous for its great location since the Goryeo Dynasty, and that it was named Namkyeong at that time and was a place where a shrine was built, and that castles and palaces were already built during the Goryeo Dynasty under the influence of Fengshui-Docham(風水圖讖) and Zhouli·Kaogongji(周禮考工記). Although the back garden of Gyeongbokgung Palace in the early Joseon Dynasty stayed out of the limelight as a back garden for the palace, it has a place value as a living space for the head of the state from King Gojong to the present. Second, in order to clearly identify the boundaries of back garden, through literature such as map of Doseongdo (Map of the Capital), La Coree, Gyeongmudae Area, Japanese Geography Custom Compendium, Korean Photo Album, JoseonGeonchukdoJip(The Illustration Book of Joseon Construction), Urban Planning Survey of Gyeongseong, it was confirmed that the current Blue House area outside Sinmumun Gate was built outside the precincts of Gyeongbokgung Palace. It was found that the area devastated through the Japanese Invasion of Korea in 1592, was used as a space where public corporations were combined through the process of reconstruction during the King Gojong period. In Japanese colonial era, the place value as a back garden of the primary palace was damaged, as the palace buildings of the back garden was relocated or destroyed, but after liberation, it was used as the presidential residence and restored the place value of the ruler. Third, in the back garden of Gyeongbokgung Palace, spatial changes proceeded through the Japanese Invasion and Japanese colonial era. The place with the greatest geographical change was Gyeongnongjae area, where the residence of the Japanese Government-General of Korea was built, and there were frequent changes in the use of the land. On the other hand, the current Gyeongmudae area, the forests next to the small garden, and the forests of Baekak were preserved in the form of traditional forests. To clarify this, 1:1200 floor plan of inner Gyeongmudae residence and satellite images were overlapped based on Sinmumun Gate, and as a result, it was confirmed that the water path originating from Baekak still exists today and the forest area did not change. Fourth, in the areas where the traditional forest landscape was inherited, the functional changes in the topography were little, and major old-age colonies are maintained. The old trees identified in this area were indicator tree species with historical value. Representatively, Pinus densiflora for. multicaulis Uyeki, located in Nokjiwon Garden, is presumed to have been preserved as one of Pinus densiflora for. multicaulis Uyeki planted next to Yongmundang, and has a historicality that has been used as a photo zone at dinners for heads of state and important guests. Lastly, in order to continuously preserve and manage the value of Gyeongbokgung Palace in Blue House, it is urgent to clarify the space value through excavation of historical materials in Japanese colonial era and establish a hierarchy of garden archaeology by era. In addition, the basis for preserving the historical landscape from the Joseon Dynasty to the modern era from Gyeongbokgung Palace should not damage the area of the old giant trees, which has been perpetuated since the past, and a follow-up study is needed to investigate all the forests in Blue House.

King Jeongjo's recognition on Neo-Confucian literati and it's historical meaning (정조(正祖)의 사대부(士大夫) 인식(認識)과 그 특징(特徵))

  • Park, Sung-soon
    • (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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    • no.32
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    • pp.103-128
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    • 2008
  • King Jeongjo had lost his father, Sado-Seja(Prince Sado) by Noron(Older Faction). Especially those who tried to kill Sado-Seja and king Jeongjo consisted of king's family-in-law of king Youngjo and Sado-Seja. Therefore king Jeongjo's first goal was to strengthen his kingship than other things because he could gain the throne overcoming the strong hinderance of Noron and king's family-in-law. King Jeongjo requested his subjects to be "Kukbyon-In"(國邊人: a person for king) pointing out the harm of the king's family-in-law and "Tangpyong-Dang"(蕩平黨: the strongest faction consisted under the rule of king Youngjo). For the purpose, king Jeongjo built up "Gyujang-Gak". Gyujang-Gak was spoken to contain and protect the writings of earlier kings superficially, but in reality, it was an apparatus to gain and train the friendly subjects for king Jeongjo. Like that, it was the most important for king Jeongjo to suppress the king's family-in-low and to win Neo-Confucian lterati over to himself's side. Until now, the politics of Joseon Dynasty had been mainly explained on the point of view of "Seonghak-Non"(聖學論). "Seonghak-Non" means that Neo-Confucian lterati were treated as real hero, not kings in the political space of Joseon Dynasty and the role of factions were recognized important. But king Jeongjo denied these ideological stream and tried to change that political system. King Jeongjo wanted to strengthen the throne through the method which insisted the king as a hero in politics. For the purpose, king Jeongjo criticized the Neo-Confucian literati's viewpoint about politics and learning at that time and anticipated to be sole leader of politics and learning on that critique. King Jeongjo aimed to destroy the dignity of "Salim"(山林: Neo-Confucian Sages) with attacking their wrong behaviors. King Jeongjo also criticized the period of king Injo when the regime of "Sarim"(士林: pure Neo-Confucian lterati) faction fully appeared as the starting period when the factional harms were getting worse. King Jeongjo wanted to previously block the oppositions to win subjects over to himself's side with criticizing the period of king Injo and to take away the initiative from his opponents with insisting "Salim-Muyongnon"(山林無用論: a theory ignoring Neo-Confucian Sages). King Jeongjo's critique was not limited just on the system of factional politics. "Seonghak-Non" eventually took root in Neo-Confucianism. Therefore king Jeongjo criticized Neo-Confucianism. He insisted that the essence of Chinese Classics was pragmatical learning, not Neo-Confucianism. Through that critique, king Jeongjo aimed to destroy the ideological base of his opponents. However, king Jeongjo failed to be a sole leader of his subjects in the both boundaries of politics and learning even though he criticized the Neo-Confucian lterati's viewpoint about politics and learning. Because he abruptly died leaving his reformational scheme behind as well as his loyal subjects guarding himself against Noron Byeok-Pa(老論 ?派: the opposing party in Older Faction) were gone behind himself. The politics of Joseon Dynasty returned to more powerful politics for king's family-in-law after king Jeongjo's death.

A Study on the Wooden Seated Vairocana Tri-kaya Buddha Images in the Daeungjeon Hall of Hwaeomsa Temple (화엄사 대웅전 목조비로자나삼신 불좌상에 대한 고찰)

  • Choe, Songeun
    • MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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    • v.100
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    • pp.140-170
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    • 2021
  • This paper investigates the Wooden Seated Tri-kaya Buddha Images(三身佛像) of Vairocana, Rushana, and Sakyamuni enshrined in Daeungjeon Hall of Hwaeomsa temple(華嚴寺) in Gurae, South Cheolla Province. They were produced in 1634 CE and placed in 1635 CE, about forty years after original images made in the Goryeo period were destroyed by the Japanese army during the war. The reconstruction of Hwaeomsa was conducted by Gakseong, one of the leading monks of Joseon Dynasty in the 17th century, who also conducted the reconstructions of many Buddhist temples after the war. In 2015, a prayer text (dated 1635) concerning the production of Hwaeomsa Tri-kaya Buddha images was found in the repository within Sakyamuni Buddha. It lists the names of participants, including royal family members (i.e., prince Yi Guang, the eighth son of King Seon-jo), and their relatives (i.e., Sin Ik-seong, son-in-law of King Seonjo), court ladies, monk-sculptors, and large numbers of monks and laymen Buddhists. A prayer text (dated 1634) listing the names of monk-sculptors written on the wooden panel inside the pedestal of Rushana Buddha was also found. A recent investigation into the repository within Rushana Buddha in 2020 CE has revealed a prayer text listing participants producing these images, similar to the former one from Sakyamuni Buddha, together with sacred relics of hoo-ryeong-tong copper bottle and a large quantity of Sutra books. These new materials opened a way to understand Hwaeomsa Trikaya images, including who made them and when they were made. The two above-mentioned prayer texts from the repository of Sakyamuni and Rushana Buddha statues, and the wooden panel inside the pedestal of Rushan Buddha tell us that eighteen monk-sculptors, including Eungwon, Cheongheon and Ingyun, who were well-known monk artisans of the 17th century, took part in the construction of these images. As a matter of fact, Cheongheon belonged to a different workshop from Eungwon and Ingyun, who were most likely teacher and disciple or senior and junior colleagues, which means that the production of Hwaeomsa Tri-kaya Buddha images was a collaboration between sculptors from two workshops. Eungwon and Ingyun seem to have belonged to the same community studying under the great Buddhist priest Seonsu, the teacher of Monk Gakseong who was in charge of the reconstruction of Haweonsa temple. Hwaeomsa Tri-kaya Buddha images show a big head, a squarish face with plump cheeks, narrow and drooping shoulders, and a short waist, which depict significant differences in body proportion to those of other Buddha statues of the first half of 17th century, which typically have wide shoulders and long waists. The body proportion shown in the Hwaeomsa images could be linked with images of late Goryeo and early Joseon period. Rushana Buddha, raising his two arms in a preaching hand gesture and wearing a crown and bracelets, shows unique iconography of the Bodhisattva form. This iconography of Rushana Buddha had appeared in a few Sutra paintings of Northern Song and Late Goryeo period of 13th and 14th century. BodhaSri-mudra of Vairocana Buddha, unlike the general type of BodhaSri-mudra that shows the right hand holding the left index finger, places his right hand upon the left hand in a fist. It is similar to that of Vairocana images of Northern and Southern Song, whose left hand is placed on the top of right hand in a fist. This type of mudra was most likely introduced during the Goryeo period. The dried lacquer Seated Vairocana image of Bulheosa Temple in Naju is datable to late Goryeo period, and exhibits similar forms of the mudra. Hwaeomsa Tri-kaya Buddha images also show new iconographic aspects, as well as traditional stylistic and iconographic features. The earth-touching (bhumisparsa) mudra of Sakymuni Buddha, putting his left thumb close to the middle finger, as if to make a preaching mudra, can be regarded as a new aspect that was influenced by the Sutra illustrations of the Ming dynasty, which were imported by the royal court of Joseon dynasty and most likely had an impact on Joseon Buddhist art from the 15th and 16th centuries. Stylistic and iconographical features of Hwaeomsa Tri-kaya Buddha images indicate that the traditional aspects of Goryeo period and new iconography of Joseon period are rendered together, side by side, in these sculptures. The coexistence of old and new aspects in one set of images could indicate that monk sculptors tried to find a new way to produce Hwaeomsa images based on the old traditional style of Goryeo period when the original Tri-kaya Buddha images were made, although some new iconography popular in Joseon period was also employed in the images. It is also probable that monk sculptors of Hwaeomsa Tri-kaya Buddha images intended to reconstruct these images following the original images of Goryeo period, which was recollected by surviving monks at Hwaeomsa, who had witnessed the original Tri-kaya Buddha images.

A Study on the Composition of Dopo(Long Robe) Found in the Tomb of Bae Cheonjo(1532) - Focusing on the Clothing Found in the Tombs of the Seongsan Bae Clan in the Joseon Dynasty - (배천조(1532) 묘 출토복식 도포의 구성연구 - 조선시대 성산 배씨 문중 출토복식을 중심으로 -)

  • Kim, Jeong-Ae;Lee, Sang-Eun
    • Journal of the Korea Fashion and Costume Design Association
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    • v.18 no.2
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    • pp.35-49
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    • 2016
  • Dopo was the clothing of the Joseon period, which had a strong value of Confucianism. Apart from the kings and princes, government officers and Confucian literati wore Dopo as their official clothing and the uniform. The basic form of Dopo had the straight collar similar to Jikryeong. The difference is the shape of a Mu, which was fixed inside or on the back section along the side line of the front section and made two flaps on the back section. The clothing found in the tombs of Bae Cheonjo (1532~?) are from the mid-16th century to the early 17th century with the clothing style of the early Joseon period. The outer collar of all clothing was the shawl collar except for the Sibok and the inner collar was sewn to this. Two items had square tray collars, which were folded in half and sewn inside in half. The sleeve had a straight inseam from the armhole and its end around the wrist was round and wide. The carp-shaped inseam of the sleeve and wide sleeve indicated a change of sleeve shape. The shapes of the collars and the wide overlapped section of the dual collars demonstrated the shapes of the initial outer robes. The man's outer coats with wide sleeves were mostly cotton-quilted clothing. As described above, this paper examines the basic shapes of outer robes including Sibok, Jikryeong and man's outer coats on the basis of the clothing and artifacts from the tomb of Bae Cheonjo (1532~?) and examined the shapes, composition and features of Dopo. This paper aims to improve awareness of the wisdom and spirit of ancestors in life hidden in the sewing of the three Dopo items and on the importance of historical research.

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