• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.55 no.1
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• pp.243-263
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• 2022

The royal court of Joseon had a tradition of mounting the Irworobongdo, a painting of the sun, the moon and the five sacred peaks, symbols of the king's immortal presence and authority, on a folding screen and placing it in special spaces within the palace that were reserved for the king. While the Irworobongdo is generally accepted as the important ceremonial object of the royal palaces of Joseon, there have been few studies on the various folding screens used in the royal palaces, largely because the official records about such screens do not match the remaining original relics. In this study, the main discussion is focused on the diversity of the shapes and mounting materials of the Irworobongdoused for various ceremonies held in the royal palaces of Joseon based on the Uigwe, the official records of the royal protocols of the Joseon dynasty. The discussion also extends to the theme rarely studied so far, namely the original form of the Irworobongdo and its evolution in the following period. The ceremonial "five peak" folding screens (Obongbyeong) used at a number of important palace buildings, including the crown hall (Jeongjeon), royal funerary hall (Binjeon), spirit hall (Honjeon) and portrait shrine (Jinjeon), differed in shape and size from the folding screens used in royal celebratory events such as banquets, although the paintings themselves and the style of mounting them were essentially the same. The paintings were mounted on screens bordered with green silk and ornamented with floral gilt designs. The folding screens used in royal ceremonies were produced according to strict guidelines that required the ceremonies and mounting materials to be graded on the basis of the status of each screen. It was not until the 1960s that these ceremonial folding screens of the Joseon dynasty, which had been neglected during the period of Japanese colonial rule of Korea, began to undergo conservation treatment provided as part of a heritage preservation program. Unfortunately, many of the screens repaired in this period lost some of their original features - largely due to the use of non-traditional mounting techniques. Considering, however, that significant achievements have since been made in the heritage preservation field based on the use of historical evidence, it is now necessary to systematically use the repair history of the information about the remaining royal ceremonial folding screens to ensure that they are preserved and managed more effectively in the future.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.39 no.1
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• pp.10-19
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• 2021

This study investigated the actual state and transformation of the major garden ornaments in Changdeokgung Palace(昌德宮) in the modern and contemporary period, focusing on Nakseonjae(樂善齋), Juhamnu(宙合樓), Jondeokjeong(尊德亭), and Daebodanji (大報壇址). This study can be used as useful data for establishing the restoration and maintenance plan of the garden ornaments in Changdeokgung Palace, and the main results of the study can be summarized as follows. First, according to a photo taken by the Czech Vráz, in 1901, a total of six garden ornaments, including a stone pond and odd-shaped stones, were located in the backyard of Nakseonjae. Since liberation, arbitrary relocation of garden ornaments has frequently occurred, and in the process, two odd-shaped stones, originally located on the first floor of the terraced flower bed, have been transferred to the backyard of Gyeonghungak(景薰閣). Second, unlike the late Joseon Dynasty when 「Donggwoldo(東闕圖)」 was produced, odd-shaped stones were arranged symmetrically in the backyard of Juhamnu in the early 1900s. It was a traditional style garden ornament with similar appearance, size, and design. However, all the odd-shaped stones in the backyard of Juhaumnu were relocated to other places in the 1970s and 1980s. One is located at the rear of Aeryeonjeong(愛蓮亭) through the entrance of Bingcheon(氷泉) and the vicinity of Geumcheongyo(錦川橋), and the other remains in front of the Yeongyeongdang Jangnakmun(演慶堂 長樂門). Third, among the garden ornaments located in the area of Jondeokjeong in the past, one odd-shaped stone is now relocated around the stone bridge near the pavilion and the Yeonghwadang(暎花堂) with its components separated. The bondstone near Yeonghwadang was relocated in 1990 for the purpose of installing an imitation of Angbuilgu(仰釜日晷). Another odd-shaped stone has been relocated to the front door of the Secret Garden(後苑), and now it is difficult to grasp the location. Fourth, the two bondstones remaining in the Daebodanji were actually building materials that were used as the foundation stone for the entrance pillars of the Yi Royal Office Building(李王職廳舍) during the Japanese colonial period. After liberation, the Yi Royal Office Building was reorganized into Imperial Estate Administration Office(皇室財産事務總局), and when the office building was burned down in 1960, the stone statues and foundation stones placed on the stylobate were relocated to the Daebodanji. The bondstone at Daebodanji is a representative example of construction materiasl being mistaken for gaeden ornaments.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.31 no.2
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• pp.103-117
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• 2013

This research analyzed the spatial components and establishment of the Tap-gol Park according to the plans between 1897 to 1916 when the discussions on the construction of the park began and it was accomplished as an urban park. The results are as follows. The establishment of Tap-gol Park can be divided by three period. Firstly, Tap-gol Park was owned by the royal family from 1987 to 1904. The discussions on construction of Tap-gol Park as a first urban park of Gyeongseong(京城) in 1897, and the private houses were tear down in order to secure land for the park in 1899. Gates and fences surrounding of Tap-gol Park were organized and it was opened in 1902 based on park plane of turtle - shaped. The octagonal pavilion for 'Lee-Wang-Jik musical band(李王職音樂隊)' was relocated in the southwestern part of the park in 1903. Secondly, Tap-gol Park was used actively by the public between 1910 to 1913, because it was opened for individuals. Also The boundary of Park were changed by surrounding facilities and recreational facilities and benefits was complemented for users. Tap-gol park was opened at nighttime in August 1913. Tap-gol Park was used as a place of amusement park. Thirdly, commercial facilities were made as the park facility between 1914 to 1916. The purpose of 'Kkikdajeom(喫茶店)' was similar to the one of modern cafes. It was built as a typical Japanese tea-house with a small pond having an island and a bridge constructed inside. With the increase of usage of Tap-gol Park as a recreational area by the citizens in 1916, the pavilion as a rest area and toilet as amenities were supplemented. Superintendent's office was equipped too. Simple chairs made from the wooden logs were installed around greenhouse, concert hall, the Wongaksa Buddhist temple(圓覺寺址十層石塔), and the flower garden was fenced round. After the relocation of Yongsan music band to Tap-gol Park, the existing concert hall was demolished. The shape of the park which was seen from the pictures of the magazines of 1920s were achieved as early as 1916. The importance of this research includes the basis to revise the errors of the preexistence researches and value of historical material of the design plan reference of the park which was accomplished during the Japanese colonial era. Also this research is to study on the spatial components of the modern landscape architecture and parks.

• Current Research on Agriculture and Life Sciences
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• v.7
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• pp.201-219
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• 1989

Rice culture in Korea has a long history ranging over two thousand years. In the agriculture economy of pre-mordern Korea, however, its importantce was not as great as generally assumed. In fact, rice culture reached full development only after the 1920s when the Japanese colonial government carried out its drive to increase rice production in the Korea peninsula. It was not until the mid-1930s that rice became the staple in Korean diet. This can be attributed to two factors : (1) a mountainous topography that provides little irrigated fields and (2) a climate characterized by droughts in spring and heavy precipitation in summer. The present paper attempts to answer some of these questions. Specifically it will focus on these : Did the development of rice culture actually result in population growth? What are the salient features of agricultural develdpment and population grow in traditional Korea? Does the case of Korea conform the prevailing generalization about the agriculture in East Asia? I have discussed the development of rice culture and population growth in the Chos$\breve{o}$n dynasty, focusing on the relation between the rapid spread of transplanting and the rapid growth of population from the seventeenth to the nineteenth century. Here are my conclusions. (1) The spread of transplanting and other technological innovationsc contributed to the rapid growth of population in this period. However, we should also note that the impact of rice culture on population growth was rather limited, for rice culture was not the mainstay of agricultural economy in pre-modern Korea. Indeed we should consider the influence of dry field cropsn population growth. Nevertheless, it is obvious that the proliferation of rice culture was a factor crucial to population growth and regional concentration. (2) How should we characterize the spread of rice culture in the whole period? Evidently rice culture spread from less then 20% of cultivated fields in the fifteenth century to about 36% of them in the early twentieth century. Although rice as a single crop outweighed other crops, rice culture was more then counter-balanced by dry field crops as a whole, due to Korea's unique climate and geography. Thus what we have here in not a typical case of competition between rice culture and day field culture. Besides, the spread of rice culture in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries accomplished by technological innovations that overcame severe springtime drought, rather than extensive irrigation. Althougt irrigarion facilities did proliferate to some extent, this was achieved by local landlords and peasants rather than the state. This fact contradicts the classical thesis that the productivity of rice culture increased through the state management of irrigation and that this in turn determined the type of society. (3) We should further study other aspects of the transition from the stable population and production struture in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries to the rapid population growth and excessive density of population thereafter. We should note that there were continuing efforts to reclaim the land in order to solve the severe shortage of land. Changes also took place in the agricultural production relations. The increase in land producrivity developed tenancy based on rent in kind, and this in turn increased the independence of tenants from their landlords. There were changes in family relations-such as the shift to primogeniture as an effort to prevent progressive division of property among multiplying offspring. The rapid population growth also produced a great mass of propertyless farm laborers. These changes had much to do with the disintegration of traditional social institutions and political structure toward the end of the Chos$\breve{o}$n dynasty.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.29 no.1
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• pp.65-83
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• 1994

Sevaral problems of administrative area sysem in Korea have been brought up for a long time. Because its frame has remained since Chosun and Japanese colonial period in spite of changing local administrative environment in accordance with rapid industrialization and urbanization. Recent reform of city (Shi)- county (Gun) integration is derived from this argument. But problems which permeate deeply overall system cannot be solved by partial reorganization of Shi-Gun. They may be rationalized only through the reform of the whole system. The aims of this study are to analyze problems of administrative area system entirelr and to discuss the direction of its reform from that point of view. Major problems of administrative area system are summed up into the followings. Firstly, it is found that administrative hierarchies are too many levels. Contemporary administrative hierarchical structure is 4 levels: regional autonomous government (Tukpyolshi, Jik'halshi, Do), local autonomous government (Shi, Gun), two leveis of auxiliary administrative area (Up, Myun and Ri). These hierarchies were established in late period of Chosun which transportation was undeveloped and residential activity space was confined. But today developing transportion and expanding sphere of life don't need administrative hierarchical structurl with many levels. Besides developing administrative technology reduces administrative space by degrees. Many levels of contemporary administrative hierarchical structure are main factor of administrative inefficency, discording with settlement system. Second problem is that Tukpyolshi and Jik'halshi - cities under direct control of the central government as metropolitan area - underbounded cities. Underbounded city discomforts residential life and increases external elects of local pulic services. Especially this problem is Seoul, Pusan and Daegu. Third problem is that Do-areas are mostly two larger in integrating into single sphere of life. In fact each of them consistes of two or three sphere of life. Fourth Problem is metropolitan government system that central city is seperated from complementary area, i.e. Do. It brings about weakening the economic force of Do. Fifth problem is that several cities divided single sphere of life. It is main factor of finantial inefficency and facing difficult regional administration. Finally necessity of rural parish (Myun.) is diminished gradually with higher order center oriented activty of rural residents. First of all administrative area system should corresponds with substantial sphere of life in order to solve these problems. Followings are some key directions this study proposes on the reform of administrative area system from that standpoint. 1. Principles of reorgnization -- integration of central dty with complementary area. -- correspondence of administrative hierarchical structure with settlement system. -- correspondence of boundary of administrative area with sphere of life. 2. Reform strategy -- Jik'halshi is integrated with Do and is under the contol of Do. -- Small Seoul shi (city) which have special functions as captal is demarcated in Seoul tukpyolshi and 22 autonomous distrcts of Seoul tukpyolshi is integrated into 3-4 cities. -- Neighboring cities (Shies) in single sphere of life are intrgrated into single city (Shj). -- Myun and Ri are abolished in rural region and new unit of local administrative area on the basis of lowest order sphere of life into which 3-4 Ries are integrated replaces them.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.31 no.3
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• pp.577-592
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• 1996

The forming process of poverty region in Taegu and the feature of its spatial distribution which are reviewed hitherto can be summarized like this. 1) In the froming porcess of poverty region in Taegu, during the soverignty of Japanese Empire petty farmers became tenantry by the colonial agricultural policy of Japanes Empire and some of those came into the city and g\became urban poor class. They generally lived in poor houses or dugouts in the city, and 6.6$\circ$ of poor house and dugouts of the whole country were in Taegu and 4.9$\circ of the popolatio in Taegu resided there. During the period of disorder, because of the historic accidents, such as the restoration of independence and Korean War, the returnees from aboad and refugees converged into the big city so that those who need the country's relief stood out as new poor class. They generally made their dwellings with tents and straw-bags on vacant grounds in suburbs living form hand to mouth and shaped the poor houses area, so-clalled "Liberated Village". During the developing period, the number of those who need aid gradually decreased, but the problem of poor people by the city-concentration of the poeple who shifted from agricultrual jobs by economic development came to the front. They mostly lived in squatter area forming large poor class area, and generally located near the center of Taegu consisiting of West. South. East Ward. 2) Reviewing the the feature of spatial distribution, the proportion of poor class are highest within 1~2km from the center of the city and also high within 2~3km form the center and suburbs. The poor class area in the center of the city are mostly cleared and removed area and in suburbs by the construction of permanently leased, and leased apartments large grouped poor class areas are forming. In Taegu, 16 low-income class group residence areas and residential environement improving areas are dispersed so that they came under the so-called poor class area. But by the improvement of dewelling environment and living the poor people who lived in groups dispersed or bettered their living for themselves, so the poverty area is greatly chaning into average-levelled residence area, and on the other hand, large poor people's apartment complexes are being constructed in suburbs. 3) Up to now, the distribution of poverty area could be limited its scale to generally the area within 1~3km because the poverty region which had been in suburbs relatively came near the center of the city by the rapid urbanization and poor people preferred that area because of the living convenience facilities as well as the transportation facilities and job-hunting being near the center of the city. But now poor people's apartment complex is being constructed regardless of their zone of job sites, so the low proportion of occupation is pointed as a new problem.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.50 no.4
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• pp.198-221
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• 2017

The Jjoksaem site is the eastern sector of Daereungwon Ancient Tomb Complex, Gyeongju(the 512th Historic site) called Wolseong North Burial Ground in academic community. The excavation and research of this site was conducted from 2007 to 2015, with the purpose of basic data offering for the restoration of Silla tumuli and development of ancient tomb park. As a result of the investigation, more than 700 new tombs were discovered except the 155 tumuli founded in the Japanese colonial era. Moreover, more than 70 percent of the smaller tombs, such as outer coffin tombs, were discovered here. There are four characteristics of outer coffin tombs in Jjoksaem site. First, it is recognized the Gyeongju-styled outer coffin tombs have a long rectangular shape, distinct from Gimhae-styled outer coffin tombs in a rectangular shape. Second, they are divided into three groups by the size of the grave area. This is indirectly related to the rank and the status of the buried person. Third, these tombs began to be constructed at the end of the 3rd century before the time of wooden chamber tombs covered by stone and earthen mound. They were ruined because of the new tombs constructed at the period of Maripgan. This reflects that the identity of the former tombs was not respected by the communities in the later generations. Outer coffin tombs were consistently made to the end of the era of wooden chamber tombs covered by stone and earthen mound. Lastly, the area of burial ground of outer coffin tombs is limited by wooden chamber tombs covered by stone and wooden mounds. Otherwise, the location of the burial ground for the deceased is limited by the status of the deceased. The idea that wooden chamber tombs covered by stone and earthen mound are located on the above ground turns out to be incorrect. In Jjoksaem site, there is little difference between the height of the circular burial protection stone and the height of the digging lines of the other tombs. In the case of No.44 tumulus, the lowest step of the circular burial protection stones is lower than those of the other tombs and tumuli. Research of outer coffin tombs at Jjoksaem site will be to suggest important academic data about the changing period from Saroguk, as the head of chiefdom union, to Silla, as state.

• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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• no.24
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• pp.215-274
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• 2010

Iron-making industries of the country, regardless of age has been the focus. This makes the iron production technology and production techniques that result in increased economic activity and because of the central charge. Therefore, the social development of ancient iron-making technology is based on phase-sensitive. Modern steel making up the monopoly of the country's target under the strict control of production, distribution was. It is essential to produce iron weapons was a threat is because you can keep the throne in the hands of the forces that can cause side effects when I went was to block. This study created a rail Cholbi(iron monument) and the regional distribution pattern of the production, construction background, looked on. Cholbi(iron monument) for the production and recording "the Annals of the Joseon Dynasty" often appear in history books and many academic interests, but was off target. Compared to a stone monument that was not generally as well as the Japanese colonial period and over the course of modernization destroyed, damaged a lot of cases the cause may be found in front. Cholbi(iron monument), except for the gravestones of the Joseon Dynasty monument erected in honor of virtue, as an example of content that dominated a packman business, founding of the school and confirmed that a few were built as a special purpose. Cholbi(iron monument) compared to the production technology or the cost of the monument's difficulty in financing follows. Therefore Cholbi(iron monument) the establishment of the Joseon Dynasty through the background of the economic situation and the local government can look. And iron technology began complaining about the object of history, economic conditions, with the change of season has been a change in people's consciousness tells you. Important data of ancient history as an epigraph that has been as important, the Middle Ages to modern times ranging from newly born to the time Cholbi(iron monument) in the development of the country's documentary subject to change should have been brought. Based on these discussions changes the identity of the hero monument and production inspector, review of production through the Joseon Dynasty period Cholbi (iron monument) contemplated the significance is reflected in production.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.46 no.1
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• pp.76-101
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• 2013

In this article, we examine the Taeshil of King Jungjo, the 22nd King of the Joseon dynasty located in Yongwol, Gangwondo. The Jangtae culture - burial of the navel cord - is a unique Royal ritual which began during the Shilla dynasty and continued to be carried out for a long period until the Koryo and Joseon dynasties. Until today, about 300 Taebong sites have been discovered, most of which are the Taebong of the decedents of the royal family of the Joseon Kingdom. Most Taeshils built for Kings of the Joseon dynasty were destroyed during the Japanese colonial period, among which only a few have been recovered and managed across the nation. The Taeshil of King Jungjo is one of the leading examples among existing Taeshils in Korea which has managed to preserve well enshrined relics as well as literature documents including stone relics in perfect sets. Thus, in order to examine the Taeshil of King Jungjo comprehensively, first of all literary materials related to the construction of King Jungjo's Taeshil such as the Josunwangjosilrok - "Annals of the Choson Dynasty (朝鮮王朝實錄)". "Jungjongdaewang Taesilgabong Euigwe (正宗大王胎室加封儀軌) - Royal activities related to Taeshil, and local historic documents etc were searched and put together, while a focus was placed on examining the geographical location and state of the Taebong, including the specific style of each part of the Taeshil stone and characteristics of enshrined relics. Such materials are believed to have important utility in the future as a basic material to be used for research, maintenance, and restoration of Taeshil relics. So far, Taeshil relics is a field that has not been able to attract much attention from the academic world, however attention has begun to be paid to Taeshil relics due to recent archaeological excavations as well as an approach to artistic history. Academic research results are expected if Taeshil relics are able to be examined comprehensively in future covering various areas such as literature history, archaeology, and artistic history etc.

• Journal of Ginseng Culture
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• v.4
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• pp.38-58
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• 2022

Park Wan-seo's novels deal with realistic topics of society, such as women's issues, the capitalist system, and the problems that come with old age. Assuch, her work is used as a tool to analyze social phenomena in various fields, such as women's studies, sociology, and literature. A characteristic style of Park Wan-seo's novels is that she bases them on her own experiences. However, among her novels, the novel Mimang is exceptional. The plot is based on stories that have been passed down from generation to generation. This is to show the spirit of the times through the unforgettable story of her hometown, Gaesong. Mimang is the story of a family chronology that spans four generations centered on Chun Cheu-Man and his family, who became powerful capitalists through the cultivation and commerce of ginseng cultivation. Set in the late 19th century until the end of the Korean War, the novel unravels the essence of the times symbolized by merchants of ginseng and Gaeseong, focusing on the actions of people living in a period of historical turbulence. Gaeseong is the mecca of Korean ginseng, and Gaeseong cannot be portrayed without the story of ginseng and its merchants. Therefore, Mimang, a fictionalized story based on real facts, contains valuable testimony of the history of ginseng, not only as historical values of modern history and personal customs but also as microhistory. In the novel, traces of the times of Gaeseong and the spirit of ginseng merchants, as shown in the Japanese sacking of ginseng during the colonial period, the resistance of ginseng merchants, and the conversion of ginseng capitalism to modern capitalism, are imprinted like fossils. What is especially meaningful is that the stories in the novel correspond to historical facts and constitute a chapter in the history of ginseng. The symbolism of ginseng in the novel can be explained in three main ways. First, it shows the essence of Korean ginseng. It reveals the soul of ginseng through the sincerity and rigor of ginseng farming, as well as the spirit and pride of ginseng. Second, it symbolizes the exploitation of ginseng in Japan as a national issue. The efforts of ginseng merchants to protect this and support the independence movement are presented as important themes to express nationalism. Third, it shows the modern capitalist progressiveness of Gaeseong ginseng merchants, who do not stay in landownership and commercial capital, but convert them to productive capital and contribute to society by modernizing them. The three symbolisms show the spirit of the times of the Gaeseong ginseng merchants, clearly revealing the meaningful relationship between the Korean people and ginseng.