• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.49
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• pp.181-199
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• 2017

One of the most lasting and influential projects for radical reform of Korean universities is a discourse on networking national and public universities. The discourse, proposed with a level equalization of universities as its ideological basis has raised various discussions and suggestions in the past 20 years. It was proposed as a fundamental solution to the 'disastrous' hierarchical structure of universities and 'hellish' entrance exam competition. This paper aims at reexamining the efficacy of its ideological proposition and its practicability at the present time in reference to such foreign cases, which have worked as model cases for this discourse: the reformation of the University of Paris and the California master plan for higher education in the 1960s. The two different contexts, however, should be considered in applying the cases to Korean university reform. 1) The foreign cases of united universities were formed 'naturally' in the expanding phases of higher education while the Korean project pursued 'artificially' in the midst of reconstructing process. 2) The foreign cases had an overall influence on education in general as most of the universities in those countries were public or national, while the effect of Korean project will be very limited as most of the university students attend private universities. Besides those differences, the new situations surrounding universities such as globalized competitiveness and technological innovation is making the idea of standardization of universities obsolete. Korean university reform should not be centered on the integration of universities but on their characterization and enhance the specific strengths of each group of universities.

• Journal of the Korea Fashion and Costume Design Association
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• v.4 no.3
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• pp.43-54
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• 2002

Some factors had influence upon the grotesque image formation expressed in fashion: for instance, thanatos, religions, fin de siecle (end of the century), the aesthetics of ugliness, subculture group's resistance and technology development, etc. Those factors have formed a grotesque while exchanging influence each other, and have following features: First, the thanatos, which is destructive and aggressive instinct of the inner world of human being, creates frightening object and motif to form the images of grotesque. Second, from religious point of view, the church made the Devil a tool for maintenance of power: They manipulated physical body and give a damage to it to sublimate it in holy existence, so that they could feel catharsis. Third, there was fin de siecle (end of the century) to let people have negative life attitude, such as uneasiness on following century, eschatology, skepticism and nihilism, etc. Fourth, the ugliness having unpleasantness and disharmony occupies governing position when our society becomes corrupted and uneasy, and the aesthetics of ugliness discloses the inconsistency of ideal and beautiful life in the grotesque images. Fifth, subculture groups, i.e., the lower classes, homosexual and the youth's group, etc, form the grotesque images by political and ideological resistance, complaints and specific identity, etc concerning governing culture keeping traditional ethics consciousness. Sixth, recent technology development has destroyed a boundary between human being and machinery, and bio-technology development has created transplant operation, plastic operation and other human body transformation operations, and genome research, etc has raised human being's identity.

• Journal of English Language & Literature
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• v.56 no.5
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• pp.773-796
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• 2010

This essay examines, first, the possibility and limitation of Asian America as a category of identity and its political and cultural implications through various theoretical perspectives. Here, by closely reading David Mura's poem "The Colors of Desire," I will argue that "Asian America" as a category of identity is now on the verge of falling apart and its politics of identity is no longer an effective way of fighting back against racism in the US. It is because Asian America is indeed what might be called a historical block, a product of ad-hoc coalition between different ethnic groups historically situated and constructed. In this sense, it is a kind of phantasmal object that is marked by practical absence. This fabricatedness inherent in Asian America as an identity category signifies that it has no essence that is meant to define the group in a transcendental way. The internal totality and coherence of that identity can thus be achieved only by suppressing differences between various ethnic groups and positing a single 'authentic' Asian American identity and culture. More dangerously, according to Viet Nguyen, such idealization of a single subject position can reinforces ideological rigidity that might threaten the ability of Asian America to represent itself in a unified fashion. Then, he predicts, Asian America will lose its cohesive force and fall apart. Eventually, every group within Asian America will be ethnicized. The only way of escaping from this bleak situation, as Vincent Cheng argues, is to foregroud the fabricatedness and ad-hocness of Asian America and to perform "inauthenticity," because Asian America is nothing but a functional category that is marked by absence of essence or authenticity. If Asian Americans admit that they have no essence and that they are essentially inauthentic, the practice of performing inauthenticity can become what we might call an alternative Asian American culture and identity.

• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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• v.145
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• pp.271-296
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• 2018

In this article, I intend to reveal critically both the intrinsic crux and main problems of the politics of hostile exclusion based on the effect of labeling which was designed precisely as an impure political technique and has been operated for too long in Korean society by the conservative ruling class that centered on various negative ideological labels like 'pro-North Korean leftist forces.' Firstly, what is called the 'conservative ruling class' in Korean society is in itself an antinationalistic and antidemocratic pro-Japanese dictatorship group. Secondly, the conservative ruling class as a pro-Japanese dictatorship group has utilized politically the labeling effect which regards antigovernment Korean members as pro-North Korean or rebellious persons. This group's hostile politics, based on the ideological labelling effect, deprives antigovernment persons and groups of the qualification of Korean citizenship, in order to hold and retain their supreme power in Korean society. Thirdly, the conservative ruling class has attempted to stigmatize the citizens who participate in a movement for democracy as a pro-North Korean leftist force, but such a politically impure manner is typically completely unjustified groundless labeling. Fourthly, the attempt to define the conservative ruling class as a pro-Japanese dictatorship force is normatively justified and resonably appraised insofar as such a definition has been proved to be worthy of confidence. Finally, the trial to consider Roh's regime and pro-Roh (pro-Moon) groups as a kind of Yeongnam hegemonism by several critical intellectuals and current politicians from Honam region is not only merely a groundless and unconvincing labelling, but also the failed outcome of the attempt to systemize logically their emotional antipathy and repulsion toward Roh and pro-Roh (pro-Moon) groups.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.22
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• pp.73-98
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• 2011

This study has as a object to investigate some various meanings of the discourses of postdevelopment of Arturo Escobar with the respect of the social movements of the indigenous and the afro-colombians in the area of the Pacific Coast of Colombia. The ideological lines of Escobar go around the group of critical discourse Modernity/(De)coloniality whose thesis lies on revealing the coloniality as principal elements of the modernity from the XVI century until now culminating in the neoliberal globalization. In another words, they try to seek for the alternative globalization based on the autonomy of the people who has been alienated for long time as 'others' by the eurocentrism of the power and the knowledge and on the equality of the cultural differences o the cosmovisions in Latin America. Escobar concentrates on the fact that the neoliberal regime would turn the nature into the environment considered as the resources for example the traditional knowledges of biodiversity of the indigenous as the capital of the pharmaceutical companies through the patents. However, the indigenous and the afro-colombians have fought fiercely to have them be maintained as a colective right of the possession not only to guard the economic interests but also their proper cultural traditions and the way of life based on the social solidarity of reciprocal care instead of the occidental individualism. This corresponds not only to the social relations but between the nature and the human society. And so, Arturo Escobar interprets these movements not only to defend the places but to express the cosmovisions of Postdevelopment further more the modern paradigm of nation-state.

• The Journal of Natural Sciences
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• v.8 no.2
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• pp.289-321
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• 1996

After the two big wars (Imjin Woeran and Byungia Horan), the Lee Dynasty confronted rapid transitional periods in almost all aspects of the society. Corruption of the governmental system by the wars and disordered social structures also caused confusion in the social position system. In addition, development of the commercial economic system and monetary economy brought up a new rich middle-class, "Joong in Gyegeup". In ideological aspects, Confucianism indulged in and stick to isms and ics, and the Confucian morality slackened, thus a more pragmatic ideology, "Silhak Sasang", developed. And the emergence of the modern literature and art of the 'common people' was followed by the appearance of the common-people class including those having the common-people concept among the noble-class "Yangban Gyegeup". This evoked a new common costume culture and the fashion appeared. The public could no longer find the power and appeal from the preexisting ruling classes due to the changed role and sense of value. Thus, they sought a new symbolic leader group that would to be the new standard of the newly changed society. That was a group of people called as "Kisaeng" liberal and independent. They were performing social activities, enjoying poetry, music and dancing, and classy dressers, having physically attractive bodies. The erotic as well as luxurious mode proposed by them reflected the trend of that time. It concurred well with the concept and taste of the public, so it was accepted with a good response. That is, by following these leaders, the public achieved their identification and tried to share the prestige of the leaders. For this reason, the Kisaeng group attracted the public attention and led the taste of the public, thereby becoming the influential fashion leaders of that age.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.67
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• pp.297-325
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• 2017

In this paper, the ideological features of Mohism were examined through the analysis into the viewpoint of Mohism on justice and benefit and "universal love" based on it. Even before the viewpoint on justice and benefit became a main agenda in Confucianism, Mohism and the Hundred Schools of Thought, there had been discussions on it, and the relation between "justice" and "benefit" was generally understood as that of means and ends(本末) or that of the thing and its functions(體用). What succeeded to this tendency and set it as an individual's moral standard was the viewpoint of Confucianism including Confucius. Of course, the Confucian view was focused on the politicians or leaders of those times. Compared to which, Mohism represented the stance of their group members and pursued the interest of groups and the society rather than that of individuals. Accordingly, while Confucianism considered "justice" more important than "benefit", Mohism could understand both of them unificatively. The crucial reason why Mohism could be most active during the Warring States Period is that it had its metaphysical basis on "the disposition of Providence." Accompanying this, the viewpoint of Mohism on justice and benefit was internally reflected in its key arguments including "universal love." That is so-called "Jianxiangai, Jiaoxiangli", that is to say, "that loving each other is namely benefiting each other." On the other hand, the fact that the viewpoint of Mohism on justice and benefit, and furthermore, the ideological foundation of its ten main arguments including universal love was "the disposition of Providence" became a double-edged sword. It was because it could be easily accepted by the laborers, farmers, and craftsmen consisting of Mohism of those times, but it instead became the reason for falling into ruins since the establishment of the feudal empire of Qin and Han(秦漢). In the feudal empire, the ideology and activities of Mohism as an individual group couldn't be embraced. For example, the way to set "Heaven"(the heavenly king) above "the sovereign ruler" might be a decisive limit to the legitimacy and rationality of the regime. Moreover, the arguments by Mohism, such as "Jieyong", "Jiezang", "Feiyue" and others couldn't be taken easily by the privileged class. Therefore, Mohism couldn't do any activities as an academic school until Seojedongjeom(西勢東漸) during the Qing dynasty later, and it was different from Confucianism. In brief, ideas of Mohism including universal love ended up as an utopian idea historically, but the conception of sharing mutual interest along with mutual love and consideration with Confucianism from the position of the relatively disadvantaged in the society has a value worthy of being appreciated even today.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.20 no.2
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• pp.547-560
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• 2020

The study tries to explore the ideas of the 10-20 generations to find improvements in the education policy for future South and North Korea relationship and provide implications on the current unification education and the South and North Korea relationship. Furthermore, through the ideas of the 10th and 20th generations, the goal was to draw in-depth discussions on how to view relations with North Korea for the future development of the South Korea. Afterwards, a total of 14 people(6 teenagers and 8 20s) were selected through a snowballing, and a total of 14 people from each group participated in three focus group interviews. The results were as follows. First, the participants in this study on South and North Korea relation reported three perspectives: the 'nationalist view', the 'pragmatic view' and the 'ideological and systemic view'. Second, There were both negative and positive about North-South relationship. But positive emotions and attitudes were mainly influenced by the media, and negative those were influenced by repetitive and compulsory education. Unlike passive interviews in the first session, during the course of the interview the study participants expressed their opinions and talked about the future of the South and North Korea relations. It is the value of the study, and provides future generations with a sense of what education is necessary in designing the future of Korea, interacting with South and North Korea relation.

• Journal of the Economic Geographical Society of Korea
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• v.12 no.4
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• pp.597-612
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• 2009

This paper is an anthropological study on the regional revitalization movement by the traditional ceramic industry in Mashiko-cho, Japan. It especially deals with the issues like history of revitalization based on ceramics, idealogical features and roles of core activist group, and adaptive strategies of local society to the ever-changing circumstances. The ceramic industry of Mashiko-cho had developed vigorously in 19C, and had passed many critical points in 20C. In 1960s, the ceramic industry of Mashiko-cho developed stably through introducing of Mingei(民藝) ideology and artists. This is evaluated as a 'bottom-up' regional revitalization movement and a active utilization of traditional cultural resources. In Mashiko-cho, the ideological leadership of cultural artist groups have been central roles in the regional revitalization movement. The representative cases are transformation of production of ordinary ceramics to production of Mingei ceramics from the middle of 1950s, official organization of core activist group and establishment of direct sale system by the producers in the middle of 1960s, and full-scale cooperation of private sector and public sector from the beginning of 1980s. Nonetheless the regional revitalization movement by the traditional ceramic industry in Mashikocho have come out well up to now, it should make new tradition which is well-matched to the ever-changing circumstances as seeing various and complex differentiation on the inside of local society.

• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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• no.40
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• pp.95-130
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• 2014

Three frequently used documents by researchers on the Japanese colonial period-Classified Police Records of the Japanese Government-General of korea on the Anti-Japanese Movement 舊 朝鮮總督府 警務局 抗日獨立運 動關係 秘密記錄, Trial Records of Gyeongseong District Court 京城地方法院 裁判記錄 and Filed Documents of Gyeongseong District Court 京城地方法院 編綴文書(while the latter two were collected by the National Institute of Korean History, the former was collected by Asiatic Research Institute of Korea University)-are among the same records group that the Prosecutor's Office of Gyeongseong District Court produced through registration and compilation. As contents related to ideology suppression and thought control were numerous, it could be assumed that most of the materials were produced by the 'Department of Ideology' of the Prosecutor's Office. By examining the administrative records of the 1920's within this group, the process of how the 'Department of Ideology' was formed is clearly shown. As ideological movements for Korea's independence and revolution grew, execution of regulations was further expanded by the Prosecutor's Office. Since the mid-1920's, information on ideology had been separated from general information, was routinely collected heavily, and was considered more valuable than the general information. By the end of the 1920's, the term Ideology Prosecutor 思想係 檢事(meaning a prosecutor who specializes in ideology verification) and the named 'Department of Ideology'(思想部) emerged on the records.