• 제목/요약/키워드: Japanese house

검색결과 177건 처리시간 0.021초

일제강점기 원마산(原馬山)의 도시공간 변천과정 연구 -1912년부터 1945년까지 - (A Reconstructive Study on the Urban Structure of the Original Masan in the Colonial Era.)

  • 허정도;이규성
    • 건축역사연구
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    • 제11권2호
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    • pp.57-74
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    • 2002
  • This study aims at examining the change of the urban space of the original Masan Area during the Japanese-forced colonial era of Korea(1910-1945) after circa 1912. That year is very important because the modern map of land was introduced. The land area of the original Masan was about $17,000m^2$ composed of small houses and shops. Colonial era could be divided into 3 periods according to the change of colonial policies. And the change of the urban space is examined according to these 3 periods. During the 1st period(1911-1920) the following 3 development occurred. 1. Land was reclaimed along the coast line by a Japanese civilian named 'Bakgan'. And his ownership of land continued until 1945. 2. A government ware house(Cho-Chang), which was the symbol of Masan harbor, was demolished and the land was divided into small lots. 3. Main artery and trunk roads(14-15m wide) were built replacing 2-3m wide narrow roads and connected to the reclamation land. During the 2nd period(1921-1930), also land reclamation and road making was more frequently carried out. And the infrastructure of the city was developed gradually. Also public buildings began to be built. Modern roads were constructed city-wide not only in the center of the city. In the 3rd period reclamation was at its peak. Especially Sinpo-Dong area located at the middle of New and original parts of Masan was reclaimed connecting 2 parts and making of a central Masan. During that time original Masan was enlarged because of reclamation. The coast line of Masan became straight from e original organic shape. Roads were constructed in the outskirts also. The size of land lots were more or less the same during the colonial era. But gradually lots were divided into smaller lots. Japanese entrepreneurs gradually occupied the central area of the original Masan until the liberation day. But Chinese ownership of land gradually diminished.

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임진왜란(壬辰倭亂) 이후 남별궁(南別宮)의 공해적(公廨的) 역할과 그 공간 활용) - 장서각 소장 "소공동홍고양가도형"."사대부가배치도형"의 분석을 통하여 - (Role and its Spatial utilization as a Government office of the Nambyeol-gung(南別宮) after the Japanese invasion of Korea in 1592)

  • 정정남
    • 건축역사연구
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    • 제18권4호
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    • pp.43-62
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    • 2009
  • No.87 Sogong-dong where is the Chosun hotel stand. There was the Nambeol-gung(south ern royal villa) which had been a reception hall for enboys of the toadied country before Hwangudan圜丘壇 being set up in the year 1897. The site of the Nambeol-gung was Gyeongjeong慶貞 princess's a lot for house in the early 15th century. But after princess's death, it occurred property dispute between her son and four daughters. As a result of the dispute, a lot and a house of all the princess's properties reverted to the government. At reverted this lot was established a big royal villa in the year 1583 and that royal villa was granted to Uian prince. The villa reverted to the government again when the Uian義安 prince was dead in 12 years old by an epidemic. After the Imjin Invasion壬辰倭亂, another houses and buildings got to be role as a palace because of all the palace in the capital was burnt down to ashes. Among others Nambeol-gung was brought into play as the royal audience chamber. As well as, the villa became brought out role as a reception hall for enboys of the toadied country instead of a damaged reception hall the Taepyong-gwan太平館. In period when the envoy didn't come, the Nambeol-gung was used to extraordinary office of government like Dogam都監. This situation is to mean that the Nambeol-gung is not the royal villa any more. Because of the Nambeol-gung was built as a royal villa, that spaces were composited like space of house and palace. But this spatial composition and spatial name were not fit to hold a ceremony of government office. After all, Nambeol-gung was used change only the spatial name conform to ceremony of office keep up the spatial composition.

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전주 수원백씨인재공파 종가 학인당의 '모심상' 상품화 연구 (Development of Mosim Dining Table's Menu for Head House of Suwon Baek Clan and Injaegong Group in Jeonju)

  • 김미혜;정혜경
    • 한국식생활문화학회지
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    • 제29권6호
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    • pp.477-487
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    • 2014
  • This study aimed to develop a new commercialization model for theindustrialization of head family food as a gentry families' complex food culture product. We tried to develop a head family food and propose a city sightseeing style's head family product by interviews with 'Hakindang' as the center, the head house of the Suwon Baek clan, and Injaegong group in Jeonjoo. Hakindang (in Jeonju) was confirmed as an improved model Korean-style house in the enlightenment period and the twentieth style modern head family as emerging capitalist. Hakindangsupported independence war funds in the Japanese colonial era and was widely known as gate of filial piety in Jeonju. Representative seasonal foods of Hakindang include pan-fried sweet rice cake with flower petals in the spring, hot spicy meat stew and polypus variabilis in summer, hanchae in autumn, and napa cabbage kimchi with salted flatfish seafood in the winter. When parents-in-law had a birthday, there were party noodles, sliced abalone stuffed with pine nuts, brass chafing dish, fish eggs, slices of blilde meat, and matnaji. Daily, there were mainly salted seafood, slices of raw fish, grilled short rib patties, braised fish, baked fish, syruped chestnut, grilled deodeok root, bean sprouts, radish preserved with salt, dongchimi, soy sauce-marinated horseshoe crab, butterbur, perilla seed stew, salted clams, raw bamboo shoot, agar, fried kelp, etc. The most basic virtue of the head family is filial duty, and they developed mosim dining as a representative food of Hakingdang's head family. The mosim menu is composed of 65% carbohydrates, 20% protein, and 15% fat because it is table for parents-in-law like more than 75 years old. The sensory evaluation showed a chewy texture that is easily swallowed.

개의 호산구성 폐침윤증 일례 (A Case of Pulmonary Infiltration with Eosinophils (PIE) in a Dog)

  • 손성목;강지훈;한상철;나기정;장동우;모인필;양만표
    • 한국임상수의학회지
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    • 제20권4호
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    • pp.496-500
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    • 2003
  • A one-year-old male Japanese Chin with anorexia, retching, dyspnea and continuous coughing was brought to the Veterinary Teaching Hospital, Chungbuk National University. Chest radiographs showed moderate regional alveolar pattern with mild interstitial patterns in the caudo-dorsal lung fields and the ill-defined mass in the perihilar area which is consistent with perihilar lymphadenopathy. Although the dog showed severe eosinophilia in the complete blood count, the serum profile values were within normal ranges. There was no indication of any parasite infestation in the direct and floatation examination of feces, skin scraping test and heartworm examination. There was no growth of bacteria and fungi in the selected media such as Mueller Hinton broth, Sabouraud Dextrose agar and Potato Dextorse agar, which were inoculated with tracheal fluid collected using endotracheal tube and cultured for 3 days. In the tracheal fluid smear, most prominent cells were eosinophils, which are a almost 80% of total cells and other cells such as leukocytes, neutrophils and ciliated colummar cells were also observed. Any parasite was also not detected in its smear. Prednisolone (PDS; 1 mg/kg, BID SC), aminophylline (10 mg/kg, TID IV) and nebulization with gentamicin (50 mg) plus saline (3 ml) were given for 1 week. At 3rd day of treatment, blood eosinophil value was return to normal range and pulmonary condition was also improved. The allergen test with serum performed during therapy was positive in the 19 index including milk, barley, tomato pomace, catfish, bonito, house dust and wool, and borderline in 10 index including wheat, house dust mites and house fly. The patient is responding well to PDS therapy. Based on these findings, a possible diagnosis of pulmonary infiltration with eosinophils was made in this dog.

임신중 피로에 관한 조사연구 (A Study on Pregnant Women's Fatigue)

  • 박영숙;이혜경;이은희;엄영란;강남미;이숙희;허명행;김혜원
    • 여성건강간호학회지
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    • 제4권3호
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    • pp.429-440
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    • 1998
  • A survey was conducted to examine the fatigue and the related factors in pregnancy. 426 pregnant women were recruited from antenatal clinic at 8 hospital from November 1, 1997 to January 1, 1998. Fatigue was measured by the Modification of the Fatigue Symptoms Checklist(MFSC) developed by the Industrial Fatigue Research Committee of the Japanese Association of Industrial health(Yoshitake, 1978). The MFSC consisted of 34 items with 4-point Likert scale. Minor discomfort during pregnancy was measured using a 14-item checklist with 4-point Likert scale. The data were analyzed by percentage, t-test, ANOVA and Pearson correlation. The major findings of study were as follows : 1. The average fatigue score during pregnacy was 63.02 and the average minor discomfort score was 26.92. 2. The fatigue score of nullipara was significantly lower than that of mutipara. There was a significant difference of fatigue score between pregnant women with conjugal family and those with extended family. The fatigue score during 1st trimester was the highest in comparison with that of 2nd and 3rd trimester of pregnancy. 3. The fatigue score of pregnant women who worked for house-keeping only was significantly lower than that of pregnant women who worked partially or did not work for house-keeping. 4. There were significant correlations among each type of measure of fatigue and discomfort. Fatigue was the most common symptom during pregnancy and related to type of family, house-keeping work, and parity. Nursing intervention such as self-car, relaxation, and nutrition would be developed to manage fatigue problem in pregnancy.

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Simulation Study on the Fire Safety of AsanOeam Folk and JeonjuHanok Village

  • Park, Sun-gyu;Mishima, Nobuo;Kwon, Young-jin
    • 한국콘텐츠학회:학술대회논문집
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    • 한국콘텐츠학회 2016년도 춘계 종합학술대회 논문집
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    • pp.259-260
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    • 2016
  • Our research group, which was organized by the South Korean and Japanese researchers, have carried out research about natural disaster in our regional heritage villages derived from the concept of ICT(information communication technology)-based DPD(disaster prevention design). In this research, we performed simulation analysis on the fire safety diagnosis in Asan-Oeam folk and JeonjuHanok village for developing our research of ICT-based PBD. In order to do this, we used fire simulation program which was developed by BRI(Building Research Institute) of Japan. Based on the results of fire simulation of Asan-Oeam folk and JeonjuHanokvillage, we can demonstrated that the fire which broken out inregional heritage folk village will be easily expanded to adjacent houses, because the house which are built with wood structure.

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가정학교육과 취업방안연구 (A Study on Home Economist Education with Refrence to the Business Activities in Korea)

  • 한상순
    • 대한가정학회지
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    • 제27권2호
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    • pp.163-185
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    • 1989
  • Korean home economics education has around 100 years history. The main aims of home economics education up 1950 had not been changed, they were mainly for the improvement of household-skill to raise both standard of living and life quality as well as womanhood. After 1960's the standard of living drastically improved and the industrialization of Korean society was quite rapidly proceeded from simple to complex one. Because of these changes, I considered that the aims and the contents of home economics education should be reexamined and reshaped. This study motivated me that especially home economics major should be trained to be competent enough to work in industrialized society as much as the input to her college education. As industialization was made progress, family member's diverse role differentiation also occurred from past simple role such as house wife or girl's high school teacher among by home economics major. In this current societal change, most of the home economics major have wish to have opportunities obtaining new kinds of employment rather than obtaining merely teaching work. With this in mind I made a study on college level home economics education of the new adjustment to current and future industrialized Korean society. (1) The full number of officially admissible home economics major in 169 Korean colleges, 70 junior colleges, and one open university were as follows, 7139, 6080, and 230 respectively. The percentages of employed of employed numbers of them for the college and junior college graduates were 26.5 and 39.0 respectively. (2) The certificate qualifications issued to college home economics major are nutritionist (1st grade and 2nd grade), clothes and textilist, home economics teacher (2nd grade for high school) and kindergartener (2nd grade), The qualifications are certified after majoring each field from major departments of college of home economics by Ministrys of Labour and Education of the Korean government. The percentages of their employment are low as mentioned earlier. (3) To find out new employment opportunity for home economics graduates in home economist in business (henceforce/HEIB) status quo of consumer division for mational enterprise was surveyed. According to govermment decree of general law of consumer protection (1980), enterprise should organize bureau (offics, subdivision) on liability to consumer's complaint. Of 89.6% of the enterprise established th subdivision in which 96.2% of employee was male (3.8% was female). Of the employee college graduate and high school graduate were 93.2% and 6.8% respectively. On the employee's major acadmic backgroud (%), economics and business administration, engineering and low-political science were 39.5, 26.2 and 11.2 respectively. (4) To study on the relation between home economics and home economist in business, the aspect of historical development of HEIB, group of HEIB employing enterprise and their nature of business were tried to find out as well as perception and evaluation by enterprise on HEIB. (a) In the united States of America employed home economics major to enterprise was organized autonomously HEIB subdivision within American Home Economics Association since 1920's and the membership of HEIB was 3,000 of the AHEA membership 50,000. (b) In Japan the Japanese founder HEIB had three times the bilateral congress with the U.S.HEIB and had 10th anniversary celebration in 1988. Japanese HEIB member are not necessary to be home economics graduates but should have certificate as consumer adviser effected by the Minister of Trade and Industry. Japanese subdivision of consumer affaire within Japanese enterprise employ the consumer adviser with the certificate. Because of this different system from the United Sates, Japanese HEIB call their title "HEEB" instead of HEIB. The Japanese consumer adviser certificate system had initiated since 1980 and it belongs to 2nd level national qualification certificate. Currently active membership of Japanese "HEEB" association had increased from 115 (in 1979) to 319 in 1988. (5) For the opening of the future new employment of home economics graduates to enterprise and qualification required for the HEIB by national enterprise in Korea, I studied on the courses which seem to be important and required by employee in the field of HEEB in the United States of America and preliminary curriculum for home economics related major student aimning to be the future "HEEB" by Japanese HEEB study group of Japanese Association of Home Economics. It is suggested that it is very important and urgent to realize as home economics educator to have common deep concern and endeavors on opening new employment for our home economics major student1), we should try to publicize strongly and let enterprise and consumer protection board realize that employee in the subdivision of consumer protection should be the one who well experienced home economics major graduates2), we, home economics educator, should try to develop actively new curriculum in line of the suggestion made earlier for our future home economics major student of open broadly their future employment opportunities3), we, home economics educators, should try to have consensus on whether we should have support from government in terms of receiving national qualification certificate on consumer pretection or not4), and I would appreciate if the Korean Home Economics Association and Korean Home Management Society paydeep and positive concern on this matter.

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1950년대 일본 문화재보호법과 1960년대 한국문화재보호법의 성립 - 무형문화재와 민속자료를 중심으로 - (Enactment of the Japanese Cultural Heritage Protection Act in the 1950s and the Korean Cultural Heritage Protection Act in the 1960s: Focusing on intangible cultural heritage and folklore materials)

  • 임장혁
    • 헤리티지:역사와 과학
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    • 제55권1호
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    • pp.35-50
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    • 2022
  • 한국의 문화재보호법은 1962년에 제정되었는데 일본의 문화재보호법을 모방 또는 이식하여 제정한 것으로 알려져 있다. 일본의 문화재보호법은 무형문화재·민속자료·매장문화재를 포함하여 기존의 법률과는 차이가 있다는 특징이 있다. 일본의 1950년 법률제정은 독자적으로 입안한 것이 아니며 GHQ와 협의로 제정되었기에 당시의 시대적 상황이 반영되었다. 근년 일본에서 GHQ의 문서가 공개되면서 문화재보호법의 성립과정에 관한 연구 성과가 나타나고 있다. 따라서 한국의 문화재보호법은 일본 문화재보호법의 성립과정과 취지를 이해해야 비로소 법률제정의 의미와 성과를 논할 수 있다. GHQ는 일본의 헌법에서 천황을 상징적인 존재로 설정하였고 자유민주주의 국가로 규정하였기에 일본 문화재보호법의 제정에 있어서 '국민의 문화재'라는 개념이 확립되도록 유도했다. 따라서 민간기구인 문화재보호위원회는 독립된 의결기구로 문화재를 지정하고 국립박물관과 문화재연구소를 관리하였다. 이러한 제도는 문화재의 상당수가 황실과 관련되어 있고 박물관이 황실의 소속으로 관리되고 있었기에 민간주도로 관리를 전환하려는 정책이었다. 한편 일본 참의원은 무형문화재에 대해 부정적이었던 GHQ를 설득하여 문화재보호법에 무형문화재를 포함했다. 이는 황실의 공적 행사에 참여하는 아악부가 해체될 상황에서 이를 정부가 지원할 수 있는 제도를 마련하기 위함이었다. 또한, 민속자료는 당시 학계의 연구 성과를 고려하고 민중의 유형문화재라는 점에서 GHQ의 동의하에 문화재보호법에 포함하였다. 한국의 문화재보호법에서는 문화재 지정의 주체는 문교부이며 문화재위원회는 자문기구로 기능을 한정하였는데, 문화재의 지정은 민이 아닌 관이 주도한다는 의미이기도 하다. 문화재위원회는 무형문화재와 민속자료의 개념에 대해 혼돈이 있었다. 이것은 일본의 문화재보호법에서 정한 문화재의 개념을 그대로 수용하여 적용하였지만, 법률의 취지를 이해하지 못해 혼돈을 겪은 결과이기도 하다. 문화재위원회는 일본의 관리 실태에 대한 파악의 필요성을 문교부에 요구하기도 했다. 민속학자가 주도적으로 참여한 문화재위원회는 무형문화재와 민속자료의 개념에 혼돈을 겪었으나, 1964년에 문화재보호법 시행규칙이 제정되며 개념이 정립되었다.

한국의 기업 PR 수단 및 활동의 발전과정에 관한 연구: 일본의 영향을 중심으로 (The Japanese Factors Influencing the Formation and Development of Modern Corporate: Public Relations Means and Activities in Korea)

  • 선혜진
    • 한국언론정보학보
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    • 제34권
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    • pp.63-97
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    • 2006
  • 본 연구는 한국의 기업 PR 수단 및 활동의 발전과정에 미친 외적요인을 일본의 영향을 중심으로 고찰하였다. 이를 위해 본 연구는 기업 PR 커뮤니케이션 수단의 경우 CIP 도입과 수용, 기업 PR광고, 사보를 중심으로, 기업 PR활동의 경우 기업재단을 통한 사회공헌활동과 경제계 PR 활동을 중심으로 살펴보았다. 기업 PR과 관련하여 기업 PR 활동의 특성을 중심으로 한국 기업의 PR 활동의 강조점과 커뮤니케이션 수단 활용 측면의 고찰을 통해 일본의 영향을 분석하였다. PR 발달사적 측면에서 기업 PR관련 영역들을 중심으로 한국의 상황과 일본의 상황 비교를 통해 분석대상으로 선정한 문제들에 접근하였다. 분석결과 한국에서의 기업 PR 수단 및 활동영역의 발전과정에 일본이 많은 영향을 미쳤음을 알 수 있었다. 그러나 일본 기업 PR의 시작과 발전은 PR 이론과 PR 실무 및 관행 측면에서 많은 부분 PR의 발상지며 종주국인 미국의 것을 받아들였음은 이론의 여지가 있다. 따라서 미국으로부터의 직접적 경로가 아닌 일본을 통한 간접적 도입의 형태로 일본에서 도입 발전된 방식으로 한국에서 수용 발전되었다 하더라도 미국의 영향이 존재함은 부정할 수 없을 것이다.

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화제한어 '도서관' 명칭의 변용과 쟁점에 관한 연구 (A Study on the Transformation and Issue of the Japanese-Chinese Word 'Library')

  • 윤희윤
    • 한국문헌정보학회지
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    • 제57권1호
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    • pp.23-44
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    • 2023
  • 도서관(図書館)이란 말은 일본 메이지 중기에 서양의 library와 bibliothek를 번역한 화제한어다. 이를 한자문화권의 중국(도서관(图书馆)), 대만(도서관(圖書館)), 한국(도서관), 베트남(Dồ thư quán)이 수용하였다. 그렇다면 일본과 중국에서는 언제, 누가 서양 도서관을 최초로 소개하였는가. 일본의 중론은 계몽사상가 후쿠자와(福澤諭吉)의 『서양사정(西洋事情), 1866』이고, 중국은 개혁사상가 양계초(梁启超)의 『시무보(时务报), 1896년』 기사를 최초로 지목하는 견해가 많다. 이에 본 연구는 양국에 서양 도서관을 소개한 근대 사전, 저서, 역서, 논문, 신문기사 등을 중심으로 '도서관'이란 명칭이 등장한 시기와 인물을 추적하고 논증하였다. 그 결과, 일본에서는 모도끼(本木正栄)의 『안게리아어림대성(諳厄利亜語林大成), 1814』를 비롯한 여러 견문기 및 사전에서 다양한 용어로 서양 도서관을 기술하였기 때문에 1866년 후쿠자와 소개설은 오류다. 그리고 중국에서는 류정담(刘正埮)의 『한어외래사사전(汉语外来词词典), 1884』에 도서관이란 용어가 최초로 등장하므로 1896년 양계초 도입설은 사실이 아니다. 동일한 맥락에서 한국에서 도서관이란 용어가 최초로 사용된 시기, 1901년 일본홍도회 부산지회가 설립한 한국 최초의 도서관 명칭에 대한 추적과 논증이 요구된다.