• Human Ecology Research
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• v.60 no.2
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• pp.273-287
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• 2022

(K)Hanbok, which is Korea's traditional clothing, differs from the Chinese Hanfu or Japanese Kimono. This study aims to understand the fundamental differences between (K)Hanbok and Hanfu. The Goryeo Dynasty (K)Hanbok, which was particularly popular in China, was established because the Ming Dynasty Hanfu and Chinese fashion were considerably influenced by the 'Koryo Yang'. Firstly, while (K)Hanbok is bulky, Hanfu of the Han Dynasty is characterized by forming a slim silhouette. Due to the climate of the Northern Hemisphere, (K)Hanbok shows a rich silhouette comprising multiple layers of inner pants and a pleated skirt over a voluminous underskirt. On the other hand, the Han's Hanfu creates a straight silhouette in the form of a wrap, revealing the contours of the body. The pleated skirt of the (K)Hanbok can use six to twelve width fabrics, depending on the social position; however, the Hanfu of the Han is a skirt without any pleats. Secondly, the clothing patterns, which have various shapes, are totally different in how they are made and sewn. The Korean (K)Hanbok is a two-piece separate, whereas the Chinese Hanfu style is a one-piece with a skirt. The short length of the (K)Hanbok jacket has a Sup which is cut and pasted allowing the front closure to overlap. Nevertheless, the Hanfu of the Han does not have this Sup because it is of a wrap-around, one-piece style and has an exceptionally large front, and wraps around at the waist which extends to the sides. Thirdly, the (K)Hanbok jacket has separate string Gorums for fastening, and an additional belt around the waist; however, in the case of Gorum, it is unnecessary for a wrapping style of Hanfu. Fourthly, Koreans as an agricultural horse-riding people, basically wore the trousers attached a comfortable gusset, while the Chinese Hanfu had no pants, but the Chinese wore Gaedanggo pants which exposed the hips, inevitably during the Warring States period.

• Korean Journal of Hazardous Materials
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• v.2 no.1
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• pp.12-17
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• 2014

With a rapid growth of domestic industry in korea, now about 25,000 kinds of chemicals are being distributed, and it has been known that just about 15% of them has toxic substances. Recently, South Koreans have an anxiety about the stability and accidents of chemicals because chemical accidents like Gumi hydrofluoric acid accident have occurred. The U.S. has adopted the systems like EPCRA (Emergency Planning and Community Right-to-Know Act), TRI (Toxic Release Inventory) and TSCA (Toxic Substances Control Act), and is also managing the hazardous chemicals by providing the information about them to its people and site workers. Japan's Ministry of Health, Labor and Welfare also has adopted J-CHECK system and is implementing it to let Japanese people know the information of safety of chemicals about REACH. However, the Korean government has a difficult situation to mediate the different idea with the Korean industry to make lower statute of Pre-legislation registration & evaluation of chemicals that will be implemented and Chemical Material Control Association that is being implemented. Especially city and country areas located in the industrial areas need political improvement focusing on vulnerable area through the check about current situation of hazardous chemicals of jurisdiction and management method, but the information about the management situation of small scale work places is insufficient. Therefore this study set up the urgent management area in Ansan Smart Hub through NFPA code according to the types of accident and dander characteristics of each chemical being used in the companies that have less than 50 workers and deal with chemicals located in Ansan Smart Hub in Gyeonggi-do.

• Korean Journal of Culture and Social Issue
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• v.22 no.2
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• pp.165-182
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• 2016

Happiness research has primarily been conducted based on the American model of happiness. The agentic concept of happiness in the West emphasizes the positive feeling state stemming from individual achievement and positive interpersonal relationships. However, previous studies on lay theories of happiness in other East Asian countries, such as China and Japan, have suggested that these meanings of happiness differ from those of the Western cultural context. The present study examined the lay theory of happiness among Koreans using qualitative and quantitative approaches. Furthermore, the authors compared the Korean model of happiness with that of the Japanese and Americans from Uchida and Kitayama (2009). The findings from the present research indicate that the Korean model of happiness involves both positive and negative states and consequences of happiness, unlike the uniformly positively connoted happiness in Western cultural contexts. The paper concludes with a discussion of the implications of the current findings on happiness research in the Korean culture.

• Industry Promotion Research
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• v.9 no.2
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• pp.163-174
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• 2024

The purpose of this study is to analyze the relationship between social change and ritual change and to reveal the differences between Confucian funeral rites and modern rituals based on that relationship. In addition, we attempted to examine the process of change in rituals over time in connection with changes in institutions. The periodization of funeral rites was analyzed by dividing them into the pre-modern 'Confucian funeral rites', the 'modern funeral rites' during the Japanese colonial period, and the 'modern funeral rites' based on ritual capital with the implementation of the Healthy Family Rituals Standards in 1999. In addition, the understanding of the rites of the times must be understood through the process of moving from pre-modern to modern funeral rites and modern funeral rites, escaping the logical contradiction of succession of tradition through division of time. This study is meaningful in considering that Koreans' perception of death continues to reflect the times from the perspective of change and continuation of rituals.

• Cartoon and Animation Studies
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• s.30
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• pp.139-168
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• 2013

This article aims to explain the significance and value of cartoons in the 1910s which were largely passed unnoticed in the preceding cartoon studies by scrutinizing cartoons published in Maeilsinbo in the 1910s. Until now, Korean cartoons in the 1910s has been neglected just because it were published in Maeilsinbo. However, this writing analyzed cartoons in this period on the base of the fact that the cartoons in the 1910s printed in Maeilsinbo diversified the horizon of the Korean cartoon. Cartoons in Maeilsinbo functioned as a bridge connecting cartoons published in Daehanminbo in 1909 reputed as a root of Korean cartoon and 1920s, the time when satirical cartoons and comics started being printed in newspapers. The characteristics of Maeilsinbo as a bulletin of government general and periodical characteristics that the agent of popular culture begun to move reside as multi layers in the cartoons in the 1910s. In this article, the process and the development of how cartoons published in Maeilsinbo. As pleasure became important in everyday life in Korea, cartoons were able to earn a portion in the newspaper. In the beginning, modern cartoon style seemed vague, but as time goes by, its own style gradually settled. Cartoons in this period were not fixed in specific section but various kinds of cartoons were developed during the time since works of Korean as well as Japanese cartoonists and illustrators were published. Among them, representative cartoons in Maeilsinbo were analyzed in this article under three categories: first, cartoons represented 'Choseon-ness' through scenes of daily life and customs concurrently contained a view of anti-civilization/enlightenment; second, cartoons represented the accumulation of wealth as valid from the view point of public interest; last, cartoons divided Koreans who suffered from hardships of life in Kyungsung and Japanese in Jingogae in order to divide space. In conclusion, Maeilsinbo disciplined the colonized, Koreans, and exposed the discourse of the colonial power via cartoon.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.100
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• pp.50-80
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• 2021

This paper critically examines the history of the theories connected to the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda that have developed over the last 100 years focusing on the original number of stories the pagoda would have reached. Part II of this paper retraces the dynamic process of the rediscovery of the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda by Westerners who traveled to Korea during the port-opening period. Koreans at the time viewed the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda as an object of no particular appeal or even as an eyesore. However, Westerners appreciated it as a wonder or magnificent sight. Since these Westerners had almost no prior knowledge of Buddhist pagodas, they were able to write objective travelogues. At the time, these visitors generally accepted the theory common among Joseon intellectuals that Wongaksa Temple Pagoda once had thirteen stories. Part III focuses on Japanese government-affiliated scholars' academic research on the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda after the proclamation of the Korean Empire and the Japanese Government-General of Korea's subsequent management of the pagoda as a cultural property during the colonial era. It also discusses issues with Japanese academic research and management. In particular, this portion sheds light on the shift in theories about the original number of stories of the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda from the ten-story theory supported by Sekino Tadashi (關野 貞), whose ideas have held a great influence on this issue over the last 100 years, to the thirteen-story theory and then to the idea that it had more than thirteen. Finally, Part IV addresses the change from the multi-story theory to the ten-story theory in the years after Korea's liberation from Japan until 1962. Moreover, it highlights how Korean intellectuals of the Japanese colonial era predominantly accepted the thirteen-story theory. Since 1962, a considerable quantity of significant research on the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda has been published. However, since most of these studies have applied the ten-story theory suggested in 1962, they are not individually discussed in this paper. This retracing of the history of theories about the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda has verified that although there are reasonable grounds for supporting the thirteen-story theory, it has not been proved in the last 100 years. Moreover, the number of pagoda stories has not been fully discussed in academia. The common theory that both Wongaksa Temple Pagoda and Gyeongcheonsa Temple Pagoda were ten-story pagodas was first formulated by Sekino Tadashi 100 years ago. Since the abrasion of the Wongaksa Temple Stele was so severe the inscriptions on the stele were almost illegible, Sekino argued that the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda was a ten-story pagoda based on an architectural analysis of the then-current condition of the pagoda. Immediately after Sekino presented his argument, a woodblock-printed version of the inscriptions on the Wongaksa Temple Stele was found. This version included a phrase that a thirteen-story pagoda had been erected. In a similar vein, the Dongguk yeoji seungnam (Geographic Encyclopedia of Korea) published by the orders of King Seongjong in the late fifteenth century documented that Gyeongcheonsa Temple Pagoda, the model for the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda, was also a thirteen-story pagoda. The Wongaksa Temple Stele erected on the orders of King Sejo after the establishment of the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda evidently shows that Sekino's ten-story premise is flawed. Sekino himself wrote that "as [the pagoda] consists of a three-story stereobate and a ten-story body, people call it a thirteen-story pagoda," although he viewed the number of stories of the pagoda body as that of the entire pagoda. The inscriptions on the Wongaksa Temple Stele also clearly indicate that the king ordered the construction of the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda as a thirteen-story pagoda. Although unprecedented, this thirteen-story pagoda comprised a ten-story pagoda body over a three-story stereobate. Why would King Sejo have built a thirteen-story pagoda in an unusual form consisting of a ten-story body on top of a three-story stereobate? In order to fully understand King Sejo's intention in building a thirteen-story pagoda, analyzing the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda is necessary. This begins with the restoration of its original name. I disprove Sekino's ten-story theory built upon flawed premises and an eclectic over-thirteen-story theory and urge applying the thirteen-story theory, as the inscriptions on the Wongaksa Temple Stele stated that the pagoda was originally built as a thirteen-story pagoda.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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• v.15 no.2
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• pp.23-41
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• 1987

This study was conducted to investigate the planting status of the woody landscape plant species and to obtain some fundamental informations for improvement of production and sales circulation of the woody landscape plants. The details of 328 landscape projects which were carried out for 2 years from 1983 to 1984 were surveyed to investigate the utilization status of the woody landscpe plants. The results obtained are summarized as fellows ; 1) The utilization rate of the trees to the shrubs as woody landscape plants was 1 : 6 and that of the evergreens to deciduous plants was 1 : 4. The plant species which were most frequently used in landscaping were Buxus microphylla koreana, Juniperus chinensis, Zelkova serrata and Acer saccharinum, howevr, plants which were used in largest quantitites were Ligustrum obtusifolium, Forsythia koreana, Buxus microphylla koreans and Rhododendron yedoense var. poukhanense. 2) The number of plants planted among 3 shrub species(Ligustrum obtusifolium, Forsythia koreana and Buxus microphylla korana) exceeded half of the total number of shrubs planted for landscping, however, the number of plants planted among 8 tree species including Pinus koreainensis were about half of the total tree species. 3) The number of government price specified plant species was only 20%, but the utilization frequency of the price specified plants was as much as 6 times than unspecified plants and 85% of plants used in landscaping works were the price specified plants. The utilization rate of the price specified plants was significantly high in the shrubs than the trees and in the evergreen than deciduous plants. 4) The amounts in use of the price specified standardized plants were significantly more than those of unstandardized plants. When the plant heights are same, the plants having wider canopy or stem diameter were rather frequently used in the landscaping works. The ratio of the width of the canopy or stem diameter to the stem length of the plants in the Korean standard is significantly greater than that in the Japanese standard.

• Journal of the korean academy of Pediatric Dentistry
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• v.26 no.2
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• pp.323-330
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• 1999

It is well recognized that a cross-bite tends to occur more frequently among Japanese, Chinese and Koreans more than among Europeans. A variety of functional appliances have already invented for the treatment of cross-bites. One of them is the FR III(by Rolf $Fr\ddot{a}nkel$) which applies a quite different philosophy based on the using vestibular region compared with other methods which utilize muscular forces applied directly on the teeth. The FR III also increases both the lack of muscular tension against the dental arch and the dentition and muscular forces which can then influence the teeth indirectly. This mechanism can achieve favorable developments with the basal bone, teeth, and alveolar bone. After using FR III to the anterior cross-bite patient with the eruption of a maxillary incisor the results were as follows: 1. Forward growth of maxilla and proclination of the upper incisor 2. Downward and backward rotation of the mandible 3. Increase the facial height 4. The case which was normal mandible, underdevelopmental maxilla, deeper overbite and more nagative overjet exhibited good prognosis

• BMB Reports
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• v.43 no.2
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• pp.133-139
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• 2010

We have performed analyses using ancient DNA extracted from 25 excavated human bones, estimating around the 1st century B.C. Ancient human bones were obtained from Nukdo Island, which is located off of the Korean peninsula of East Asia. We made concerted efforts to extract ancient DNA of high quality and to obtain reproducible PCR products, as this was a primary consideration for this extensive kind of undertaking. We performed PCR amplifications for several regions of the mitochondrial DNA, and could determine mitochondrial haplogroups for 21 ancient DNA samples. Genetic information from mitochondrial DNA belonged to super-haplogroup M, haplogroup D or its sub-haplogroups (D4 or D4b), which are distinctively found in East Asians, including Koreans or Japanese. The dendrogram and principal component analysis based on haplogroup frequencies revealed that the Nukdo population was close to those of the East Asians and clearly distinguished from populations shown in the other regions. Considering that Nukdo is geologically isolated in the southern part of the Korean peninsula and is a site of commercial importance with neighboring countries, these results may reflect genetic continuity for the habitation and migration of ethnic groups who had lived in a particular area in the past. Therefore, we suggest that phylogenetic analyses of ancient DNA have significant advantages for clarifying the origins and migrations of ethnic groups, or human races.

• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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• v.4 no.2
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• pp.219-234
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• 1998

This study examines spatial characteristics of residential distribution and occupational composition of Korean emmigrants who live in China, United States, and Japan. The data used are The Conditions of Korean Emmigrants published by Ministry of Foreign Affairs in 1995. Analysis method used this data are as follows: 1) to clarify the tendency and spatial distribution of Korean emmigrants in each nation. 2) to grasp the residential distribution of Korean emmigrants in China, United States, and Japan where many Koreans have lived. 3) to analyze the occupational composition and its spatial characteristics of Korean emmigrants. The main findindgs obtained are summarized as follows: Farmer, forester, stock farmer, and fishery occupy over 50% of the employees of Korean emmigrants in China; traders and other employees occupy about three-fourths of the employees of Korean emmigrants in United States; and other employees occupy about 80% of the employees of Korean emmigrants in Japan. Therefore, the ratio of occupational composition of Korean emmigrants was influenced by emmigration motive, level of economic development of emmigration nation, restrictive condition for ethnic minority, and social status before emmigration etc. Specialized occupational composition in region where many Korean emmigrants in each nation lived was that the highest specialized occupation in region including primary city in population scale is trader; the highest specialized occupation in region including secondary city is manufacturing employee, and the highest specialized occupation in region including third city has transitional characteristics of each region including primary and secondary city. And professional occupation such as lawyer, doctor, religionist and educator appeared to the region including primary city. Finally, Korean emmigrants in United States and Japan contributed to the revitalization of inner city areas. And potential ethnic organization can be seen in church, mass media, and enterprise association in United States, but it can be seen in community shopping association in Japan, Because American society is based on Christianity but Japanese society is not.