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Studies on the Estimation of Leaf Production in Mulberry Trees 1. Estimation of the leaf production by leaf area determination (상엽 수확고 측정에 관한 연구 - 제1보 엽면적에 의한 상엽량의 순서 -)

  • 한경수;장권열;안정준
    • Journal of Sericultural and Entomological Science
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    • v.8
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    • pp.11-25
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    • 1968
  • Various formulae for estimation of leaf production in mulberry trees were investigated and obtained. Four varieties of mulberry trees were used as the materials, and seven characters namely branch length. branch diameter, node number per branch, total branch weight, branch weight except leaves, leaf weight and leaf area, were studied. The formulae to estimate the leaf yield of mulberry trees are as follows: 1. Varietal differences were appeared in means, variances, standard devitations and standard errors of seven characters studied as shown in table 1. 2. Y$_1$=a$_1$X$_1$${\times}$P$_1$......(l) where Y$_1$ means yield per l0a by branch number and leaf weight determination. a$_1$.........leaf weight per branch. X$_1$.......branch number per plant. P$_1$........plant number per l0a. 3. Y$_2$=(a$_2$${\pm}$S. E.${\times}$X$_2$)+P$_1$.......(2) where Y$_2$ means leaf yield per l0a by branch length and leaf weight determination. a$_2$......leaf weight per meter of branch length. S. E. ......standard error. X$_2$....total branch length per plant. P$_1$........plant number per l0a as written above. 4. Y$_3$=(a$_3$${\pm}$S. E${\times}$X$_3$)${\times}$P$_1$.....(3) where Y$_3$ means of yield per l0a by branch diameter measurement. a$_3$.......leaf weight per 1cm of branch diameter. X$_3$......total branch diameter per plant. 5. Y$_4$=(a$_4$${\pm}$S. E.${\times}$X$_4$)P$_1$......(4) where Y$_4$ means leaf yield per 10a by node number determination. a$_4$.......leaf weight per node X$_4$.....total node number per plant. 6. Y$\sub$5/= {(a$\sub$5/${\pm}$S. E.${\times}$X$_2$)Kv}${\times}$P$_1$.......(5) where Y$\sub$5/ means leaf yield per l0a by branch length and leaf area measurement. a$\sub$5/......leaf area per 1 meter of branch length. K$\sub$v/......leaf weight per 100$\textrm{cm}^2$ of leaf area. 7. Y$\sub$6/={(X$_2$$\div$a$\sub$6/${\pm}$S. E.)}${\times}$K$\sub$v/${\times}$P$_1$......(6) where Y$\sub$6/ means leaf yield estimated by leaf area and branch length measurement. a$\sub$6/......branch length per l00$\textrm{cm}^2$ of leaf area. X$_2$, K$\sub$v/ and P$_1$ are written above. 8. Y$\sub$7/= {(a$\sub$7/${\pm}$S. E. ${\times}$X$_3$)}${\times}$K$\sub$v/${\times}$P$_1$.......(7) where Y$\sub$7/ means leaf yield estimates by branch diameter and leaf area measurement. a$\sub$7/......leaf area per lcm of branch diameter. X$_3$, K$\sub$v/ and P$_1$ are written above. 9. Y$\sub$8/= {(X$_3$$\div$a$\sub$8/${\pm}$S. E.)}${\times}$K$\sub$v/${\times}$P$_1$.......(8) where Y$\sub$8/ means leaf yield estimates by leaf area branch diameter. a$\sub$8/......branch diameter per l00$\textrm{cm}^2$ of leaf area. X$_3$, K$\sub$v/, P$_1$ are written above. 10. Y$\sub$9/= {(a$\sub$9/${\pm}$S. E.${\times}$X$_4$)${\times}$K$\sub$v/}${\times}$P$_1$......(9) where Y$\sub$7/ means leaf yield estimates by node number and leaf measurement. a$\sub$9/......leaf area per node of branch. X$_4$, K$\sub$v/, P$_1$ are written above. 11. Y$\sub$10/= {(X$_4$$\div$a$\sub$10/$\div$S. E.)${\times}$K$\sub$v/}${\times}$P$_1$.......(10) where Y$\sub$10/ means leaf yield estimates by leaf area and node number determination. a$\sub$10/.....node number per l00$\textrm{cm}^2$ of leaf area. X$_4$, K$\sub$v/, P$_1$ are written above. Among many estimation methods. estimation method by the branch is the better than the methods by the measurement of node number and branch diameter. Estimation method, by branch length and leaf area determination, by formulae (6), could be the best method to determine the leaf yield of mulberry trees without destroying the leaves and without weighting the leaves of mulberry trees.

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Studies on Relations between Various Coeffcients of Evapo-Transpiration and Quantities of Dry Matters for Tall-and Short Statured Varieties of Paddy Rice (논벼 장.단간품종의 증발산제계수와 건물량과의 관계에 대한 연구(I))

  • 류한열;김철기
    • Magazine of the Korean Society of Agricultural Engineers
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    • v.16 no.2
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    • pp.3361-3394
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    • 1974
  • The purpose of this thesis is to disclose some characteristics of water consumption in relation to the quantities of dry matters through the growing period for two statured varieties of paddy rice which are a tall statured variety and a short one, including the water consumption during seedling period, and to find out the various coefficients of evapotranspiration that are applicable for the water use of an expected yield of the two varieties. PAL-TAL, a tall statured variety, and TONG-lL, a short statured variety were chosen for this investigation. Experiments were performed in two consecutive periods, a seedling period and a paddy field period, In the investigation of seedling period, rectangular galvanized iron evapotranspirometers (91cm${\times}$85cm${\times}$65cm) were set up in a way of two levels (PAL-TAL and TONG-lL varieties) with two replications. A standard fertilization method was applied to all plots. In the experiment of paddy field period, evapotanspiration and evaporation were measured separately. For PAL-TAL variety, the evapotranspiration measurements of 43 plots of rectangular galvanized iron evapotranspirometer (91cm${\times}$85cm${\times}$65cm) and the evaporation measurements of 25 plots of rectangular galvanized iron evaporimeter (91cm${\times}$85cm${\times}$15cm) have been taken for seven years (1966 through 1972), and for TONG-IL variety, the evapotranspiration measurements of 19 plots and the evaporation measurements of 12 plots have been collected for two years (1971 through 1972) with five different fertilization levels. The results obtained from this investigation are summarized as follows: 1. Seedling period 1) The pan evaporation and evapotranspiration during seedling period were proved to have a highly significant correlation to solar radiation, sun shine hours and relative humidity. But they had no significant correlation to average temperature, wind velocity and atmospheric pressure, and were appeared to be negatively correlative to average temperature and wind velocity, and positively correlative to the atmospheric pressure, in a certain period. There was the highest significant correlation between the evapotranspiration and the pan evaporation, beyond all other meteorological factors considered. 2) The evapotranpiration and its coefficient for PAL-TAL variety were 194.5mm and 0.94∼1.21(1.05 in average) respectively, while those for TONG-lL variety were 182.8mm and 0.90∼1.10(0.99 in average) respectively. This indicates that the evapotranspiration for TONG-IL variety was 6.2% less than that for PAL-TAL variety during a seedling period. 3) The evapotranspiration ratio (the ratio of the evapotranspiration to the weight of dry matters) during the seedling period was 599 in average for PAL-TAL variety and 643 for TONG-IL variety. Therefore the ratio for TONG-IL was larger by 44 than that for PAL-TAL variety. 4) The K-values of Blaney and Criddle formula for PAL-TAL variety were 0.78∼1.06 (0.92 in average) and for TONG-lL variety 0.75∼0.97 (0.86 in average). 5) The evapotranspiration coefficient and the K-value of B1aney and Criddle formular for both PAL-TAL and TONG-lL varieties showed a tendency to be increasing, but the evapotranspiration ratio decreasing, with the increase in the weight of dry matters. 2. Paddy field period 1) Correlation between the pan evaporation and the meteorological factors and that between the evapotranspiration and the meteorological factors during paddy field period were almost same as that in case of the seedling period (Ref. to table IV-4 and table IV-5). 2) The plant height, in the same level of the weight of dry matters, for PAL-TAL variety was much larger than that for TONG-IL variety, and also the number of tillers per hill for PAL-TAL variety showed a trend to be larger than that for TONG-IL variety from about 40 days after transplanting. 3) Although there was a tendency that peak of leaf-area-index for TONG-IL variety was a little retarded than that for PAL-TAL variety, it appeared about 60∼80 days after transplanting. The peaks of the evapotranspiration coefficient and the weight of dry matters at each growth stage were overlapped at about the same time and especially in the later stage of growth, the leaf-area-index, the evapotranspiration coefficient and the weight of dry matters for TONG-IL variety showed a tendency to be larger then those for PAL-TAL variety. 4) The evaporation coefficient at each growth stage for TONG-IL and PAL-TALvarieties was decreased and increased with the increase and decrease in the leaf-area-index, and the evaporation coefficient of TONG-IL variety had a little larger value than that of PAL-TAL variety. 5) Meteorological factors (especially pan evaporation) had a considerable influence to the evapotranspiration, the evaporation and the transpiration. Under the same meteorological conditions, the evapotranspiration (ET) showed a increasing logarithmic function of the weight of dry matters (x), while the evaporation (EV) a decreasing logarithmic function of the weight of dry matters; 800kg/10a x 2000kg/10a, ET=al+bl logl0x (bl>0) EV=a2+b2 log10x (a2>0 b2<0) At the base of the weight of total dry matters, the evapotranspiration and the evaporation for TONG-IL variety were larger as much as 0.3∼2.5% and 7.5∼8.3% respectively than those of PAL-TAL variety, while the transpiration for PAL-TAL variety was larger as much as 1.9∼2.4% than that for TONG-IL variety on the contrary. At the base of the weight of rough rices the evapotranspiration and the transpiration for TONG-IL variety were less as much as 3.5% and 8.l∼16.9% respectively than those for PAL-TAL variety and the evaporation for TONG-IL was much larger by 11.6∼14.8% than that for PAL-TAL variety. 6) The evapotranspiration coefficient, the evaporation coefficient and the transpiration coefficient and the transpiration coefficient were affected by the weight of dry matters much more than by the meteorological conditions. The evapotranspiratioa coefficient (ETC) and the evaporation coefficient (EVC) can be related to the weight of dry matters (x) by the following equations: 800kg/10a x 2000kg/10a, ETC=a3+b3 logl0x (b3>0) EVC=a4+b4 log10x (a4>0, b4>0) At the base of the weights of dry matters, 800kg/10a∼2000kg/10a, the evapotranspiration coefficients for TONG-IL variety were 0.968∼1.474 and those for PAL-TAL variety, 0.939∼1.470, the evaporation coefficients for TONG-IL variety were 0.504∼0.331 and those for PAL-TAL variety, 0.469∼0.308, and the transpiration coefficients for TONG-IL variety were 0.464∼1.143 and those for PAL-TAL variety, 0.470∼1.162. 7) The evapotranspiration ratio, the evaporation ratio (the ratio of the evaporation to the weight of dry matters) and the transpiration ratio were highly affected by the meteorological conditions. And under the same meteorological condition, both the evapotranspiration ratio (ETR) and the evaporation ratio (EVR) showed to be a decreasing logarithmic function of the weight of dry matters (x) as follows: 800kg/10a x 2000kg/10a, ETR=a5+b5 logl0x (a5>0, b5<0) EVR=a6+b6 log10x (a6>0 b6<0) In comparison between TONG-IL and PAL-TAL varieties, at the base of the pan evaporation of 343mm and the weight of dry matters of 800∼2000kg/10a, the evapotranspiration ratios for TONG-IL variety were 413∼247, while those for PAL-TAL variety, 404∼250, the evaporation ratios for TONG-IL variety were 197∼38 while those for PAL-TAL variety, 182∼34, and the transpiration ratios for TONG-IL variety were 216∼209 while those for PAL-TAL variety, 222∼216 (Ref. to table IV-23, table IV-25 and table IV-26) 8) The accumulative values of evapotranspiration intensity and transpiration intensity for both PAL-TAL and TONG-IL varieties were almost constant in every climatic year without the affection of the weight of dry matters. Furthermore the evapotranspiration intensity appeared to have more stable at each growth stage. The peaks of the evapotranspiration intensity and transpiration intensity, for both TONG-IL and PAL-TAL varieties, appeared about 60∼70 days after transplanting, and the peak value of the former was 128.8${\pm}$0.7, for TONG-IL variety while that for PAL-TAL variety, 122.8${\pm}$0.3, and the peak value of the latter was 152.2${\pm}$1.0 for TONG-IL variety while that for PAL-TAL variety, 152.7${\pm}$1.9 (Ref.to table IV-27 and table IV-28) 9) The K-value in Blaney & Criddle formula was changed considerably by the meteorological condition (pan evaporation) and related to be a increasing logarithmic function of the weight of dry matters (x) for both PAL-TAL and TONG-L varieties as follows; 800kg/10a x 2000kg/10a, K=a7+b7 logl0x (b7>0) The K-value for TONG-IL variety was a little larger than that for PAL-TAL variety. 10) The peak values of the evapotranspiration coefficient and k-value at each growth stage for both TONG-IL and PAL-TAL varieties showed up about 60∼70 days after transplanting. The peak values of the former at the base of the weights of total dry matters, 800∼2000kg/10a, were 1.14∼1.82 for TONG-IL variety and 1.12∼1.80, for PAL-TAL variety, and at the base of the weights of rough rices, 400∼1000 kg/10a, were 1.11∼1.79 for TONG-IL variety and 1.17∼1.85 for PAL-TAL variety. The peak values of the latter, at the base of the weights of total dry matters, 800∼2000kg/10a, were 0.83∼1.39 for TONG-IL variety and 0.86∼1.36 for PAL-TAL variety and at the base of the weights of rough rices, 400∼1000kg/10a, 0.85∼1.38 for TONG-IL variety and 0.87∼1.40 for PAL-TAL variety (Ref. to table IV-18 and table IV-32) 11) The reasonable and practicable methods that are applicable for calculating the evapotranspiration of paddy rice in our country are to be followed the following priority a) Using the evapotranspiration coefficients based on an expected yield (Ref. to table IV-13 and table IV-18 or Fig. IV-13). b) Making use of the combination method of seasonal evapotranspiration coefficient and evapotranspiration intensity (Ref. to table IV-13 and table IV-27) c) Adopting the combination method of evapotranspiration ratio and evapotranspiration intensity, under the conditions of paddy field having a higher level of expected yield (Ref. to table IV-23 and table IV-27). d) Applying the k-values calculated by Blaney-Criddle formula. only within the limits of the drought year having the pan evaporation of about 450mm during paddy field period as the design year (Ref. to table IV-32 or Fig. IV-22).

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Effect of Ginseng on Visceral Nucleic Acid Content of Rats (고려인삼이 흰쥐의 장기조직 핵산 함유량에 미치는 영향)

  • Kim, Chul;Choi, Hyun;Kim, Chung-Chin;Kim, Jong-Kyu;Kim, Myung-Suk;Huh, Man-Kyung
    • The Korean Journal of Physiology
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    • v.5 no.1
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    • pp.23-42
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    • 1971
  • I. Chemical analysis A study was planned to see if administration of ginseng extract has any influence upon the adrenal, the hepatic, the splenic, and the pancreatic nucleic acid contents of rats, and to estimate the effect of ACTH administration as a substitute for stress reaction upon these nucleic acid contents of rats previously primed with ginseng. Ninety male rats$(body\;weight:\;150{\sim}200gm)$ were divided into the ginseng, the saline, and the normal control groups, which received for 5 days 0.5ml/100 gm body weight of ginseng extract solution (4 mg of ginseng alcohol extract in 1 ml of saline), same amount of saline, or no medication, respectively. On the 5th experimental day, each of the 3 groups was further divided into 2 subgroups yielding the ginseng, the ginseng-ACTIT, the saline, the saline-ACTH, the normal control, and the normal-ACTH subgroups. The ginseng, the saline, and the normal control subgroups were sacrificed 3 hours after the last medication, while the ginseng-ACTH, the saline·ACTH, and the normal-ACTH subgroups received ACTH(0.1 unit/subject) 1 hour after the last medication and were sacrificed after 1 more hour. The adrenal gland, the liver, the spleen and the pancreas of each rat were measured for RNA and DNA contents using the chemical method of Schmidt-Thannhauser-Schneider. Following results were obtained: 1. Adrenal RNA and DNA contents and RNA/DNA ratio were all significantly higher in the ginseng group compared with the values obtained from the normal control and the saline groups. Generally administration of ACTH reduced nucleic acid contents of the viscera examined. However, in the ginseng group the rate of decrease [(value of ginseng-ACTH subgroup-value of ginseng subgroup) x100/value of ginseng subgroup)] in adrenal RNA and DNA contents and in RNA/DNA ratio were more conspicuous than they were in the normal control and the saline groups. 2. Hepatic RNA and DNA contents and RNA/DNA ratio were all significantly less in the ginseng group than in the normal control and the saline groups. After ACTH, the rate of decrease in hepatic RNA, DNA, and RNA/DNA ratio of the ginseng· group was less conspicuous than those of the other 2 groups. 3. With regard to the splenic nucleic acid contents, the RNA and the RNA/DNA values of the ginseng group were higher than those of the normal control group but lower than those of the saline group, while the DNA value of the ginseng group was lower than that of the normal control group but higher than that of the saline group. Following administration of ACTH, the rate of decrease in RNA and DNA contents and in RNA/DNA ratio of the ginseng group was more conspicuous than that of the normal control group but less remarkable than that of the saline group. 4. Pancreatic RNA and DNA contents were notably lower in the ginseng group than in the normal control and the saline groups. However, the RNA/DNA ratio of the ginseng group was higher than that of the normal control and the saline groups.'After ACTH, the rate of decrease in pancreatic RNA and RNA/DNA ratio of the ginseng group was less than that of the normal. control group but more than that of the saline group, while the DNA content was actually increased in the ginseng group though it decreased in the normal control and the saline groups. Although the results are not clear enough for an accurate interpretation, they seem to indicate that ginseng exerts notable influence upon the RNA and DNA contents and the RNA/DNA ratio of the viscera stodied. On the whole the drug tends to increase the RNA and DNA contents and RNA/DNA ratio of the adrenal gland but seems to diminish the values of the other 3 viscera. In the early period following ACTH, ginseng facilitates the fall in RNA and DNA contents and RNA/DNA ratio of the adrenal gland, while it tends to reduce the fall in the values of the other viscera studied. II. Autoradiographic and histochemical analysis It was planned autoradiographically and histochemically to affirm and extend the results obtained in part I with regard to the chemically assessed change in the adrenal, the pancreatic, the hepatic and the splenic DNA and RNA contents under the influence of ginseng and ACTH. Fourty male mice (body weight: $18{\sim}20gm$) and 20 male rats were used. Each animal species was divided into the saline, the ginseng, the saline-ACTH, and the ginseng-ACTH groups according to the administered drugs. In the mice, the adrenal, the pancreatic, the splenic and the hepatic DNA-synthetic activity was assessed autoradiographically after administration of $^3H$-thymidine. In the rats, the RNA content of the above 4 organs was assessed histochemically after staining them with methylgreen pyronine. Following results were obtained: 1. Labeled cells were significantly more numerous in the adrenal cortex, the spleen and the liver of the ginseng group than in those of the saline group, although they were less numerous in the pancreas of the ginseng group than in the pancreas of the saline group. The adrenocortical, the pancreatic, the splenic and the hepatic tissues were stained with methylgreen pyronine more deeply in the ginseng group than in the saline group. 2. The adrenocortical, the pancreatic, the splenic and the hepatic tissues contained labeled cells less numerously in the saline-ACTH and the ginseng-ACTH group than in the saline and the ginseng groups. All these tissues were also stained with methylgreen pyronine less deeply in the saline-ACTH and the ginseng-ACTH groups than in the saline and the ginseng groups. 3. However, the adrenal cortex, the spleen, the pancreas, and the liver contained labeled cells more numerously in the ginseng-ACTH group than in the saline-ACTH group. the 4 tissues were stained with methylgreen pyronine more deeply in the ginseng-ACTH group than in the saline-ACTH group. It is inferred from the above results that though with exception, the ginseng mostly facilitates cellular synthesis of nucleic acids and mitigates reduction in nucleic acid content of tissues after administration of ACTH.

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A Study on the Forest Land System in the YI Dynasty (이조시대(李朝時代)의 임지제도(林地制度)에 관(關)한 연구(硏究))

  • Lee, Mahn Woo
    • Journal of Korean Society of Forest Science
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    • v.22 no.1
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    • pp.19-48
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    • 1974
  • Land was originally communized by a community in the primitive society of Korea, and in the age of the ancient society SAM KUK-SILLA, KOKURYOE and PAEK JE-it was distributed under the principle of land-nationalization. But by the occupation of the lands which were permitted to transmit from generation to generation as Royal Grant Lands and newly cleared lands, the private occupation had already begun to be formed. Thus the private ownership of land originated by chiefs of the tribes had a trend to be gradually pervaded to the communal members. After the, SILLA Kingdom unified SAM KUK in 668 A.D., JEONG JEON System and KWAN RYO JEON System, which were the distribution systems of farmlands originated from the TANG Dynasty in China, were enforced to established the basis of an absolute monarchy. Even in this age the forest area was jointly controlled and commonly used by village communities because of the abundance of area and stocked volume, and the private ownership of the forest land was prohibited by law under the influence of the TANG Dynasty system. Toward the end of the SILLA Dynasty, however, as its centralism become weak, the tendency of the private occupancy of farmland by influential persons was expanded, and at the same time the occupancy of the forest land by the aristocrats and Buddhist temples began to come out. In the ensuing KORYO Dynasty (519 to 1391 A.D.) JEON SI KWA System under the principle of land-nationalization was strengthened and the privilege of tax collection was transferred to the bureaucrats and the aristocrats as a means of material compensation for them. Taking this opportunity the influential persons began to expand their lands for the tax collection on a large scale. Therefore, about in the middle of 11th century the farmlands and the forest lands were annexed not only around the vicinity of the capital but also in the border area by influential persons. Toward the end of the KORYO Dynasty the royal families, the bureaucrats and the local lords all possessed manors and occupied the forest lands on a large scale as a part of their farmlands. In the KORYO Dynasty, where national economic foundation was based upon the lands, the disorder of the land system threatened the fall of the Dynasty and so the land reform carried out by General YI SEONG-GYE had led to the creation of ensuing YI Dynasty. All systems of the YI Dynasty were substantially adopted from those of the KORYO Dynasty and thereby KWA JEON System was enforced under the principle of land-nationalization, while the occupancy or the forest land was strictly prohibited, except the national or royal uses, by the forbidden item in KYEONG JE YUK JEON SOK JEON, one of codes provided by the successive kings in the YI Dynasty. Thus the basis of the forest land system through the YI Dynasty had been established, while the private forest area possessed by influential persons since the previous KORYO Dynasty was preserved continuously under the influence of their authorities. Therefore, this principle of the prohibition was nothing but a legal fiction for the security of sovereign powers. Consequently the private occupancy of the forest area was gradually enlarged and finally toward the end of YI Dynasty the privately possessed forest lands were to be officially authorized. The forest administration systems in the YI Dynasty are summarized as follows: a) KEUM SAN and BONG SAN. Under the principle of land-nationalization by a powerful centralism KWA JEON System was established at the beginning of the YI Dynasty and its government expropriated all the forests and prohibited strictly the private occupation. In order to maintain the dignity of the royal capital, the forests surounding capital areas were instituted as KEUM SAN (the reserved forests) and the well-stocked natural forest lands were chosen throughout the nation by the government as BONG SAN(national forests for timber production), where the government nominated SAN JIK(forest rangers) and gave them duties to protect and afforest the forests. This forest reservation system exacted statute labors from the people of mountainious districts and yet their commons of the forest were restricted rigidly. This consequently aroused their strong aversion against such forest reservation, therefore those forest lands were radically spoiled by them. To settle this difficult problem successive kings emphasized the preservation of the forests repeatedly, and in KYEONG KUK DAI JOEN, the written constitution of the YI Dynasty, a regulation for the forest preservation was provided but the desired results could not be obtained. Subsequently the split of bureaucrats with incessant feuds among politicians and scholars weakened the centralism and moreover, the foreign invasions since 1592 made the national land devasted and the rural communities impoverished. It happned that many wandering peasants from rural areas moved into the deep forest lands, where they cultivated burnt fields recklessly in the reserved forest resulting in the severe damage of the national forests. And it was inevitable for the government to increase the number of BONG SAN in order to solve the problem of the timber shortage. The increase of its number accelerated illegal and reckless cutting inevitably by the people living mountainuos districts and so the government issued excessive laws and ordinances to reserve the forests. In the middle of the 18th century the severe feuds among the politicians being brought under control, the excessive laws and ordinances were put in good order and the political situation became temporarily stabilized. But in spite of those endeavors evil habitudes of forest devastation, which had been inveterate since the KORYO Dynasty, continued to become greater in degree. After the conclusion of "the Treaty of KANG WHA with Japan" in 1876 western administration system began to be adopted, and thereafter through the promulgation of the Forest Law in 1908 the Imperial Forests were separated from the National Forests and the modern forest ownership system was fixed. b) KANG MU JANG. After the reorganization of the military system, attaching importance to the Royal Guard Corps, the founder of the YI Dynasty, TAI JO (1392 to 1398 A.D.) instituted the royal preserves-KANG MU JANG-to attain the purposes for military training and royal hunting, prohibiting strictly private hunting, felling and clearing by the rural inhabitants. Moreover, the tyrant, YEON SAN (1495 to 1506 A.D.), expanded widely the preserves at random and strengthened its prohibition, so KANG MU JANG had become the focus of the public antipathy. Since the invasion of Japanese in 1592, however, the innovation of military training methods had to be made because of the changes of arms and tactics, and the royal preserves were laid aside consequently and finally they had become the private forests of influential persons since 17th century. c) Forests for official use. All the forests for official use occupied by government officies since the KORYO Dynasty were expropriated by the YI Dynasty in 1392, and afterwards the forests were allotted on a fixed standard area to the government officies in need of firewoods, and as the forest resources became exhausted due to the depredated forest yield, each office gradually enlarged the allotted area. In the 17th century the national land had been almost devastated by the Japanese invasion and therefore each office was in the difficulty with severe deficit in revenue, thereafter waste lands and forest lands were allotted to government offices inorder to promote the land clearing and the increase in the collections of taxes. And an abuse of wide occupation of the forests by them was derived and there appeared a cause of disorder in the forest land system. So a provision prohibiting to allot the forests newly official use was enacted in 1672, nevertheless the government offices were trying to enlarge their occupied area by encroaching the boundary and this abuse continued up to the end of the YI Dynasty. d) Private forests. The government, at the bigninning of the YI Dynasty, expropriated the forests all over the country under the principle of prohibition of private occupancy of forest lands except for the national uses, while it could not expropriate completely all of the forest lands privately occupied and inherited successively by bureaucrats, and even local governors could not control them because of their strong influences. Accordingly the King, TAI JONG (1401 to 1418 A.D.), legislated the prohibition of private forest occupancy in his code, KYEONG JE YUK JEON (1413), and furthermore he repeatedly emphasized to observe the law. But The private occupancy of forest lands was not yet ceased up at the age of the King, SE JO (1455 to 1468 A.D.), so he prescribed the provision in KYEONG KUK DAI JEON (1474), an immutable law as a written constitution in the YI Dynasty: "Anyone who privately occupy the forest land shall be inflicted 80 floggings" and he prohibited the private possession of forest area even by princes and princesses. But, it seemed to be almost impossible for only one provsion in a code to obstruct the historical growing tendecy of private forest occupancy, for example, the King, SEONG JONG (1470 to 1494 A.D.), himself granted the forests to his royal families in defiance of the prohibition and thereafter such precedents were successively expanded, and besides, taking advantage of these facts, the influential persons openly acquired their private forest lands. After tyrannical rule of the King, YEON SAN (1945 to 1506 A.D.), the political disorder due to the splits to bureaucrats with successional feuds and the usurpations of thrones accelerated the private forest occupancy in all parts of the country, thus the forbidden clause on the private forest occupancy in the law had become merely a legal fiction since the establishment of the Dynasty. As above mentioned, after the invasion of Japanese in 1592, the courts of princes (KUNG BANGG) fell into the financial difficulties, and successive kings transferred the right of tax collection from fisherys and saltfarms to each KUNG BANG and at the same time they allotted the forest areas in attempt to promote the clearing. Availing themselves of this opportunity, royal families and bureaucrats intended to occupy the forests on large scale. Besides a privilege of free selection of grave yard, which had been conventionalized from the era of the KORYO Dynasty, created an abuse of occuping too wide area for grave yards in any forest at their random, so the King, TAI JONG, restricted the area of grave yard and homestead of each family. Under the policy of suppresion of Buddhism in the YI Dynasty a privilege of taxexemption for Buddhist temples was deprived and temple forests had to follow the same course as private forests did. In the middle of 18th century the King, YEONG JO (1725 to 1776 A.D.), took an impartial policy for political parties and promoted the spirit of observing laws by putting royal orders and regulations in good order excessively issued before, thus the confused political situation was saved, meanwhile the government officially permittd the private forest ownership which substantially had already been permitted tacitly and at the same time the private afforestation areas around the grave yards was authorized as private forests at least within YONG HO (a boundary of grave yard). Consequently by the enforcement of above mentioned policies the forbidden clause of private forest ownership which had been a basic principle of forest system in the YI Dynasty entireely remained as only a historical document. Under the rule of the King, SUN JO (1801 to 1834 A.D.), the political situation again got into confusion and as the result of the exploitation from farmers by bureaucrats, the extremely impoverished rural communities created successively wandering peasants who cleared burnt fields and deforested recklessly. In this way the devastation of forests come to the peak regardless of being private forests or national forests, moreover, the influential persons extorted private forests or reserved forests and their expansion of grave yards became also excessive. In 1894 a regulation was issued that the extorted private forests shall be returned to the initial propriators and besides taking wide area of the grave yards was prohibited. And after a reform of the administrative structure following western style, a modern forest possession system was prepared in 1908 by the forest law including a regulation of the return system of forest land ownership. At this point a forbidden clause of private occupancy of forest land got abolished which had been kept even in fictitious state since the foundation of the YI Dynasty. e) Common forests. As above mentioned, the forest system in the YI Dynasty was on the ground of public ownership principle but there was a high restriction to the forest profits of farmers according to the progressive private possession of forest area. And the farmers realized the necessity of possessing common forest. They organized village associations, SONGE or KEUM SONGE, to take the ownerless forests remained around the village as the common forest in opposition to influential persons and on the other hand, they prepared the self-punishment system for the common management of their forests. They made a contribution to the forest protection by preserving the common forests in the late YI Dynasty. It is generally known that the absolute monarchy expr opriates the widespread common forests all over the country in the process of chainging from thefeudal society to the capitalistic one. At this turning point in Korea, Japanese colonialists made public that the ratio of national and private forest lands was 8 to 2 in the late YI Dynasty, but this was merely a distorted statistics with the intention of rationalizing of their dispossession of forests from Korean owners, and they took advantage of dead forbidden clause on the private occupancy of forests for their colonization. They were pretending as if all forests had been in ownerless state, but, in truth, almost all the forest lands in the late YI Dynasty except national forests were in the state of private ownership or private occupancy regardless of their lawfulness.

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