• Journal of the Korean Home Economics Association
• /
• v.32 no.3
• /
• pp.217-226
• /
• 1994

Cloth culture is one of the basic unit of constructing man's culture in a life of human being. One of the fundamental elements to construct cloth culture is the silk-fabric from the ancient time-Sam Han period B.C 2∼4 Korea. This study is to survey the growing aspects of the silk-fabric influence Goguryo & Bakje dynasty. It is an attempt to manifest that how silk-fabric influence through a trade or as means of currency between the two nations at that time. through a trade or as means of currency between the two nations at that time. To certify I use material such as San guo zhi, Hou Han han shu from China Samkuksaki Dong-kuk-tong-gam from Korea and NiHon Shoki from Japen and I concerned the cultural relations of politics economics and socity of the two dynastics so as to prove a relations of politics economics and socity of the two dynastics so as to prove a relative relation between the two. It is reached to the conclusion that silk fabric had been a constituent role at cloth culture at that time of Goguryo & Bakje. It is pointed out that silk-fabric had been an important role to construct the culture of social economic and politic through a trade and as a precious currency.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
• /
• no.38
• /
• pp.251-273
• /
• 2013

This paper deals with mind and human nature dispute between Si-Ma guang and Han-Yu in the Northern Sung Dynasty, focused upon the "zhong-hua". The letter exchange between Si-Ma guang and Han-yu, which were the mind and human nature debate between a representative intellectually of the Confucianism and a scholar who absorbed in the Buddhism, can provide the discussion on various ideological origins that affected the development of the mind and human nature theory. Moreover, the contents of a letter from both of them can be used as an important cue to observe the discussion under what ideological foundations the mind and human nature theory could be embodied in the future and what advance it has made and what is its philosophical meaning.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Food Culture
• /
• v.33 no.4
• /
• pp.307-321
• /
• 2018

This study will introduce the foods recorded in Gyemiseo and disclose the substantive characteristics of traditional Korean food in the early stage of the Joseon Dynasty. Gyemiseo is a cook book manuscript written in the Chinese language that was rebound into book format at the end of the Joseon Dynasty in 1911, some 358 years after it was originally written in the $163^{rd}$ year of the Joseon Dynasty (1554) While the majority of cook books begin with recipes for various types of wines and liquor followed by those for fermented sauces, fermented vegetables (such as kimchi), vinegars and storage methods, etc., Gyemiseo begins with recipes for fermented sauces, followed by recipes for various kimchis, how to make vinegars, main meals, side dishes, rice cakes and confectionaries, with recipes for wines and liquor introduced last. Therefore, it can be assumed that the methods of brewing wines and liquors were additionally recorded for bookbinding. There are a total of 128 recipes recorded in Gyemiseo, including 13 for fermented sauces, 14 for kimchi, 11 for the main meal, 26 for side dishes, three storage methods, four for rice cakes and confectionaries, and 44 for wines and liquors. It is believed that contents of Gyemiseo will provide a foundation on which to pursue researches on the process of transition of cooking methods of traditional cuisines of Korea during the Joseon Dynasty.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
• /
• v.57 no.1 s.110
• /
• pp.105-117
• /
• 2007

The purpose of this study is to help the understanding the characteristics in the costumes of men and women throughout the overall acceptance process of 'Naewaebub' in the late 'Chosun Dynasty' in which the notion of 'Naewae' is more prosperous than any other period in Korean history. Originally the distinction between man and woman was not intended to display the high and the low but to show the mutual respect according to each duty. As time goes on, that ideal became gradually changed to heighten the man and lower the women especially in 'Han' period of China. There was the ideal of distinction in the ancient times in Korea. Until 'Koryo Dinasty' the community has the system of blood-tied that put together maternal and paternal. 'Karye' was introduced in the late 'Koryo Dynasty' and accepted to the stereotype of morale in the 'Chosun Dynasty' and there seemed to be 'Samgang' and 'Oryun' at once. Many restrictions was imposed to behavior in women like rules of prohibition in attending the temple and concealment of woman's face and was recognized to rule of distinction between man and woman. Confucian life custom has been settled to Korean society throughout the late 16th century and 17th century and there were some appearances in the housing construction which divide the residences of man and woman. The characteristics in the costume from the avoidance of opposite sexes are clear in the structure of clothes changed from similar style to different style. The examples of those characteristics are as fellows. The costume in man was developed to advanced 'Pyoun-bokkwan' and 'Pyounbokpo' as social action of man prospered. Meanwhile the trousers which had been the same in the man and woman were separated to different trousers between man and woman. The costume life style of woman was changed to using the a hair whirl, hiding the face in the street and overlapping the innerwear under the skirt which was extension of woman's closed life style in late 'Chosun Dynasty'.

• Journal of Korean Medical classics
• /
• v.24 no.4
• /
• pp.157-174
• /
• 2011

We derived following result by organizing research about processing of medicinal of before Han(漢) dynesty. The human being intake of natural substance for the purpose of treatment was what happened later than the use of natural substance as food. According to the record of by the early years of Shang(商) dynasty, we can assume that we cooked food with water and fire. The reason why there is no appearance of common production that can be included under the name of 'Tang Ye(湯液)' in the medical record discovered from Ma Wang Dui(馬王堆) is because 'Tang Ye' was yet developed. However, as the presentation of format of medicine process, there was gradual formation of medicinal fluid concept. There are quite of records on major details of cloth manufacture like washing and selection, grinding, processing of medicine from the recordings of "Wu Shi Er Bing Fang(五十二病方)", "Yang Sheng Fang(養生方)", "Za Liao Fang(雜療方)" discovered at Ma Wang Dui. It used words like 'Ze(擇)', 'Qu(去)' for the selection and 'Jiu(酒)', 'Zhuo(濯)' for the wash as a process method before cloth manufacture. When filter the processed medicine, it used words like 'Zhuo(捉)', 'Suo(索)', 'Jun(浚)' and used 'Yin Gan(陰乾)', 'Bao(暴)', 'Yang(暘)' for dry. The 'cutting(切削)' that crushes the medicine used different names based on the properties of medicines. The most frequent crush is 'Ye(冶)' and it means the powered medicine after dry. There was thermal process of mild fire(微火) and heating of 'Wen(溫)'. There are many states of medicine seen from the medical record discovered at Ma Wang Dui so they can be said as original medicine. 藥末劑 is relatively commercialized type then. Here, it includes later 湯劑 but there was no name such as 'decoction(湯)' or 'decoction of medical ingredients(湯液)'. Also, 'Fu Ju(㕮咀)' is the transformation of what was 'Fu Qie(父且)' at "Ja Liao Fang" of medical books of Ma Wang Dui with time flow. The original meaning of 'Fu Qie(父且)' is 'Fu Zu(斧俎)' and it means the crushing medicine with axe. The most important thing among the medical books of Han dynasty is "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing(神農本草經)" and "Shang Han Za Bing Lun(傷寒雜病論)" of Zhang Zhong Jing(張仲景). "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing" mentioned the dry method of medicine, collection and process production time, cooked and uncooked use of medicine and there are several types of medicine. Other than those, it mentioned 'Seven methods of combining herbs(七情合和)' to address cautions for combining medicines. Therefore, the 'processing of medicinal' in east Han dynasty period entered the theoretical step. However, there is only little recording on cloth manufacture of detailed medicine. From the "Shang Han Za Bing Lun" of Zhang Zhong Jing, the development in the way of 'processing of medicinal' reveled the cloth manufacture for each medicine. This tradition is continued until today and so it presents the development of purpose of 'processing of medicinal' is to greatly present the effect of medicine and to reduce the side-effect.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
• /
• v.31
• /
• pp.61-73
• /
• 1997

Kon-myuh was worn by the ancient Chinese and Korean rulers as ceremonial dress during special rituals such as worshipping heaven and ancestors marriage or funerals. kon-myun consists of two major parts-Myun and kon-bok (the main bodypiece) as well as other articles of clothing(skirt footgear etc), There were regulations set in ancient books describing in detail the make of the kon-myun number of ryu and symbol to be used all which applied to each ruler depending on rank and status. This study is aimed at examining the consistency of the korean and Chinese in following the regula-tions as seen in relics which have been recovered from the past. Based on historical findings it seems that Korean Kon-myun came to Korea from China during the Three Kingdoms period. It was also worn in the Koryo and Chosun Dynas-ties and the Taehan Empire. In studying Konmyun in Korea the researcher studied a book from the early Chosun dynasty, Kukjo-oryeuiseory and a book from the late Chosun Dynasty Kukjo-sangrye-bopyun to find the guidelines and rules applying to the Kon-myun tradition. Slight difference were found across time in the supplementary articles of clothing as seen in Uigwe Pokwan-doseols explanations and drawings of Kon-myun. The researcher used uigwes of funerals of kings of the Chosun Dynasty and observed change over this period of time. However there was a clear consist-ency: the king's Kon-myun consisted of 9ryu-myun 9chang-bok while that of the prince consisted of 8ryu-myun 7chang-bok. For the Taechan Empire the researcher used Tae-han Yae-jun which shows the emperor's kon-myun to have consisted of 12ryu-myun 12chang-bok. To study how the regulations were put into practice relics were uncovered from the periods being studied. A portrait of King Ik-Jong remnants from King Ko-jong's Kon-bok and a photograph of Emperor Sun-jong all were in close adherence to the regulations outlined in the books. In China Kon-myun was worn by emperors from the Han to the Ching Dynastices. The researcher investigated Kon-myun es-pecially in the Ming Dynasty. The Kon-myun regulations as read in Tai-ming-hui-chan changed through all four periods. To study the faithfulness of practice to low Ding-ling the tomb of Emperor Shin-jong who ruled during a period of the Ming Dynasty was unearthed and the remains of the Emperor's Kon-myun were analyzed. The Kon-myun consisted of 12ryu-myuh 18chang-bok and there were other differences I color symbols and wearing method when compared to the regulations. It can be concluded that the Chinese Kon-myun tradition was not in strict adher-ence to the regulations established by law books. This is in contrast to the Korean Kon-myun tradition which showed little devi-ation. Further study is needed to understand why there was this difference in tradition and ritual.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
• /
• no.20
• /
• pp.95-128
• /
• 2010

'The Orphan of Zhao family(Zhaoshi-Guer)'is one of the famous Chinese drama constantly transmitted for a long time from Yuan Dynasty to Qing Dynasty. The plot of the play in the transmitting process has not been changed much, but added new characters or episodes. The Kunqu, one of the Chinese drama styles was characterized by graceful music and refined literature, being very popular among the gentry of Ming and Qing Dynasty. The 'Zhaoshi-Guer' play in 'chuanqi' style of the 'The Sixty Plays' collection, is called 'Ba-yi-ji', which was sung in Kunqu崑曲 stage. Because 'The Sixty Plays' collection was widely read throughout the late Ming and Qing Dynasty, the 'The Sixty Plays' version became the model of Kunqu lineage example and so it was in the case of "Ba-yi-ji". In the end of the Ming, new performing type of drama that is called as Zhe-zi-xi(折子戱) was appeared. Zhe-zi-xi refers to make only some pieces, not the whole. With the new form of performance appeared many of the selected texts of plays have come out including 'Zui-bai-qiu'. Through the comparison between the pices of two Kunqu version, 'The Sixty Plays' and 'Zui-bai-qiu', I tried to observe the charisteristics of the Ba-Yi-ji performance of Qing dynasty. The latter succeded the former, but more performance oriented, such as using lively and easy word with the acting direction intensified and comic characters.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
• /
• no.32
• /
• pp.337-370
• /
• 2011

The academic circle of the Qing Dynasty has seen a new trend, mostly based on Han-Hak through the event of the publication of "Sagojeyo" and sought a new change in the sector of Spring Autumn-Hak as well. This study is focused on understanding and evaluation of the developmental process of especially the traditional Spring Autumn-Hak view, among some views of "Sagojeyo" by the book. "Sagojeyo" does a critical analysis of Gongyang-Hak and Gokryang-Hak and the interpretation of "Spring Autumn" made by Song-Hak scholars, and which seems a kind of preparatory step to build up a new research methodology for Spring Autumn-Hak. "Sagojeyo" emphasizes the importance of "Jwacijeon" and also points out its weaknesses and strongly demands the acceptance of strengths "Gongyangjeon" and "Gokryangjeon" have in order to compensate such demerits. Even further, it tries to evaluate Spring Autumn-Hak of the Song Dynasty objectively and reasonably as possible with no prejudice. Such analysis attitude made it possible for Spring Autumn-Hak to get a new turning point starting from the publication of "Sagojeyo". The new research methodology that comprehensively judges historical research and fidelity discourse could be one of important achievements discovered in the Han-Hak-centered academic circle in the early Qing Dynasty.

• Korean journal of applied entomology
• /
• v.49 no.4
• /
• pp.375-384
• /
• 2010

We tried to establish the history of outbreaks and control methods of 'hwangchung' in Joseon Dynasty, uncovering the biological reality of the 'hwangchung' (called hwang or bihwang) analyzed through the Database program on 'the Annals of the Joseon Dynasty' and 'the Emollment of Haegoeje', two of the finest examples of classical historical records. The total number of articles on the outbreak of the hwangchung is 261 in the Annals of the Joseon Dynasty and 65 in the Emollment of Haegoeje. There were four peaks by hwangchung throughout the Joseon Era. Among them, the periods of King Taejo to King Sejong had the highest incidence. By comparing the number of records of the hwangchung from the Annals of the Joseon Dynasty with that in the Emollment of Haegoeje during the same period, results show the former was less than the latter, 35 vs 65. However, both records were relatively inconsistent with each other. Insect pests in forests as well as in agriculture were included in the biological identities of the hwangchung in the Joseon Dynasty periods, which is in accordance with those of Saigo's. The taxonomic identity could be confirmed in only 25 cases (9.5%) among the articles on hwangchung. It largely coincided with Paik's opinion: II in armyworm, nine in moth larva, one in rice stem borer, two in migratory locust, one in planthopper and one in rice-plant weevil. Therefore, it is not reasonable to regard hwangchung as a migratory locust or grasshopper only. The number of reports on the occurrence of hwangchung in the Annals of the Joseon Dynasty was 173 (66% of the total) and 47% of them were just simple reports, which means the report itself on the appearance of hwangchung was very significant. The reports on controlling insect pests were of low frequency, in 20% (34 cases) of the total reports, capturing insect pests or holding traditional ceremony called 'Poje'. Among them, only one case related to the treatment of seeds to prevent the damage by hwangchung was published in the King Sejong period. There were 37 discussions about changes and management of government policies due to disasters by hwangchung. They were mostly about relief or tax cut to the people who suffered damage and about cancellation of recruiting people to military training, constructing castles, and so on. It seems that not only the people but also the king was influenced by the hwangchung. In the case of King Seongjong, he referred to the stress of the prevention measure of locusts in 10 articles. The damage also had an effect on abdication in the reign of King Jeongjong.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Food Culture
• /
• v.7 no.2
• /
• pp.119-125
• /
• 1992

To analyze food material and table wares in daily reception dishes of Choson Dynasty, studied historic book 'Young jeob Dogam Zabmulsek Euigwae' (1609, 1643 year) described the daily reception dishes for Chinese envoy in Choson Dynasty. The results obtained from this study are as follows. 1. Food material for reception Chinese envoy were vegetable, pickled vegetable, soup (?水), brown seaweed, kelp, green seaweed, garlic, pine mushroom, mushroom, driedfish, fish egg, shrimp, pork, pheasant, fowl, salted fish shrimp and etc, various fruits preserved in honey, green peajelly, buck wheat jelly and bean curd. 2. The table wares were rice bowl(鉢里), small bowl of porcelain(甫兒), water bowl(大貼), plate(貼是), small dish(鍾子), small earthen ware jar(東海), jar(缸), pottery(甕), table(盤), chopsticks(?), washbowl(洗面盆), earthen ware steamer(甑), kettle(釜), brazier(爐), measuring cup(升), unit of measure(合), meter(稱子), spoon(匙), chest (函), lid(蓋), large rice bowl(所羅) and bowl(椀).