• Journal of Koreanology Reviews
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• v.1 no.1
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• pp.37-49
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• 2022

The purpose of this study is to discuss how Dongi People in ancient societies resided in the region including the Korean Peninsula shaped its economy, what kind of currency was used, and their economic activities using this currency. This study started from a skeptical point of view that the Dongi People were conducting economic activities with the currency used in the country made by the Jina People before and after the Gojoseon society. Currently, in China, all currencies issued in China are treated as their own currency. It is due to subjective interpretation from a nationalist point of view. Japan subjectively interprets and judges from a Japanese point of view and North Korea judges from the central point of view on the Korean Peninsula. This difference is due to the subjective interpretation from the researcher which has been affected by their associating academic area. This has caused the lack of objectivity. In other words, it means that there is a big difference in the perception of the interpretation of history between different academic areas. This study, therefore, tried to avoid the application of biased concept or academic research in order to define the distribution economics more objectively by conducting the study based on the literature sources from Chinese ancient books and field research materials as much as possible, as the study and research conducted based on the domestic sources are insufficient in the sense that there is a gap between different perceptions and interpretations. As a conclusion of this study, the excavation area of Myeong-do-jeon is perfectly consistent with the old river area of Gojoseon, and in particular, considering Gojoseon was in the hostile relationship with Yan, it was found that only Myeong-do-jeon was used without using any other Chinese currency in the entire Gojoseon area, not just some areas. It is also a decisive clue to prove that it is not the Yan currency. The limitation of this study in developing the discussion different from the current research and study is that there was a lack of exploration and investigation of various documents and relics. For future research, this study will become more meaningful when it is conducted simultaneously with the discovering of new documents as well as the relics.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.53 no.1
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• pp.106-125
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• 2020

From 1949 to the present day, many Koguryo sites have been excavated, in North Korea. It can also be said that archaeological surveys and studies in North Korea have triggered Koguryo archaeological studies in South Korea. However, since the 1990s, the excavation of Koguryo sites and archaeological research in North Korea has been carried out as an extension of Daedonggang culture. Therefore, these archaeological surveys focused on the Pyongyang and more general northwestern areas of North Korea, and the conclusion was that Koguryo was a powerful nation with a millennium-long history inherited Gojoseon. Beginning in 1945 in North Korea, the archaeological surveys and related systems were organized, and burial mounds, castles, and city remains were excavated under the idea that Koguryo was a millennium-long, strong nation. In addition, archaeological research has been conducted to validate and confirm this belief. On the notion that Koguryo was founded in 277 BCE, it was insisted that the age of the tombs in Pyongyang was increased and Pyongyang took the position as a Vice Capital in the 4^th Century. Recently an excavation of the castle located in Pyongyang supports the idea that Koguryo inherited Gojoseon on a layered basis. However, the archaeological and conceptual grounds for the founding of Koguryo in the 3^rd Century BCE or the succession of Gojoseon and Koguryo were insufficient. As can be seen from the reconstruction of the royal tombs of the Dongmyung and Dangun, the archaeological surveys in North Korea were criticized for their selective discoveries and arbitrary interpretations. This further supports the necessity for joint excavations and academic exchanges between South and North Korea.

• Science of Emotion and Sensibility
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• v.25 no.4
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• pp.3-20
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• 2022

The origins of the world-recognized Korean gat can be traced back to Gojoseon, and the jades for the sangtu and gwanja come from Hongshan culture. This study examines the etymology of the hat, the symbolism of the gat and the jade comb, and the history of the development of the accessories for the hat. The research methods of literature review, investigation of relics and murals, and analysis of cases of pronunciation changes were used. Most of the relics excavated from the Hongshan are identical to those excavated from Korea. The Byun-Khan people wore a triangle-shaped conical hat (the byun), which was shaped to fit the protruding sangtu hairstyle, with a foldable brim that, if pulled downward, changed the hat to a gat. The Chu sangtu, a pointed top-knot hairstyle, is uniquely found among Northeast Asian peoples, and it is an ethnic symbol for Koreans. Until the modern period, many Koreans wore their hair in the sangtu style, indicating their descent from the sky. Jade combs shaped like birds and clouds from the Hongshan period emphasized the religious nature and ceremony of hair styling at that period. The word hat is widely used to refer to gat all over the world. The pronunciation of ㄱg, ㅎh. and ㅋq/kh are closely related to each other, and the ancient pronunciation ㄱg gradually evolved to ㅎh or ㅋq/kh. The English 'Hat' and Korean 'Gat' were transformed from the middle-ancient sound 'gasa > gosa > got' of the crown 'gwan, gokkal'. This creative hair style culture that started from the Hongshan culture continued to be fashionable during the Gojoseon Dangun period, and the decoration techniques for hats and accessories were inherited over time and continuously developed. Along with the method of making gat, creative hair-related parts, such as manggeons, donggot pins, gwanja buttons, and fine combs were developed over the course of a thousand years.

• Korean Journal of Oriental Medicine
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• v.2 no.1
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• pp.1-25
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• 1996

The purpose of this paper is to study the basic medicine of the Gojoseon(古朝鮮) dynasty, especially 5 fields which are the theory of yin-yang(陰陽論), the theory of 5 progressive phasis(五行論), the theory of mind-body(心身論), Seon-gyo(仙敎), acupuncture(鍼術). The theory of yin-yang can be studied in the point of contents of it, not the name of it. Whan-in(桓因) is the god of sky, Woong(熊) is the god of earth. Whan-woong(桓雄), who is the son of Whan-in(桓因), came down from the sky, turned into a man. Woong(熊) lived in the cave, eating garlic and wormwood for 21days, got out of it and turned into a woman. The changes occurred by the mutual aid of Whan-woong and Woong. The theory of 5 progressive phasis can be founded in the archery. The bow and arrow is made of cucumber, horn and ligament of cow, glue made from airbladders of sciaenoid fish, which belong to mock(木). Beejeongbeepal(非丁非八) and make strong one's abdomen(腹實) belong ti soo(水), empty out one's chest(胞虛) belongs to whar(畵), thrusting(前推泰山) belongs to mock(木), shooting(發如虎尾) belongs to geom(金). Basically mind and body have no differance. Mind without body does not exist. Exocism excites the exorcist to the condition of whar(火). There are 3 parts, as treaLment, prevent, regimen, in the medicine. 2 parts as idealism and realism are in regimen. Seon-gyo(仙敎) belongs to the idealism of regimen. In China, is became Taoism(仙敎) later The art of accupunture was developed in the Gulf of pohair(渤海灣).

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.53 no.3
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• pp.184-201
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• 2020

After the liberation of Korea from Japanese colonialism, archeology in South and North Korea took different paths. In particular, archeology in South and North Korea began to show great differences from the 1970s, when the former experienced rapid academic advancement following the evacuation of large-scale relics and the latter began to demonstrate a drastically political nature. North Korea declared 'Daedonggang Culture' in the 1990s, and South and North Korean archeology subsequently became so divorced that the two shared almost no common ideas. This kind of discrepancy is now particularly prominent with regard to the Bronze Age and Iron Age around "Gojoseon". Researchers of prehistoric archeology in South Korea have no choice but to keep referring to North Korean archeology. This is because North Korean resources are the main research subjects for identifying "the origin and descent of culture", which is still one of the most important research topics. However, people cast doubt on their reliability. Such a "two-fold viewpoint" demonstrates how those associated with South Korean archeology perceive their counterparts in North Korea. A large part of the visible "gap" between South and North Korea in terms of Bronze Age archeology comes from "political difference" that cannot be resolved by an increase in survey cases or academic debate. However, examining the trend in prehistoric archeology in North Korea is not aimed at criticizing the political nature of North Korean archeology. The goal is to investigate how the North Korean perspective on the Bronze Age differs from that in South Korea at present and to examine the potential problems in explaining "prehistoric culture in the Korean peninsula" and, furthermore, prehistoric culture in Northeast Asia, by including North Korean resources. This paper examines how Bronze Age-related research trends have evolved in North Korea to date and compares them with those seen in South Korean archeology during the same period.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Rural Architecture
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• v.14 no.4
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• pp.47-54
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• 2012

Since ancient times in Korea, in spite of the ranks of high and low, drink was like a all sorts of human emotions. In particular, the drought, or any weapon except when wages found the ball back to God or to buy a drink to celebrate the sixtieth birthday or marriage and feasting like mails, and the priests or the funeral, such as consciousness raising in this procedure. The country had strict rituals in ceremonial events were thereby is living up to deep. The history of the drink in the history of the past, given that the main grain farming culture has already begun since the era of gojoseon was launched remains to be seen. This has been a long history of traditional attention to clean up and organize the showing to the public hall is a nationally scarce in some areas of that era, or the facility is not large. Therefore, in this study, alcohol-related exhibits and Museum recognizes the reality of the future sake Museum architectural plans: the Foundation provides materials for that purpose.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Clothing and Textiles
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• v.47 no.1
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• pp.191-213
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• 2023

Romans in the fifth and sixth centuries BC referred to the people who brought silk from the Far East via the pre-Han (漢) silk road as "Seres". The Seres' colorful silk was characterized by intricate patterns and high yarn density, markedly different than thin "China silk". This study examined geographic and genealogic records and linguistic evidence and found support for the syllogistic conclusion that the "Seres" were the early Silla people. The Seres' territory in the seventh century BC was much larger than that of the Qin (秦) or Zhou (周), extending from Xinjiang to Balhae. According to literature records, Dong-Yi (東夷) invented Geum (錦) silk in the 11th century BC around Balhae, where silkworm trees were abundant. In the Han dynasty, even thin silk was rare and expensive, but in Gojoseon (古朝鮮), Geum silk was common and less valuable than beads. The Silla delivered surplus Geum silk, fur, and high-quality iron to the West. Linguistic evidence includes historical names for Silla: "Sira," "Saro," and "Sere," as well as records naming King Ruri of Silla "Seri-Ji"; and the replacement of the word "Seres" by the word "Silk" from the Goguryeo word for "yarn winder": "sil-kkury".

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.67
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• pp.259-295
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• 2017

The purpose of this article is to understand Ahn Hwak(1886~1946)'s perception of national history through "History of Joseon Literature" and "History of Joseon Civilization". He presented the 'cultural history' of Joseon from a modern point of view, by exploring the mental and emotional aspects of the Korean people ingrained in the literary works from the various historical periods. He also reconstructed the national history from Gojoseon era to Joseon dynasty as a continuous 'political history'. For him, a nation was not merely a cultural community, but also a political community. His thought was that while 'culture' and 'politics' are dualistic, they should also be viewed as the two sides of the same coin. In "History of Joseon Literature", Ahn emphasized the mental 'Awakening(自覺)' of the nation. 'Awakening' is a process of universal progress in which the mind pursues freedom by freeing itself from the material bondage. In "History of Joseon Civilization", he finds history of 'Autonomy(自治)' as the characteristics of Joseon's 'history of politics'. He believes that Joseon was able evolve into 'self-aware and voluntary civilization' because of the tradition of 'Autonomy', a political system of reflecting and gathering of the will of the people. Through his two books, Ahn Hwak underlines the idea that the national history of Joseon was a history of 'Awakening', from a cultural perspective, and a history of 'Autonomy', from a political point of view. To him, 'Awakening' was a concept focused on the universality of the mind, while 'Autonomy' was a concept that emphasized the uniqueness of a nation. In sum, Ahn Hwak, through his works, tried to combine cultural universality and political identity.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.20 no.12
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• pp.82-94
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• 2020

Images play an important role in the symbolic system as they are connected with imagination through the association of language. Through history, we know that Korean people have been a people of strong spiritual unity and unity for thousands of years. I tried to study how the Korean people's unified mental symbol system was utilized and accomplished through mythological images. Our people are recognized as a people of white clothes because they are connected with white clothes, and modifiers such as the country of the east where the sun does not go down are connected with the sun. The Korean people have been handed down according to the times, such as the son of the sky, the Hongik man, the birch tree and the Gyerim of Silla, as a symbol of the myth of Gojoseon, and do not know when it became a country that loved the sun and whether brightness became a symbol. In relation to the spiritual symbolic system of our nation, the mythical image of Jeju musindo embedded in the shamanist ideology was reinterpreted through the meaning of Roland Bart to provide a basis for the study of the spiritual symbolic system of our nation.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.35
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• pp.255-293
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• 2020

This study examines the God, Jiutian Yingyuan Leisheng Puhua Tianzun (九天應元雷聲普化天尊, 'The Supreme God of the Ninth Heaven, Celestial Worthy of Universal Creation through His Thunderbolt, the Originator with Whom All Beings Resonate' in Daesoon Jinrihoe), in terms of narrative imagination, by investigating the narrative of Wen Zhong (聞仲) in Investiture of the Gods (Fengshenyanyi 封神演義) and the narrative of Kang Jeungsan (姜甑山) in The Canonical Scripture (Jeongyeong 典經). This examination occurs along three dimensions: Firstly, I look into the cultural contexts of the image of the Thunder God (雷神) in Gojoseon (古朝鮮) mythology and the Korean seondo (仙道) tradition both of which are reflected in the narrative of Wen Zhong. At the same time, I also argue that the cultural contexts examined above are able to be found in the narrative of Kang Jeungsan. Secondly, I consider the essential meaning of the concept of "deifying" (封神) in the narrative of Wen Zhong and its connection to "the resolution of grievances" (haewon 解冤) in the narrative of Kang Jeungsan. Thirdly, I consider the traits of embracing heterogeneous things (異類) in the religious group "Jiejiao" (截敎) that Wen Zhong belonged to in relation to the values of "mutual beneficence" (sangsaeng 相生) that Kang Jeungsan pursued. In this study's conclusion, I posit that the "mentalité" of Dong-yi (東夷) culture and tales including Yin (殷) is identifiable in narrative imagination applied to the God, Jiutian Yingyuan Leisheng Puhua Tianzun. This means that the nature of Jiutian Yingyuan Leisheng Puhua Tianzun is closely related to the tradition of Korean seondo and Korean Daoism.