• Maritime Security
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• v.3 no.1
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• pp.141-185
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• 2021

The growing U.S.-China rivalry has placed the countries of Southeast Asia in exceedingly precarious positions. The Republic of Korea (ROK) likewise has been tasked with the challenge of "navigating the waters" between deepening geopolitical divides. It is in this context that the "New Southern Policy" (hereafter NSP) has become a key word in Korea's foreign policy circles. Through NSP, ROK aims to diversify its economic and security interests by strengthening ties with its southern partners, focusing on three key areas (termed as the "3 Ps"): People, Prosperity, and Peace. At the same time, the NSP seeks cooperation with other key diplomatic agendas such as the U.S.'s "Free and Open Indo-Pacific," rendering it crucial for the overall stability of the region. Considering such strategic significance, deeper analysis of the policy is more timely than ever. A brief assessment of the policy's outcome so far, however, reveals that relatively, the "Peace" pillar has been insufficient in achieving satisfactory outcomes. Here, this paper asks the question of: 1) How can the "Peace" pillar of South Korea's New Southern Policy be strengthened? Based on an analysis on the causes of the "Peace" pillar's weakness, this paper identifies counter-piracy cooperation as a solution. This paper then proceeds to answer the next question of: 2) How can ROK and ASEAN cooperate on counter-piracy, and how can these efforts be integrated into ROK's NSP? To answer the above question, this paper conducts in-depth case studies on ASEAN's and ROK's approaches to counter-piracy and identifies specific mechanisms of cooperation. In Chapter I, the paper begins with an overview of the NSP's strategic significance and an evaluation of its "Peace" pillar. Chapter II conducts a literature review on the causes of, and prescriptions for, the weakness of the "Peace" pillar. The paper then justifies why counter-piracy may be a solution. Chapter III examines ASEAN's and ROK's approaches to counter-piracy. By analyzing the general framework and each region's cases, the paper displays the strengths and weaknesses of each region's piracy responses. Based on this analysis, Chapter IV suggests ways to incorporate counter-piracy cooperation into the "Peace" pillar of the NSP. This research bears significance in that it identifies a specific area of cooperation (counter-piracy) to strengthen the "Peace" pillar of ROK's NSP. Such identification is based on a comprehensive study into the two parties' past and current experience in counter-piracy, making it contextual in nature. Furthermore, the study suggests practical mechanisms of cooperation, and considers ways of incorporation into the existing framework of NSP. This approach differs from existing literature that failed to generate case-specific, policy-oriented solutions. The COVID-19 pandemic has exacerbated piracy issues and deepened geopolitical divides. Turbulent seas such as these call for careful navigation. When it comes to promoting "peace," the key lies in combating the pirates that sail those very waters.

• Korean Security Journal
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• no.1
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• pp.283-319
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• 1997

Our society witnesses the rapid progress in the areas of politics, economy, society and culture in the process of national modernization since 1960s, which in turn as a reverse function gets to contract a societic pathology, totally lowering the security level of citizens' lives owing to various violent crimes like hostage commotions and murders with rifles and deadly weapons. what is the main reason for that? That may be partly because the chief police force concentrates on the current situation resulting in the vacuum of the public peace. However, the main reason is that the police fall short of man-power and equipments even if the whole police power were put to use in preventing and quelling the crimes. That is true not only of Korea but also of the advanced countries like the U.S.A., England and Japan. We realize that these advanced countries have higher level of security in every individual's life and property than Korea because their progress of the private guard systems can fill in a vacuum of the shortage of the police power, Therefore, we should without delay internationalize our private guard systems expecting the widely opening of the guard service markets in the age of Uruguay Round. To do this, we need to change our ideas for fostering the policy of the private guard from passive defense ideas into positive aggressive ones. Our police should urgently set up a plan to pursue the orientation of vision that we should dispatch our private guards overseas before foreign guards rush into our markets. Accordingly it goes without saying that the private guard group should distinguish their services from the public services initiating their own theory and strategy of private guard services and also readjust themselves between the public duties and the private services with the study of minimizing the reverse function of the private guard systems. The history criminal justice has always shown that the criminal system progressed at the initiative of the civil factor in case its demand and supply do not make both ends meet. Nevertheless, in the process the power of the government never weakens, rather it is built up in general. In conclusion, the necessity of the build-up of the private guard services must duly be acknowledged by the police as well as by the business which has its unique sphere within the criminal justice instead of as the suplemtary services of the simple the police power on the long-term basis. The purpose of the private guard services can be largely classified into the two categories; first it means the function to prevent the crimes against the citizens and secondly to enhance the national interest as an increasing mammoth business with a worldly competition capacity. The police has an absolute responsibility that they should protect the modem public in general from feeling the crisis of the personal threat, tension, anxiety and nervousness. In short, if we develop the complete private guard system to guarantee the societic atmosphere for all citizens, keep the public peace, and protect all citizens' lives and properties, we will sure enjoy a beautiful land, a wholesome society and a happy life in goodharmony of law and order.

• Journal of International Area Studies (JIAS)
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• v.13 no.1
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• pp.107-133
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• 2009

International relations in the 21st century is featured by boundless competition among nations to secure sufficient energy resources for achieving economic development. Resource diplomacy, therefore, is competitive in its nature, which is derived from the fact that resources of the globe are limited. Chinese recent economic growth has been possible mainly due to its success in resource diplomacy. The Chinese resource diplomacy has shown two different patterns according to target regions. On the one hand, China has pursued multilateral approach to Central Asia region, by which China aimed to secure energy with joint exploration method in the region. Chinese resource diplomacy toward Africa, on the other hand, has been based on bilateral approach combined with unit-centered economic aid to African nations. This difference in Chinese foreign policy pattern seems to be derived from three factors: namely, Chinese strategic considerations on geopolitical condition, regional security sensitivity, and legacies of Chinese long-time non-alignment diplomacy since the 1950s. Whether China is able to maintain the current pattern of resource diplomacy will be depended on how wisely China pursue its relations with two other global powers: Russia in the Central Asia and the U.S. in Africa. In this regard, the Chinese resource diplomacy is expected to work as determining factor of shaping a pattern of tri-lateral strategic relations among the U.S., Russia, and China. Chinese resource diplomacy thus will determine the future direction of the global politics in terms of strategic arrangement.

• Maritime Security
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• v.2 no.1
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• pp.71-123
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• 2021

Seoul is under increasing pressure to choose between the US-led IndoPacific Strategy (IPS) and China's Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). Accordingly, this paper undertakes a detailed appraisal of the IPS and the BRI in the context of Korea's national policy imperatives. Based on a study of network structure by Daniel Nexon and Thomas Wright (2007), the present study seeks to identify a particular network structure within the IPS and the BRI. Through this analysis, the relationship between the core and the participant states will be addressed. Awareness of specific configurations of the IPS and the BRI is important as these reveal what participant states can expect from each network. According to Nexon and Wright, there are four types of network structure: unipolar anarchy, hegemonic order, constitutional order, and imperial order. Based on this, we argue that the IPS has a constitutional order and the BRI has an imperial order. Therefore, we suggest to Seoul that participating in the IPS may make more room for an independent foreign policy than would a BRI partnership with China. South Korea would benefit by participating in the IPS in terms of its national security, striking a favourable regional balance of power.

• Journal of Distribution Science
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• v.11 no.6
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• pp.31-40
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• 2013

Purpose - The Northeast Asian Logistic Hub strategy was established to create a national competitive advantage in northeast Asia. Countries in this region are competing fiercely to become the central base distribution port as the volume of container shipping continues to increase due to the northeast Asian (especially Chinese) economic growth. The primary method by which shippers are improving their customer service and distribution is enhancing profits by minimizing call ports on the key route through strategic affiliations and the use of large vessels. Each nation is planning large-scale investments in the construction of sea ports that can accommodate large vessels. This paper proposes ways by which the logistical strategies of domestic corporations can keep pace with changes in government policy concerning the Northeast Asian Business Hub policy. It examines the logistics system in the Northeast Asian region, analyzes the government's Northeast Asian Business Hub policy, and suggests logistical strategies for domestic corporations through an analysis based on a questionnaire designed to grasp domestic firms' needs and goals. Research design, data and methodology - The purpose of this study is to determine how shipping companies establish partnerships with third-party logistics providers and draws out the implications of the results. The survey methods used were personal interviews and questionnaires distributed to a sample population through e-mail, fax, mail, and telephone. A total of 600 questionnaires were distributed, of which 165 were returned. Among these, ten were excluded due to insufficient content; ultimately, 155 were used for the sample. The statistical data collection process was analyzed through data coating and a statistical package program. Results - This study argues that greater flexibility in policies, administration, and systems will be needed to significantly improve established business practices. In this dissertation, we primarily identify that in order to become a center of northeast Asian logistics, Korea must adopt a new paradigm and abandon the existing systems that are based on the economic and social systems that have stemmed from bureaucracy, inflexibility, chauvinism, and equalitarianism. Flexible policies, administration, and systems will be necessary to improve business practices. Domestic corporations must establish a strategic logistics hub and related network while simultaneously pursuing value-added logistics businesses by increasing their manpower and building a logistics information system. This will strengthen their competitive edge and lead to system improvements. Conclusions - Domestic corporations must adopt a new paradigm and use more reasonable business laws, systems, and policies that are based on market-driven flexibility and transparency. Moreover, social norms and regulations should be established to help ensure political and social security. Korea must also develop a culture of tolerance for foreign companies. Finally, the paradigm defining the policy governing the development of the capital city and its satellite cities in this context must be changed.

• Journal of Arbitration Studies
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• v.17 no.2
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• pp.101-124
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• 2007

The legal systems and open-door policies to foreign affairs in North Korea have been followed by those of China. Whereas an arbitration system of South Korea accepted most parts of UNCITRAL Model Law, North Korea has succeeded to an arbitration system of a socialist country. China, under the arbitration system of socialist country, enacted an arbitration act reflected from UNCITRAL Model Law for keeping face with international trends. We have used these three arbitration system as a tool for analyzing an arbitration system in North Korea. With an open-door policy, North Korea and China enacted an arbitration act to provide a legal security. Therefore, the core parts of arbitration system in North Korea and China are based on a socialist system while those of South Korea is on liberalism. So, North Korea and China enacted an arbitration act on the basis of institutional arbitration, on the other side, South Korea is based on ad-hoc arbitration. Because of these characters, in terms of party autonomy, it is recognized with the order as South Korea, China and North Korea. Also North Korea enacted separate 'Foreign Economic Arbitration Act' to resolve disputes arising out of foreign economies including commercial things and investments. There are differences in arbitration procedures and appointment of arbitrators : South Korea recognizes parties' autonomy, however parties should follow the arbitration rules of arbitration institutes in North Korea and China. According to an appointment of arbitrators, if parties fail to appoint co-arbitrators or chief arbitrators by a mutual agreement, the court has the right to appoint them. In case of following KCAB's rules, KCAB secretariats take a scoring system by providing a list of candidates. A party has to appoint arbitrators out of the lists provided by arbitration board(or committee) in North Korea. If a party may fail to appoint a chief arbitrator, President of International Trade Arbitration Board(or Committee) may appoint it. In China, if parties fail to appoint a co-arbitrator or a chief arbitrator by a mutual agreement, Secretary general will decide it. If a arbitral tribunal fails to give a final award by a majority decision, a chief arbitrator has the right for a final decision making. These arbitration systems in North Korea and China are one of concerns that our companies take into account in conducting arbitration procedures inside China. It is only possible for a party to enforce a final arbitral award when he applies an arbitration inside North Korea according to International Trade Arbitration Act because North Korea has not joined the New York Convention. It's doubtful that a party might be treated very fairly in arbitration procedures in North Korea because International Trade Promotion Commission controls(or exercises its rights against) International Trade Arbitration Commission(or Board).

• Korean Security Journal
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• no.18
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• pp.169-190
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• 2009

Today, the rapid advance of scientific technologies has brought about fundamental changes to the types and levels of terrorism while the war against the world more than one thousand small and big terrorists and crime organizations has already begun. A method highly likely to be employed by terrorist groups that are using 21st Century state of the art technology is cyber terrorism. In many instances, things that you could only imagine in reality could be made possible in the cyber space. An easy example would be to randomly alter a letter in the blood type of a terrorism subject in the health care data system, which could inflict harm to subjects and impact the overturning of the opponent's system or regime. The CIH Virus Crisis which occurred on April 26, 1999 had significant implications in various aspects. A virus program made of just a few lines by Taiwanese college students without any specific objective ended up spreading widely throughout the Internet, causing damage to 30,000 PCs in Korea and over 2 billion won in monetary damages in repairs and data recovery. Despite of such risks of cyber terrorism, a great number of Korean sites are employing loose security measures. In fact, there are many cases where a company with millions of subscribers has very slackened security systems. A nationwide preparation for cyber terrorism is called for. In this context, this research will analyze the current status of Korea's cyber security systems and its laws from a policy perspective, and move on to propose improvement strategies. This research suggests the following solutions. First, the National Cyber Security Management Act should be passed to have its effectiveness as the national cyber security management regulation. With the Act's establishment, a more efficient and proactive response to cyber security management will be made possible within a nationwide cyber security framework, and define its relationship with other related laws. The newly passed National Cyber Security Management Act will eliminate inefficiencies that are caused by functional redundancies dispersed across individual sectors in current legislation. Second, to ensure efficient nationwide cyber security management, national cyber security standards and models should be proposed; while at the same time a national cyber security management organizational structure should be established to implement national cyber security policies at each government-agencies and social-components. The National Cyber Security Center must serve as the comprehensive collection, analysis and processing point for national cyber crisis related information, oversee each government agency, and build collaborative relations with the private sector. Also, national and comprehensive response system in which both the private and public sectors participate should be set up, for advance detection and prevention of cyber crisis risks and for a consolidated and timely response using national resources in times of crisis.

• International Area Studies Review
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• v.15 no.2
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• pp.403-425
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• 2011

Canada became the first OECD/DAC member state that legislated the ODA Accountability Act in 2008, which prescribe Canada ODA policies to meet the guidelines and norms of international human rights while other OECD/DAC member states was just emphasizing the importance of abiding by the international human rights norms. Paying attention to the Canadian case, this article critically examines under what structural environments and process this Act was passed. This article argues that the legislation of the ODA Accountability Act is closely related with Canada's international position as middle power and diplomatic strategies. Bring up the human security issues as a niche market, Canada demonstrates the characteristics of middle power state by emphasizing human rights agenda as new foreign policy strategies. Reflecting on the negative outcomes from neoliberal aid policy of structural adjustment and promoting the new aid norms in post cold war era would also help foster the enabling environment for the value-oriented aid policies and enactment of the Accountability Act. Civil society organizations were also playing catalyst role in constructing Canada's state identity of human rights defender.

• Analyses & Alternatives
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• v.4 no.1
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• pp.63-87
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• 2020

This article not only theoretically explores the necessity and effect of constructive minilateralism and subregionalism in Northeast Asia, but also delves into a series of practical solutions from viewpoint of seeking common ground while reserving differences in this region. The main contents are as follows: First, the various obstacles that hinder the formation of regionalism, subregionalism and minilateralism in the Northeast Asia are discussed. That is to say, geopolitical realism, My Country First ideology, exclusive nationalism in the socio-historical context, and North Korea's latest provocations, etc. Second, this article explores the philosophy and basic principles of realizing Northeast Asia regionalism and minilateralism. Third, in the 21st century, Northeast Asia becomes the center of the world. It examines the core points, controversial focus and platform for building sub regionalism in the region. Finally, based on the institutional platform such as minilateralism and sub regionalism, the various ideas and practical plans of cross-border cooperation among major countries in Northeast Asia were discussed. Because there are a lot of obstacles, so first of all it is more appropriate to promote economic or functional minilateralism or sub regionalism than multilateral cooperation. In order to promote the formation of regionalism and minilateralism in Northeast Asia, the issues to be considered are as follows: First, for the sake of leading regional solidarity and minilateral economic cooperation, it is advisable for China, as a regional economic power, to implement a stable and responsible diplomacy. Secondly, regional solidarity based on credible politics and security should be promoted for a long time beyond the level of economic cooperation. Third, the primary prerequisite for the realization of Northeast Asian regionalism is that in the process of denuclearization of North Korea, the stability and peace mechanism of the Korean Peninsula should be established. Fourth, with the continued hegemonic competition between the United States and China in Northeast Asia, under the circumstance that countries in the region are pushed into so-called "East Asian Paradox", it is profoundly important for them to consider transition from the hostile relationship as the "Thucydides trap" to the order of "coexistence" in which competition and cooperation run side by side, and the two countries should explore a conversion plan for the foreign policy line. This mutual cooperation and peaceful coexistence of the US-China relationship will create a friendly atmosphere for the formation of regionalism in Northeast Asia. In the future, the cooperation of minilateralism in Northeast Asia will break the existing conflict between the maritime forces and the continental forces in order to promote peace. And along with the philosophy that "peace is economy", recent policies of common prosperity as the framework, such as China's "Belt and Road Initiative", North Korea's "Special Zone and Development Zone Policy", Russia's "New Eastern Policy", Japan's participation in the Belt and Road Initiative and South Korea's The "Korean Peninsula New Economy Map" are organically linked and it should promote the so-called "networked regionalism".

• Journal of Digital Convergence
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• v.9 no.4
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• pp.245-252
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• 2011

This study review about smart work to appear the use of smart device, and find the management plan for activating of smart work. Our national's smart work that is the best internet environment in worldwide fall behind foreign country. This study offers for the activating strategies of smart work. Fist, it is to change perception about smart work. Second, it should be clear up legal definition and category of smart-work. Third, it is that tighten up security of smart equipment. It is hard to achieve effects, as long as we get used to face-to-face work processing. Based on accurate perception about smart work on both employees and manager, this study suggest that it is important to change perception and to make actively use of smart work.